Lancaster  County  Indians 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN 
TRIBES  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNA  TERRITORY  FROM 
ABOUT  THE  YEAR  1500  TO  1763,  THE  DATE 
OF  THEIR  EXTINCTION 


AM  EXHAUSTIVE  AND  INTERESTING  SERIES  OF  HISTORICAL  PAPERS  DESCRIPTIVE 

OF  LANCASTER  COUNTY'S  INDIANS  PRIOR  TO  AND  DURING 

THE  ADVENT  OF  THE  PALEFACE 


BY 


H.  FRANK  ESHLEMAN,  B.E.,  M.E..LL.B. 

MEMBER    OF    THE   LANCASTER    BAR;    MEMBER   OF    LANCASTER    COUNTY    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

MEMBER    OF   PENNSYLVANIA    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY    OF   PHILADELPHIA;      MEMBER 

OF    PENNSYLVANIA    HISTORY    CLUB   OF    PHILADELPHIA 


1908 

LANCASTER,  PENNA 


E72 
PfE8 


Copyright  1909 

By  H.  Frank  Eshleman,  Esq., 

Lancaster,  Penna. 

550  Copies  Issued 


PRINTED  BY  THE 

EXPRESS  PRINTING  CO. 

LITITZ.   PA. 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND  OTHER 
LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIANS. 

PART  I. 


Earliest    Established     Appearance    of 

Indians  on  Susquehanna — Where 

They  Came  From. 

Gordon  in  his  history  of  Pennsyl- 
vania page  44  says,  "After  many  ages, 
the  enterprising  hunters  of  the  Le- 
nape  crossed  the  Allegheny  moun- 
tains, and  discovered  the  great  rivers, 
Susquehanna  and  Delaware,  and  their 
bays."  They  came  from  the  west. 
Nearly  all  writers  agree  that  all  the 
Indians  between  Canada  and  Virginia 
came  from  the  Lenape  and  the  Menqui 
or  Mengwe.  Heckwelder  says  in  his 
"History,  Manners  and  Customs  of 
the  Indian  nations,"  page  50:  "For  a 
long  period  of  time,  some  say  hun- 
dreds of  years,  the  two  Indian  nations 
Lenape  and  Mengwe  resided  peace- 
ably about  the  great  Lakes  and  Alle- 
gheny, and  they  came  down  and 
discovered  first  the  Susquehanna  and 
then  the  Delaware."  Gordon,  page 
43  says,  (giving  credit  to  Heckeweld- 
er)  that  the  Indians  themselves,  "re- 
late that  many  centuries  past,  their 
ancestors  dwelt  in  the  far  western 
wilds  of  the  American  continent" — 
that  after  many  years  they  arrived  at 
the  Mississippi,  where  they  fell  in 
with  the  Mengwe,  who  were  also  on 
this  river  nearer  its  source.  The 
spies  of  the  Lenape,  reported  the 
country  on  the  east  of  the  Mississippi 


to  be  inhabited  by  a  powerful  nation 
living  in  towns  on  the  great  rivers." 
This  people,  tall  and  stout,  some  of 
gigantic  mould,  were  called  Allegewi, 
and  their  own  towns  were  defended 
by  fortifications.  The  Lenape  asked 
permission  to  settle  among  them.  This 
was  refused  but  they  were  allowed  to 
pass  and  go  farther  east.  But  while 
I  they      were    passing    there    being     so 


many  of  them,   the  Allegewi   stopped 


them.  Then  the  Lenape  and  the  Men- 
gwe went  together  and  whipped  the 
Allegewi  and  took  all  the  country 
east  of  the  Mississippi  and  north  of 
Virginia,  after  a  war  of  many  years. 
The  Mengwe  then  took  the  northern 
part  of  the  conquered  country  and  the 
Lenape  the  southern.  This  is  the 
story  the  Lenape  tell  as  related  by 
Gordon  and  Heckewelder.         i 

These  Lenape,  according  to  their 
j  own  story  then  say  after  they  be- 
I  came  established  in  the  east  they  di- 
vided themselves  into  three  tribes — 
the  Turtle— the  Turkey  Tribe  and  the 
Wolf  Tribe.  The  first  settled  on  the 
coast  from  Hudson  to  Potomac  Rivers. 
The  other,  the  Wolf  tribe  settled  in- 
land on  the  Susquehanna,  because 
they  were  warlike  and  formed  a  bar- 
rier between  the  coast  tribes  of  the 
Lenape  and  the  Mengwe  on  the  west 
who  had  become  enemies  of  all  Le- 
nape by  this  time.    Gordon  says,  page 


M119816 


AXXALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AXD 


45,  that  the  Wolf  tribe  of  the  Lenape  I 
called  by   the  English  Minsi   or  Moncey  j 
Indians,  extended  as   far  vest  as  the  \ 
hills  known  as  the  Lehigh  and  Cone- 
wago     Hills  in  Pennsylvania,   (p.  45).  | 
This   migration   according  to  the   au-  I 
thorities   and   the   Indians'   own   story 
extended  over  many  centuries,  so  that  j 
they  reached  and  discovered  the  Sus-  : 
quehanna  likely  before  the  discovery 
of     America.       The     Susquehannocks, 
Xanticokes,     the     Shackamaxons,     the  | 
Shawnese,    and    several    other    tribes, 
Gordon  says,  came  from     this     Wolf 
tribe  of  the  Lenape.   (p.  56.) 

The  committee  of     archaeology     of 
the    Dauphin   Historical    Society    in    a 
pamphlet  on  the  Lower  Susquehanna 
called    "Contributions   to    Indian   His-  I 
tory  of  the  Lower  Susquehanna  Val- 
ley,"  in   1898   made   a   report  to   that  \ 
Society   full   of  interesting  matter  on  '' 
the  origin   of  our  Indians,  and  in   it, 
page  39,  they  say,  "Prior  to  1600  but  I 
how   long   before   is   not  known,     the 
Susquehannocks     were     seated     upon  ! 
that  river,  from  which  they  have  de-  j 
rived  their  name."     The  pamphlet  al-  I 
so  sets  forth  that  before  the  Susque-  j 
hannocks   settled   on   the   river,   "they 
came  into  collision  with  the  Mohawks 
the  most  easterly  of  the  Iroquois,  and  j 
in  a  war  lasting  ten  years  nearly  ex- 
terminated  them."  The  same  pamphlet  | 
says  that  John   Smith  found  them  in  | 
war  with  the  Mohawks  when  he  met  | 
them    in    1608    (p.    39.)       The    Jesuit 
Fathers,   the   minutes   and    records   of 
whose     discoveries     in     America     are 
now    collected    and    compiled    into    a 
work   of  seventy-two  volumes,    called  j 
the   "Jesuit   Relations,"   also   give   ac-  i 
counts    of  the   wars   these,   now    Sus- 
quehannocks,    went     through     before 
they    settled    on    Susquehanna    River 
in  the  dim  past.     The  Dauphin  County 
pamphlet    also    speaks    of   this    (page 
39,)    but   the    exact    quotations    them- 
selves from  the  Jesuits  will  be  given 
later. 


These  earliest  Susquehannock  In- 
dians were  cannibals  to  some  extent. 
Heckewelder  tells  us,  page  55,  "At 
one  time  they  did  eat  human  flesh. 
And  at  one  time  they  ate  up  a  whole 
body  of  the  French  King's  soldiers; 
and  they  said  human  flesh  tastes  like 
bear's  meat."  They  say  the  human 
hand  is  bitter  meat  and  not  good  to 
eat,  like  the  other  parts  of  a  person. 
The  Susquehannocks  remained  more 
or  less  cannibal  up  to  1666,  when  Geo. 
Alsop  writes  that  at  that  date  he 
knew  of  them  eating  their  enemies 
whom  they  took  in  war. 

Thus  much  for  the  earliest  ac- 
counts of  our  Susquehanna  country 
Indians.  This  description  is  more  or 
less  vague,  from  the  misty  knowledge 
of  them  at  this  date;  but  all  follow- 
ing discussions  will  be  supported  by 
definite  citation. 

1600— Ancient  Indian  Rock    Pictures. 

Very  early  in  the  history  of  the  In- 
dians on  the  Susquehanna,  perhaps 
before  the  year  1600,  or  may  be  be- 
fore the  discovery  of  America,  the  In- 
dians living  on  that  river,  cut  a  lot 
of  strange  and  grotesque  pictures  up- 
on the  rocks  in  the  river,  near  Safe 
Harbor  and  also  near  Washington 
borough.  They  seem  to  have  been 
cut,  during  the  same  age  or  epoch; 
and  all  of  them  seem  to  represent  the 
same  system  of  ideas.  Some  of  them 
are  much  deeper  than  others,  but  that 
seems  to  be  because  they  have  been 
less  exposed  to  wasting  forces.  The 
lines  of  some  are  nearly  a  quarter  of 
an  inch  deep,  while  others  are  scarce- 
ly visible.  The  main  rocks  in  the 
river  so  decorated  are  "Big  Indian 
Rock"  and  "Little  Indian  Rock,"  both 
a  few  hundred  yards  below  Safe 
Harbor.  There  are  many  rocks  so 
carved  however.  The  pictures  chis- 
seled  in  these  rocks  are  birds  with 
elaborate  wings,  called  the  'thunder 
bird,'       quadruped — animals,     sinuous 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


snakes,  rude  outlines  of  trees,  coiled  I 
and  star  shaped  representations,  and  j 
also  individual  men,  some  seated,  ; 
some  standing,  some  thin  and  one  or  j 
two  very  fat.  The  thin  and  the  fat  men 
are  seated,  but  there  are  no  masses  or 
groups  of  men,  in  military  array,  or 
representations  of  battle  that  I  re- 
member. Those  pictures  were  there 
before  Penn's  time,  and  the  Indians 
of  Penn's  time,  seem  not  to  have 
any  knowledge  of  their  origin.  All 
antiquarians  seem  to  be  at  a  loss  to 
interpret  these  pictures,  while  those 
on  rocks  in  the  central  and  western 
states  are  to  a  great  extent  decipher- 
ed. However  it  has  been  supposed  ! 
that  the  jolly  looking,  fat  and  content- 
ed Indian,  pictured  sitting  on  the  end 
of  the  Indian  rock  nearest  Lancaster 
side,  pointing  up  the  valley  of  Jthe 
Conestoga,  is  meant  to  represent  that 
up  that  valley  is  a  land  of  great 
plenty,  while  the  thin,  starved  and 
bony  savage  pictured  sitting  on  the 
end  of  the  rock  nearest  York 
county  toward  which  this  Indian  is 
pointing,  is  meant  to  represent  that 
a  very  scant  living  is  to  be  found 
there.  This  of  course  is  not  fair  to 
York  county  today,  with  her  hustling 
citv  fast  taking  her  place  next  to 
Pittsburg.  Thus  it  is  supposed  the 
purpose  of  the  pictures  was  to  be 
guides  and  a  system  of  information 
to  allied  tribes,  rather  than  the  per- 
petuation of  history. 

The  United  States  reports  on  Eth- 
nology for  the  year  1882  to  1883,  page 
47,  tell  us  that  these  Lancaster  county 
Indian  rock-pictures  are  of  Algon- 
quin origin,  and  not  Iroquois,  and 
therefore  they  may  have  been  made 
by  Indians  from  the  south,  who  per- 
haps were  in  this  region  and  fled  out 
of  it,  when  these  hardy  ancestors  of 
the  Susquehannocks,  of  whom  we 
spoke  in  the  preceding  pages,  came 
pouring  down  from  the  Mississippi 
and  Lake  Region  and  Northwest  gen- 


erally.    Powhatan's   Indians   we   shall 
see   were   Algonquins,     in     Virginia; 
and  Capt.   Smith,   as   we   shall   notice 
in   later   discussions    says,   they   were 
mortally    afraid   of     the     Susquehan- 
nocks,    who     were     of   the    Iroquois 
stock,   and   also   received     the     white 
men  in  entirely  different  fashion.  The 
best  authority  on  these  rock  pictures 
of  Susquehanna  whom  I  know,  is  Mr. 
D.  H.  Landis,  of  Manor  township,  who 
has  given  much  study  to  the  subject. 
1600— Earliest  Known  Trading  of  the 
Susquehanna  Indians. 
In    a    phamphlet,    called   "Early    In- 
dian    History     of     Susquehanna,"     by 
|  A.    L.    Guss,   found    in   the    library    of 
the  Historical  Society  at  Philadelphia 
,  the    author    says     at     page     12,     "The 
!  Susquehannocks     were     one     of     the 
Minqua   tribes,   and   they   had   treated 
with    the    French    about    New    York 
I  Bay.     A  sale   of   St? ten   Island  to  the 
;  Dutch   contains   the   signature   of  one 
!  of  the  Minqua  Sachemachs    (or  chief- 
tains). 
1603— Susquehannock   Trade   on   St. 
Lawrence. 
About  1603  the  French  were  active 
;  in  the  fur  trade  about  St.  Lawrence. 
I  Further   proving   this  early  intercourse 
!  and    trade    between    the    French     and 
!  Susquehannocks,  Mr.  Guss  says   on  the 
!  same  page,  "The  iron  hatchets  which 
Smith    (in  1608)    found  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  Tockwocks   (that  is  Nan- 
jticokes)    they  informed  him  they  had 
received    from    the    Susquehannocks; 
■  and  they  in  turn,  Smith  says,  inform- 
I  ed    him    that    'from    the    French    they 
had  their  hatchets.'     Thus  some  years 
before  1608  the  Susquehannocks  were 
in      commercial    intercourse    with   the 
|  French."  And  again  this  same  author 
!  at    the    same    page    says,    "The    Sus- 
I  quehannocks  were  a  ruling  tribe  and 
j  forced  trade  privileges  from  other  In- 
i  dian     tribes.       Powhatan     gave     this 
|  fierce   and   mighty    nation   the  name  cf 
j  the   Pocoughtronack    Indians. 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Therefore  it  seems  clear  from  the 
evidences  now  found  that  these 
mighty  Susquehannocks,  were  seated 
or  roaming  about  and  between  the 
Susquehanna  and  Hudson  rivers,  and 
indeed  up  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  sev- 
eral scores  of  years  before  the  first 
settlement  at  Jamestown;  that  they 
some  years  before  that  settle- 
ment, were  in  trade  relations  with 
the  discoverers  and  -  explorers,  the 
French  and  others  who  were  navigat- 
ing along  these  northern  Atlantic 
Coasts.  These  Susquehannocks  also 
mention  the  early  Dutch  and  it  is  not 
unlikely  that  they  met  and  dealt  with 
those  Dutch  navigators,  who  as  we 
are  told,  page  1,  of  Hazard's  Annals, 
'•first  frequented  the  coast  of  New 
Netherlands,  situate  in  America,  be- 
tween Virginia  and  New  England,  in 
the  year  1598."  This  will  suffice  to 
show,  upon  definite  historical  proofs, 
that  over  300  years  ago,  the  mighty 
Susquehannocks  dominated  the  coast 
lands  and  inlands,  from  the  Susque- 
hanna at  least  to  the  Hudson  river; 
that  they  were  numerous  and  power- 
ful; and  exerted  both  military  and 
commercial  supremacy. 
1607 — Captain  John  Smith's  Histori- 
cal  Works    Touching   Susquehanna. 

John  Smith  wrote  several  histori- 
cal works,  covering  several  parts  of 
America.  The  first  was  "A  True  Re- 
lation" (Narration) — then  a  "Map  of 
Virginia" — then  a  "Description  of 
New  England" — then  the  "General 
History  of  Virginia" — then  "  New 
England  Trials" — then  "True  Trav- 
els" and  later  several  others.  The 
three  which  concern  our  Susque- 
hanna country  are  the  True  Rela- 
tion— the  Map  of  Virginia  and  the 
General  History  of  Virginia. 
"The  True  Relation  of   Occurrences." 

The  complete  title  of  this  book  is 
"A  True  Relation  of  such  occurrences 
and    Accidents   of   Note    as    has    Hap- 


pened in  Virginia  since  the  first 
Planting  of  the  Colony  which  is  now 
Resident  in  the  South  part  Thereof." 
A.  L.  Guss  whom  I  have  mentioned 
before,  in  discussing  this  book  says, 
page  4,  "The  True  Relation  was 
written  and  sent  to  England  the  very 
day  Smith  set  sail  up  the  Chesapeake 
on  his  trip.  It  contains  no  informa- 
tion of  what  was  learned  during  the 
two  Chesapeake  voyages;  yet  it  con- 
tains passages  of  great  interest  re- 
lating to  Susquehanna  Indian  affairs 
as  given  by  Powhatan  the  year  pre- 
vious." Also  page  9,  he  says  the 
same.  Mr.  Guss  also  says  page  9, 
"What  Smith  wrote  in  the  True  Re- 
lation was  never  incorporated  into 
Smith's  later  writings,  though  it  is 
the  most  reliable  of  all  the  historical 
matter  published  over  the  name  of 
Smith." 

In  this  book  the  "True  Relation" 
Smith  tells  of  a  conference  he  had 
with  King  Powhatan,  and  the  King 
asked  Smith  why  he  went  so  far  with 
his  boats;  (Smith  had  gone  up  the 
Potomac  River  without  consent)  and 
Smith  said  those  Monocan  Indians, 
had  killed  a  relation  of  his  (Smith's) 
and  he  knew  they  were  Powhatan's 
enemies,  and  he  was  after  them. 
This  he  did  to  induce  Powhatan  to 
tell  him  more  about  the  various 
tribes    (True   Relation   p.   35). 

This   brought   the   result   Smith   de- 
sired, and  in  the  same  book  he  says, 
"After  great  deliberation  he  began  to 
discourse     and     describe     to    me     the 
country  beyond  the  Falls  with  many 
j  of  the  rest  not  only  what  another  In- 
!  dian    before    had    told    me    but    of    a 
!  country  which  he  said  some  called  it 
|  five    days,    some    six    and    some    eight 
i  where  the  waters  dashed    among    many 
I  stones    and    rocks    which    caused    oft- 
j  times  ye  head  of  ye  river  to  be  brack- 
|  ish.       He     also     described     upon  the 
i  same    sea    or    river    a   mighty    nation 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY    IDNIAN    TRIBES 


called  Pacoughtronack  (Susquehan- 
nocks,  see  p.  5),  a  fierce  nation  which 
did  eat  men  and  warred  with  the 
people  of  Moyaoncer  and  Patero- 
merke  nations  upon  the  top  or  the 
head  of  the  bay  under  his  territories 
where  the  year  before  they  had  slain 
an  hundred.  He  signified  ther  crowns 
were  shaven,  long  hair  in  the  neck, 
tied  in  a  knoe,  (knot),  with  swords 
like  poll  axes. 

Guss  page  11  of  his  pamphlet  says 
(and  he  is  undoubtedly  right)  "this 
last  tribe  was  the  Susquehannocks, 
whom  Smith  at  this  time  had  not  yet 
met."  Mr.Guss  also  says  they  were  re- 
ported to  be  cannibals,  which  charge 
is  often  made  against  them  in  com- 
mon with  the  Iroquois  tribes.  This 
is  about  all  there  is  in  the  True  Re- 
lation, touching  on  the  Susquehan- 
nocks. What  Smith  learned  from 
Powhatan  was  of  more  value  to  him 
than  to  historians  of  our  day. 
1608— The   General   Historie   of 

Virginia. 
I  have  copied  from  this  work  of 
Smith  all  that  in  any  way  bears  upon 
our  Susquehanna  Indians.  And  that 
in  the  whole  is  only  a  few  pages. 
Therefore,  I  shall  give  it  in  full  and 
verbatim  in  these  annals.  Smith 
made  two  journeys  up  the  Chesa- 
peake and  about  Lower  Susque- 
hanna to  learn  of  this  country  and 
its  wild  inhabitants.  The  general 
history  consists  of  two  volumes. 

Vol.  1,  page  114  he  says  of  this 
Chesapeake  and  Susquehanna  coun- 
try. "It  has  prerogative  over  the 
most  pleasant  places  known,  for 
large  and  pleasant  navigable  rivers 
and  heaven  and  earth  never  better 
agreed  to  frame  a  place  for  man's 
habitation.  From  the  bead  of  the 
bay  to  the  Northwest  the  land  is 
mountainous;  at  the  head  of  the  bay 
the  rocks  are  of  a  composition  like 
mill  stones— some  of  marble,"  etc. 
Then  page  118  he  says,  "At  the  end 


of  the  bay  where  it  is  isx  or  seven 
miles  in  width  it  divides  itself  into 
four  branches,  the  best  cometh  north- 
west, from  among  the  mountains;  but 
though  canoes  may  go  a  day  or  two 
journey  up  it  we  could  not  get  up  it 
two  myles  with  our  boat  for  rocks. 
Upon  it  is  seated  the  Susquehannocks 
— near  it  the  north  and  by  west  run- 
neth a  creek  a  mile  and  a  half  wide 
— at  the  head  whereof  the  ebbe  (ebb) 
left  us  on  shore  where  we  found 
many  trees  cut  with  hatchets.  The 
next  tyde,  keeping  the  shore  to  seek 
for  some  savages  (for  within  30 
leagues  sayling  we  saw  not  any 
being  a  barren  country)  we  went  up 
another  small  river — like  a  creek  six 
or  seven  myles.  From  thence  return- 
ing we  met  6  or  7  canoes  of  Massa- 
wokes  (Mohawks)  with  whom  we  had 
signs.  The  next  day  we  discovered  the 
small  river  and  people  of  Tockwock 
trending   eastward." 

Concerning  this  Tockwock  country 
page  120  he  says,  "On  the  east  side 
of  the  bay  is  the  river  Tockwock  and 
upon  it  a  people  that  can  make  one 
hundred  men  seated  some  seven  my- 
les within  the  river  where  they  have 
a  fort  very  well  palisaded  and  man- 
telled  with  bark  of  trees." 

Also  page  121  concernig  his  Mappe 
of  Virginia,  of  which  we  shall  speak 
later  he  says,  "Observe  that  as  far 
as  you  see  little  crosses  on  the  rivers, 
mountains  or  other  places  have  been 
discovered;  the  rest  was  had  by  in- 
formation of  the  savages  and  are  set 
down  according  to  their  instruc- 
tions." 

1608— Smith  Stranded  in  the  Susque- 
hanna. 
Captain  Smith,  page  119  of  Vol.  1, 
General  History,  says,  "Having  lost 
our  grapnell  among  the  rocks  of  Sus- 
quehanna, we  were  then  two  hundred 
miles  from  home  and  our  barge  about 
two  tons,  had  in  it  about  12  men  to 
perform   this    discovery   where   in   we 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


lay  about  12  weeks  upon  those  great 
waters.  What  I  did  with  these  small 
means  I  leave  to  the  reader  to  judge 
and  the  map  I  made  of  the  country, 
which  is  but  a  small  matter  in  re- 
gard of  the  magnitude  thereof. 

"But  to  proceed,  sixty  of  those 
Susquehannocks  came  to  visit  us, 
with  bows,  arrows,  targets,  beads, 
swords  and  tobacco  pipes  for  pre- 
sents. Such  great  and  well  propor- 
tioned men  are  seldom  seen;  they 
seemed  like  giants  to  the  English, 
yea  and  to  the  neighbors;  yet  seem- 
ed of  an  honest  and  simple  disposi- 
tion, with  much  adieu  restrained  from 
adoring  us  as  gods.  Those  are  the 
strangest  peoples  of  all  those  coun- 
tries, both  in  language  and  attire;  for 
their  language  may  well  beseem  their 
proportions,  it  sounding  from  them  as 
a  voice  in  a  vault.  Their  attire  is  the 
skins  of  bears  and  wolves,  some  have 
cassocks  made  of  bear's  head  and 
skin  that  a  man's  head  goes  through, 
the  skin's  neck  and  ears  of  the  bear 
fastened  to  his  shoulders  and  the 
nose  and  teeth  hanging  down  his 
breast;  another  bear's  face  split  be- 
hind him  and  at  the  end  of  the  nose 
hung  a   paw. 

"The  half  sleeves  coming  to  the  el- 
bows, were  the  necks  of  bears;  and 
the  arms  through  the  mouth,  with 
paws  hanging  at  their  noses.  One 
had  the  head  of  a  wolf  hanging  in 
a  chain  for  a  jewel;  his  tobacco  pipe 
three-quarters  of  a  yard  long  prettily 
carved  with  a  bird,  a  deer  or  some 
such  device,  at  a  great  end,  sufficient 
enough  to  beat  out  one's  brains; 
with  bows,  arrows  and  clubs  suit- 
able to  their  greatness.  These  are 
scarce   known   to   Powhatan." 

Page  120  he  says,  "They  can  make 
neare  600  able  men  and  are  pallisaded 
in  their  towns  to  defend  them  from 
the  Massawomekes,  their  mortal 
enemies.       Five   of   their   chief   wero- 


wances  came  aboard  us  and  crossed 
the  bay  in  our  barge.  The  picture 
of  the  greatness  of  them  is  signified 
on  the  map;  the  calves  of  whose  legs 
were  three-quarters  yard  round  and 
all  the  rest  of  his  limbs  so  ansewer- 
able  to  that  proportion  that  he  seem- 
ed the  goodliest  man  we  ever  beheld. 
His  hair  on  the  one  side  was  long, 
the  other  shore  close,  with  a  ridge 
over  his  crown  like  a  cock's  comb. 
His  arrows  were  five  quarters  yard 
long  headed  with  splinters  of  a  white 
crystal-like  stone  in  form  of  a  heart 
an  inch  broad  and  an  inch  and  a 
half  or  more  long.  These  he  wore 
in  wolves'  skins  at  his  back  for  his 
quiver,  his  bow  in  one  hand  and  his 
club  in  the  other  as  described  in 
the  picture."  (In  G.  Hills  and  Co.'s 
book  "Events  in  Indian  History," 
published  in  Lancaster  in  1841,  page 
82  tells  us  that  "Werowance"  is  a 
i  Powhatan  term  of  the  same  signifi- 
|  cance  as  'Sachem'  or  'Chief  of  the 
i  northern    tribes)." 

Page  129  Smith  says  of  the  Indian 
|  tribes     in     this     neighborhood,      "The 
|  land  is  not  populous,  for  the  men  are 
i  few.     Within    sixty    miles    of    James- 
j  town,    there    are    some    5,000    people, 
;  but   of   able   men   fit   for    their    warre 
scarce   1,500.     The   people   differ   very 
much  in  stature,  some  very  great  as 
the   Susquehannocks,   others   very   lit- 
tle as  the  Wichcocomocoes.     The   In- 
dians   are    of    a    brown    color    when 
they    are    of    any    age;    but    they    are 
born   white.     Their   hair   generally   is 
black;   but  very  few  have  any  beards. 
The     men     wear     half     their    heads 
I  shaven,  the  other  half  long.  For  bar- 
I  bers  they  use  their  women,  who  with 
two   shells   will   grate   away   the   hair 
of    any    fashion    they    please.        The 
women's  are  cut  in  any  fashion  agree- 
able to  them  but  ever  some  part  re- 
maineth    long.       In    each      ear      they 
commonly    have     three     great     holes 
whereat   they    hang    chains,    bracelets 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


or  copper.  Some  of  the  men  wear  in 
these  holes  a  small  green  and  yellow 
colored  snake,  near  half  a  yard  in 
length,  which  crawling  and  lapping 
herself  about  his  neck  ofttimes  would 
familiarly  kiss  his  lips.  Others  wear 
a  dead  rat  tied  by  the  tail.  Some 
wear  in  their  heads,  the  wings  of  a 
bird,  or  the  tail  of  a  rattlesnake. 
Some  wear  the  hands  of  their  enem- 
ies, dried.  Their  heads  and  should- 
ers are  painted  with  roots  mixed  with 
oil.     (Page  130)." 

As   to  those     Massawomekes,     who 
were  the  dreaded  enemies  of  the  Sus- 
hannocks,  Smith  gives  us  the  best  in- 
formation  as   to   why    they   were   and 
where  they  lived.     Page  134  he  says, 
"Beyond    the    mountains    from    where 
is    the   head   of   the    Potowmock,   the 
savages     report,     inhabit  their     most 
mortal    enemies    the    Massawomekes, 
upon      a   great    salt   water    which    by 
likelihood    is    either    some     part     of 
Canada, — some     great    lake    of    some 
inlet    of    some    sea,    that    falleth    into 
the    South    Sea    ("South    Sea"    means 
Pacific  Ocean,  which  was  its  ancient 
name.     It    must   be    remembered   that 
all    people    thought    America    only     a 
few     hundred     miles     wide).       These 
Massawomekes    are    a      great     nation 
and  very   populous,  for  the  heads  of 
the    rivers    are   all    held   by    them,   of 
whose     cruelty     the     Susquehannocks 
and    the    Tockwocks    generally    com- 
plain;     and     very     importunate    they 
were    with      me     and      my     company 
to  free  them  from  those  tormentors; 
to     this     purpose     they   offered  food, 
conduct     and      continual      subjection, 
which    I    concluded    to    effect.        But 
then     the     council     would    not    think 
fit  to  hazard  40   men     in     these     un- 
known   regions.        So    the    opportuni- 
ty   was    lost.       Seven     boats     full     of 
these  Massawomekes   we   encountered 
at  the  head  of  the  bay,  whose  targets, 
baskets,    swords,   tobacco   pipes,    plat- 
ters,   bows    and    everything    showed, 


they  much  exceeded  them  of  our 
parts.  Against  all  these  enemies  the 
Powahatans  too  are  sometimes  con- 
strained to  fight."  In  Vol.,  1,  page 
183,  Smith  says  the  "Susquehannocks 
made  us  many  descriptions  of  the 
Massawomekes,  and  said  they  live  on 
a  great  water  beyond  the  mountains, 
which  we  understood  to  be  Canada." 
Thus  it  seems  clear  that  the  Mas- 
sawomekes were  an  Iroquois  tribe — 
the  Mohawks.  The  Jesuit  Relations 
are  full  of  descriptions  of  the  Iro- 
quois incursions  down  the  Susque- 
hanna River  from  its  source.  This 
will  be  discussed  later.  Thus  it 
seems  that  the  Evans  and  Ellis  His- 
tory is  mistaken  in  saying  page  10 
and  12,  the  Massawomekes  lived  on 
Bush  River. 

1608 — Smith's    Second    Vovage  Up  to 
Susquehanna. 
At  page  181,  Vol.  1  of  Smith's  His. 
torie    of   Virginia,    Smith    tells    "What 
happened    on    the    second    voyage     in 
discovering    the    Bay."     The    24th     of 
July    1608,    Capt.    Smith    set    forward 
to  finish  the  discovery  with  12   men, 
He   says   he   went   "purposely"   so   he 
informed    King    Powhatan    to    be    re- 
venged   of    the     Massawomekes;     the 
King  feasted  us.  We  went  to  see  the 
bay  divided  into  two  heads,  but  arriv- 
ing we  found  it  divided  into  four  all 
which    were    searched    as    far    as    we 
could   saile  them.       Two  of  them  we 
found  inhabited   but  in    crossing    the 
bay  we  encountered  7  or  8  canoes  full 
of  Massawomekes;    we     seeing     them 
prepared  to  assult  us  left  our  canoes 
and  made  way  with  our  sayle    (sail) 
to  encounter  them.     Yet  were  we  but 
5    that    could    stand.       The    rest   were 
sick.     We    put   our   hats    upon    sticks 
at  the   barge's   side   and   betwixt  two 
j  hats   a  man   to  make   us   seem   many. 
j  They    fled.     We    landed;    then    two   of 
j  them    came    to    us.       We    thought     to 
!  meet   them    next    morning,     but    they 
ihad    left." 


10 


ANNALS   OF  THE   SUSQUE BANNOCKS    AND 


Page    182    he    says.    "Entering    the  I 
river     Tockwock      (This    is    a    little 
stream  flowing  into  the  east  side  of  ! 
the   Bay),   the   savages   all   armed,   in 
a  fleet  of  boats,  around  invironed  us;'  i 
so     it     chanced    one    of    them    could 
speak   Powhatan,    and    soon    all    were 
friendly.  But   when   they   saw   us   fur- 
nished   with    Massawomeke    weapons, 
and     we  faining  we     took     them    by 
force,  they  conducted  us  to  their  pal- 
isaded   town    mantelled   with   bark    of 
trees.  Their     men,      women      and 

children  with  dances  and  song  wel- 
comed us.  Many  hatchets  of  iron, 
knives  and  pieces  of  brass  we  saw 
amongst  them,  which  they  reported 
to  have  from  the  Susquehannocks,  a 
mighty  people  and  the  mortal  ene- 
mies of  the  Massawomekes.  The  Sus- 
quehannocks inhabit  upon  the  chief 
springs  of  these  four  branches  of  the 
bay's  head,  two  days'  journey  higher 
than  our  barge  could  pass  for  rocks. 
Yet  we  prevailed  with  the  interpreter 
to  take  with  him  another  interpreter 
to  persuade  the  Susquehannocks  to 
come  and  visit  us  for  their  language 
is  different.  Three  or  four  days  we 
expected  their  return  then  sixty  of  j 
those  gyant  people  came  down  with 
presents  of  venison,  tobacco  pipes 
three-foot  in  length,  baskets,  targets, 
bows  and  arrows.  Five  of  their 
chief  werowances  came  boldly  abroad 
us  to  cross  the  bay  for  Tockwock, 
leaving  their  men  and  canoes.  The 
wind  being  so  high,  they  durst  not 
passe." 

Further  on  about  the  same  page  he 
says,  these  "Susquehannocks  held  up 
their  hands  to  the  sunne  with  a  most 
fearful  song  then  embracing  our  cap- 
tain they  began  to  adore  him  in  like 
manner  though  he  rebuked  them;  yet 
they  proceeded  till  their  song  was 
finished;  which  done  with  a  most 
strange   furious    action   and    a   hellish 


voyce,  began  an  oration  of  their 
loves.  That  ended,  with  a  great 
painted  bear's  skinne,  they  covered 
him;  then  one  ready  with  a  great 
chaine  of  white  beads  weighing  at 
least  six  or  seven  pounds  hung  it 
about  his  neck;  the  others  had  18 
mantels  made  of  divers  sort  of  skin- 
nes  sewed  together.  All  these  with 
many  other  toyes  they  laid  at  his 
feet,  stroking  their  ceremonious 
hands  about  his  neck  for  his  creation 
to  be  their  governor  and  protector, 
promising  their  aid,  victuals  or  what 
they  had  to  be  his  if  he  would  stay 
with  them  to  defend  and  revenge 
them  of  the  Massawomekes.  Many 
descriptions  they  made  us  of  the  Mas- 
sowomekes,  and  said  the  Massawome- 
kes got  heir  hatchets  from  the  French 
and  also  other  commodities  of  trade. 
The  highest  mountains  we  saw  north- 
ward we  called  Perigrines  mount,  and 
a  rocky  river  where  the  Massawome- 
kes went  up,  Willowby's  river  in 
honor  of  the  town  our  captain  was 
born  in.  The  Susquehannock's  river 
we  called  Smith's  Falles."  (See  page 
183)." 

This  River  Tockwock,  is  what  is 
now  called  Sassafras  River,  and  it 
forms  the  boundary  between  Cecil 
and  Kent  counties  in  Maryland, 

Page  183  Smith  further  says  "Hav- 
ing thus  sought  all  the  rivers  and 
inlets  worth  noting,  we  returned  to 
discover  the   River   Patuxuent." 

Page  218  he  says,  "In  the  way  be- 
tween, Werewoccamo  and  the  Fort 
near  Jamestown,  we  met  four  or  five 
Dutchmen,  confederates  going  to  Pow- 
hatan the  which  to  excuse  these 
gentlemen's  suspicions  of  their  run- 
ning to  the  savages  returned  to  the 
fort  and  remained  there."  And  again 
p.  223  he  says  "At  this  time  the 
Dutchmen  remaining  with  Powhatan 
(who  kindly  entertaining  them  to 
instruct    the    savages    in    the    use    of 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


11 


our  arms)  and  their  consorts  not  fol- 
lowing them  as  they  expected  to  know 
the  cause,  they  took  Francis,  their 
companion,  disguised  like  a  savage 
to  the  glasse  house,  a  place  in  the 
woods  a  mile  from  Jamestown. 
Forty  men  they  procured  to  lie  in 
ambush  for  Capt.  Smith  who  no  soon- 
er heard  of  this  Dutchman  than  he 
sent  to  apprehend  him;  but  he  es- 
caped." 

This  last  item  I  append  (and  only 
parts  of  it  are  direct  quotation)  for 
the  purpose  of  showing  that  there 
were  Hollanders,  at  this  time,  in  this 
neghborhood,  bearing  out  the  truth 
of  the  alleged  Dutch  document,  in 
Holland  setting  forth  that  in  1698 
Dutch  discoverers  were  about  these 
parts.  It  also  shows  that .  they  were 
actively  in  communication  with  the 
Indians.  We  are  to  notice  also  that 
here  we  have  direct  evidence  of  these 
Indians  having  iron  and  copper  im- 
plements long  before  Penn's  time, 
and  indeed  long  before  the  Swede's 
time. 

And  this  is  all  there  is  to  be  found 
in  Smith's  History  of  Virginia  touch- 
ing on  our  Susquehanna  country  In- 
dians. There  is  nothing  on  the  sub- 
ject at  all   in  Vol.   2. 

In  our  next  item  we  shall  take  up 
and  discuss,  Smith's  Mappe  and  fix 
the  location  of  the  different  Indian 
towns  which  he  found  here,  some  by 
actual  observation,  and  the  others  by 
information  given  by  the  Indians. 
Fixing  the  location  of  the  earliest 
known  homes  of  these  mighty  first 
inhabitants  of  what  is  now  our 
county,  should  be  full  of  genuine  his- 
torcal  and  patriotic  interest. 
1608— Early  Susquehamiock  Indian 
Towns 

The  only  authority,  upon  the  lo- 
cation of  the  Indian  towns,  on  the 
Susquehanna  River  as  early  as  1608, 
is  Capt.  John   Smith.     Their  dwelling 


places  at  later  dates  are  known  by 
many  writers;  but  Smith  is  the  only 
person  who  at  the  beginning  of  the 
century,  says  anything  about  their 
location.  Smith  has  not  in  the  form 
of  descriptions  told  us  particularly 
anything  about  these  towns,  and  all 
that  he  has  said  we  have  already  dis- 
cussed. But  in  his  'mappe'  as  he 
calls  it,  he  has  given  us  while  imit- 
ed,  very  definite  information.  He  is 
moreover  fair  in  his  statements.  Of 
the  map  he  says  that  as  far  as  one 
sees  the  line  of  little  crosses  placed 
on  mountains,  houses,  rivers  and  so 
forth,  he  has  actually  discovered; 
but  all  north  of  that  he  has  set  down 
in  the  map  from  information  given 
him  by  the  Indians.  The  point  fur- 
thest north  so  marked  by  him  is  on  the 
Susquehanna  River,  on  the  west  side, 
and  on  the  south  slope  of  a  hill.  It 
is  about  three-fourths  the  way  from 
the  mouth  of  the  river  to  the  first 
great  branch  of  the  river  flowing  into 
it  from  the  west.  That  branch  flow- 
ing into  it  from  the  west  is  likely 
Muddy  Creek,  York  County,  and  it  en- 
ters the  river  opposite  Fite's  Eddy, 
which  on  the  P.  R.  R.  Map  is  (Fites 
Eddy)  21  miles  from  the  Bay 
(Perry ville).  The  spot  marked  by 
Smith  is  thus  about  15  miles  from 
the  Bay,  or  less,  and  thus  is  just 
about  the  Pennsylvania  line,  because 
Haines  station,  the  last  station 
in  Pennsylvania  is  15  miles  by 
railroad  from  Perryvile.  Passing 
eastward  the  farthest  point  north, 
which  Smith  says  he  discovered  per- 
sonally is  marked  by  him  on  North- 
east River,  the  second  branch  of  the 
Bay.  This  is  a  few  miles  below  the 
Pennsylvania  line.  A  little  southeast 
of  this  he  marks  Peregrin  Mount, 
which  we  spoke  of  in  a  former  item. 
This  Mount,  page  185,  he  says  is  "the 
highest  mountain  we  saw  northward." 
This  point  is  north  of  the  Elk  River; 
but    in    Maryland.     West    of    the    Sus- 


12 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


quehanna  the  highest  point  as  shown  ]  boro.,  a  mile  or  two  below,  which  are 

strong  marks  of  a  village  or  town. 
On  the  railroad  maps  Washington 
boro.,  is  marked  40  and  xk  miles  from 
the  Bay.  It  must  be  remembered 
this  location  is  fixed  by  Smith  from 
what  the  Indians  told  him;  and  that 
he  did  not  see  Susquehannough  him- 

is  the   river  which   in   a  former  item  !  self.     It  is  by  the  map  about  10  miles 


by  the  map  which  Smith  saw  is  a 
point  about  five  miles  from  the  mouth 
of  Gunpowder  River  about  20  or  25 
miles  south  of  the  Pennsylvania  line 
a  river  forming  the  boundary  be- 
tween Hartford  and  Baltimore  coun- 
ties. Smith  called  it  the  Willoby.  This 


Smith  said  he  saw  the  "Massowome- 
kes  go  up,"  on  their  departure.  West 
of  this  mark  there  are  four  other 
crosses  in  an  irregular  southwest 
line  in  the  direction  of  the  Shenan- 
doah Valley. 

Now  as  to  the  towns,  the  A.  L.  Guss 
work  before  referred  to,  page  4,  says 
"The  principal  town,  Susquehannock, 
is  laid  down  22  miles  from  the  Bay 
but  the  book  speaks  of  them  being 
two  days'  journey  higher  than  our 
barge  could  pass  for  the  rocks.  Two 
days'  journey  was  more  than  22  miles 
and  they  waited  3  or  4  days  for  re- 


farther  up  the  river  than  the  marks, 
he   personally   explored. 

Mr.  Guss  also  says  page  5.  "There 
was  a  Susquehanna  'New  Town' 
where  some  falls  below  hindered  the 
navigation  about  1648;  and  that  the 
Susquehanna  Fort  of  1670  was  on  the 
south  side  below  'the  greatest  Falls' 
now  known  as  Conewago."  He  also 
says  same  page  that  "they  also  had 
a  fort  at  the  mouth  of  Octoraro  as 
early  as  1662,  as  it  is  impossible  to 
locate  the  town  of  Smith's  descrip- 
tion. 

Smith    learned   of   five   other   towns 


turn    of      interpreters — they    probably  i  from  the  Indians,  located  on  the  map 


went  30  or  40  miles.  It  is  claimed 
the  chief  town  was  near  the  mouth 
of  Conestoga."  This  town  Smith  in 
his  map  calls  Susquehannough;  and 
places  it  on  the  east  side  of  the 
River,  about  5  miles  above  the  mouth 
of  Muddy  Creek  which  creek  mouth  we 
have  said  is  opposite  Fife's  Eddy. 
Fife's  Eddy  is  marked  21  miles  from 
the  Bay,  and  three  miles  above  that 
point  would  be  McCall's  Ferry  which 
is  marked  25  miles  from  the  Bay — or 
ten  miles  above  the  Pennsylvania 
line.  There  are  no  marked  indica- 
tions, such  as  arrow  heads  in  great  j 
quantity  or  blackened  earth  at  the  ' 
McCall's  or  Fife's  Eddy  points  on  the 
river  indicating  a  town  there  as  there 
are  in  Manor  township.  It  is  likely 
that  Mr.  Guss  is  right  in  saying  the 
chief  town  or  the  one  on  the  east 
side  is  marked  "  Susquehannough  "  by 
Smith  was  higher  up,  and  40  miles  as 
he  says,  likely  was  the  distance 
would    bring      it     about      Washington 


These  are: 

ATTAOCK;  and  Guss  tells  us  page 
5.  "It  is  at  the  head  of  a  stream 
emptying  into  Susquehanna  on  the 
west  side  below  the  chief  town."  It 
is  really  about  the  same  latitude  as 
the  chief  town.  This  may  be  in  the 
neighborhood  of  York. 
About  20  miles  above  the  chief  town 
on  the  east  side  is  QUODROQUE.  This 
is  just  below  the  river  fork.  Guss 
says  Quodroque  is  near  Middletown. 
According  to  the  map  it  seems  to  be 
on   the   Conewago. 

TISINICH  is  another  town  on  a 
branch  from  the  northwest;  and  says 
Guss,  it  is  about  Lebanon. 

UCHOWIG  is  a  town  on  the  other 
branch  coming  from  the  west.  Both 
this  town  and  Tisinich  are  about  60 
miles  from  the  Bay."  (Guss  p.  5.,) 
It  is  opposite   Harrisburg. 

ATQUANACHUKE  is  a  town  mark- 
ed on  the  map  as  high  up  the  river 
as  the  last  two  named  and  seems  by 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


13 


location    to   be     off     in      northeastern 
Berks  County. 

CEPOWIG  is  away  off  to  the  west 
at  the  head  of  Willowby's  River  and 
is  a  town  likely  in  Maryland,  but  it 
may  be  barely  over  the  line  in  Penn- 
sylvania;   it  is  among  the  hills. 

Thus  it  is  not  true,  and  so  says 
Guss  also,  that  Smith's  towns  were 
in  Lancaster  County  as  some  writers 
state.  Not  more  than  Susquehannough 
and  may  be  Quadroque  were  in  our 
county,  at  it  now  is  limited.  But  the 
new  late  town  at  the  'Falls'  perhaps 
was    in    the    county. 

1608— Early  War  Customs  of  the 
Susquehannocks. 

We  must  notice  here  a  few  other 
minor  notes  before  going  on  with 
the  thread  of  the  series.  Mombert 
tells  us  that  the  early  ancestors  of 
our  Indians  left  their  club  before  any 
one  they  killed  so  that  any  one  who 
discovered  the  dead  might  know  what 
tribe  did  it.  (Page  11).  This  mighty 
tribe  therefore  did  not  try  to  hide 
their  murders,  but  instead  left  their 
name  and  token  to  warn  inferior 
tribes. 
1608 — Early  Wanderers  Among  the 
Susquehannocks. 

Jenkins,  in  his  history  of  Pennsy- 
lvania, page  30,  says  "At  the  height 
of  the  summer  of  1608  the  Susquelian- 
nocks, at  their  town  within  Lancaster 
county,  received  a  message  that  two 
strangers  had  come  in  their  boats  to 
see  them."  This  was  the  Captain 
Smith  visit.  He  also  says,  page  47, 
that  about  the  same  time  "three  white 
men  reached  the  head-waters  of  the 
Susquehanna,  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  Susquehannocks  and  were  after- 
wards found  by  Hendrickson  on  the 
Delaware  and  ransomed,  at  or  near 
the  place  Wilmington  now  stands." 
1608— Dr.  Shea  on  Susquehannock 
Origin. 

A   note    is    found    p.    117    of   Alsop's 


history  of  Maryland,  and  in  it  among 
other  things  Dr.  Shea  says: 

"From  the  Dutch,  Virginians. 
Swedes  and  French  we  can  thus  give 
their  history — When  the  region  now 
called  Canada  from  Lake  Superior 
and  the  Mississippi  to  the  mouth  of 
St.  Lawrence  and  Chesapeake  Bay  was 
discovered  by  Europeans,  it  was 
found  occupied  by  two  tribes,  Algon- 
quins  and  Huron  Iroquois.  The  Al- 
gonquins  included  all  the  new  Eng- 
land tribes,  and  many  more;  also 
those  south  of  the  lakes  and  the  An- 
dastagoes   or   Susquehannocks. 

"The    Iroquois    at    first    inferior    to 

the    Algonquins    were    driven    out    of 

the  valleys  of  the  St.  Lawrence  into 

the  Lake  Region  of  New  York  where 

|  by     greater     cultivation,     valor     and 

I  union    they    became    superior    to    the 

Algonquins  of  Canada  and  New  York 

— as  the  Susquehannocks  who  settled 

J  on  the   Susquehanna     did     over     the 

tribes   in   New   Jersey,   Maryland   and 

Virginia   "And    on    this   he    cites    Du- 

Ponceau's    Translation    of    Campanius 

p.    158. 

He  proceeds,  "Prior  to  1600  the 
Susquehannocks  and  the  Mohawks, 
the  most  eastern  Iroquois  tribe,  came 
into  collision  and  the  Susquehan- 
nocks nearly  exterminated  the  Mo- 
hawks in  a  war  which  lasted  ten 
years."  This  he  bases  on  the  Jesuit 
Relations  of  1659  and  '60  p.  28.  We 
have  noticed  this  before.  However 
it  may  not  have  been  made  clear  that 
this  war   began   prior  to   1600. 

He  then  tells  of  Captain  Smith's 
meeting  sixty  of  these  Susquehan- 
nocks and  that  they  were  at  war  with 
the  Massawomekes,  which  he  calls 
Mohawks  and  cites  on  this  De  Laet's 
xNovis  Orbis  p.  73.  This  we  have  fully 
discussed. 

1608— Susquehannocks'  War  with  the 
Mohawks. 

Here  is  a  subject  which  is  very  of- 
ten referred  to,  but  there  is  very  lit- 


11 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


tie  history  to  be  found  about  it.  Cap- 
tain Smith  refers  to  it  many  times 
about  years  1608  and  later,  and  states 
that  the  Susquehannocks  were  in 
mortal  dread  of  them.  Dr.  Shea,  in 
his  "Identity  of  Andastes,  Cones- 
togas,  Minquas  and  Susquehannocks" 
found  in  Vol.  2  of  Historical  Maga- 
zine, pp.  294  to  297,  says  the  Mohawk 
war  was  in  1608;  but  Vol.  45,  Jesuit 
Relations,  pp.  203  to  5,  puts  it  as  late 
as  1629.  This  we  have  partly  dis- 
cussed on  page  6.  But  the  Jesuit  Re- 
lations are  not  very  clear  as  to  the 
date,  saying  also,  in  page  and  book 
just  indicated,  that  the  Mohawks  have 
within  sixty  years  been  both  at  the 
top  and  the  bottom  of  the  wheel. 
Truly  warlike  they  had  to  fight  with 
all  their  neighbors,  with  tribes  on  the 
east  and  on  the  south  with  the  An- 
daste      (Susquehannocks).  Toward 

the  end  of  the  last  century  they  were 
reduced  so  low  that  scarcely  any  of 
them  were  left;  nevertheless,  like  a 
noble  germ  they  increasd  in  a  few 
yars  and  reduced  the  Algonquins  in 
turn;  but  this  condition  did  not  last 
long,  for  the  Andaste  (Susquehan- 
nocks) waged  such  energetic  war  on 
them  during  ten  years  that  they  were 
overthrown  for  the  second  time  and 
their  nation  rendered  almost  extinct, 
or  at  least  so  humiliated  that  the 
name  Algonquin  made  them  tremble." 
This  account  was  written  in  1659, 
and  referring  to  "the  last  century" 
of  course  means  before  1600;  and  the 
"few  years  after"  would  bring  the 
Mohawk  -  Susquehannock  contest 
about  the  first  decade  of  the  next 
century  or  about  1608  or  1610;  and 
this  conincides  with  Captain  John 
Smith.  It  is  a  pity  that  no  history 
is  extant  of  the  campaigns  of  this 
war,  or  any  knowledge  of  the  size  of 
the  savage  armies,  etc.;  for  the  fact 
of  its  lasting  ten  years,  and  the  Sus- 
quehannocks  being   in   those   days    so 


mighty,  point  out  that  it  was  a  royal 
and  strenuous  warfre.  It  is  notice- 
able that  in  after  years  whenever  the 
Susquehannocks  wished  to  awe  the 
Mohawks  they  simply  threatened  to 
resume  the  war  against  them.  And 
yet  these  Mohawks,  fifty  or  more 
years  later,  were  the  father  nation  of 
the  Five  Nations,  and  the  moving 
tribe  to  effect  the  confederacy  of  the 
Five  Nations. 

1608— Susqueliannocks    at    War    With 
AH   Tribes. 
Campanius    (who    wrote    in    1693    a 
I  history  of  New  Sweden,  now  Pennsy- 
\  lvania,  whom  we  have  before  quoted) 
j  who    says    that    much    that    he    wrote 
I  about,  his  grandfather  told  him,  says 
i  p.    137   of   his   book,   that   the    Indians 
\  of    the    province    were    often    at    war 
|  with    the    Minquas    (Susquehannocks) 
i  and    that    these    Minquas    and    others 
j  "have    skirmished    with    the    English, 
|  as    Samuel    Purchase's    relates    in    his 
;  9th    Book,    Chap.    6th."       As      Samuel 
Purchase's   book    was     published     in 
1626,    the    time    referred    to    by    Cam- 
panius  was   prior  to  that   date. 
1609 — Samuel  Argoll    Takes    Possess- 
ion and  Attainment  for  Susque- 
hannock  Kings. 
At    least    one    historian    says    that 
contemporaneous    with    Smith    certain 
other   Englishmen    were   interested   in 
the    trade    and    lands    of   the    Susque- 
hannock    Indians.        This     historian, 
whoever  he  was,  wrote  about  1648,  a 
work  called   a     "Descrption   of     New 
Albion"   which   may   be   found    in   the 
Historical    Society    Library    at    Phila- 
delphia, and   also  an   extract  of  it  in 
Proud's  History   of  Pennsylvania,page 
111.       This     author   says,   tracing  the 
history     of     the     Chesapeak    country 
back  to  the  CabotsJhat  they   (Cabots) 
took    possession    o  f   the     Chesapeak; 
and    that   from    him    it   afterward    fell 
to  Baron   Delaware,  then  governor  of 
Virginia,    who    through     Sir    Thomas 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


15 


Dale  and  Samuel  Argoll,  40  years 
since,  took  possession  and  attorn- 
ment of  tne  Indian  kings.  That  is, 
an  arrangement  was  made  between 
these  Susquehannock  and  Chesapeak 
Indians  on  the  one  hand  and  the  Eng- 
lish on  the  other  about  1608. 
1013 — Susquehannock  Indian  Trade  to 
Be  Opened  Into  Delaware  Bay 
By  a  Canal. 
At  this  date  the  Susquehannocks 
were  of  some  commercial  importance 
to  the  English  and  for  the  purpose 
of  getting  their  furs  and  other  com- 
modities more  easily  to  the  lower 
Delaware  settlement  where  some  of 
the  Dutch  lived,  Samuel  Argoll  con- 
templated cutting  a  canal  to  connect 
the  Chesapeak  and  Delaware.  Nicho- 
las Biddle  in  1830  in  an  address  at 
the  opening  of  the  Chesapeak  and 
Delaware  canal  said,  "More  than  two 
centuries  have  passed  since  this  work 
was  contemplated  by  the  earliest  ad- 
venturers to.  the  Chesapeak,  one  of 
whom  Sir  James  (Samuel)  Argoll 
wrote  to  England  in  1613  that  he 
hoped  to  make  a  cut  between  Chesa- 
peak Bay  and  the  Delaware."  (4  Haz. 
Reg.  270  and  Acrelius  History  of  New 
Sweden   p.    19). 

1615— Trading  Posts. 
Clayborn  is  usually  given  credit  for 
establishing  the  first  trading  posts 
about  1625  below  the  mouth  of  the 
Susquehanna,  but  Johnson  in  his 
History  of  Maryland,  page  7,  gives 
John  Pory  several  years  priority  as 
follows:  "Kent  Island,  before  Clay- 
borne  established  there  may  have 
been  the  seat  of  a  trading  post.  The 
letters  of  John  Pory,  secretary  of  the 
Virginia  Company  extant  in  London, 
are  dated'  anterior  to  Clayborne's 
time  and  inform  the  company  of  a 
discovery  made  by  him  and  others 
into  the  Great  Bay  northward  where 
we  left  settled  very  happily  near  a 
hundred  Englishmen  with  the  hope  of 
good   trade   in   furs." 


1615 — Earliest  Known  IVliite  Man  On 
Susquehanna. 

1615  to  1618:  In  a  note  page  291 
of  Vol.  5  of  the  Jesuit  Relations,  it 
is  set  forth  that  Eitienne  Brule,  a  na- 
tive of  Champigny,  France,  came  to 
Quebec  with  Champlain  in  1607  or  8; 
that  he  was  an  Interpreter  for  the 
Hurons  during  many  years  and  lived 
with   the   tribe. 

In  1615  he  went  with  Champlain  to 
the  Huron  country  and  was  sent  by 
his  commander  to  the  Carantounais, 
allies  of  the  Hurons  and  probably  to 
the  Andastae  (Susquehannocks)  liv- 
ing on  the  Susquehanna  to  hasten 
the  coming  of  warriors  on  the  expe- 
dition against  the  Iroquois.  Cham- 
plain saw  no  more  of  him  till  three 
years  later  when  he  came  down  to 
Quebec  with  the  Hurons,  trading.  He 
told  Champlain  that  he  had  been  ob- 
liged to  remain  among  the  Caran- 
tounais and  had  explored  the  coun- 
try southward  to  the  sea  (Slafter 
says  to  Chesapeak  Bay)  and  had  been 
captured,  by  the  Iroquois  and  nar- 
i  rowly  escaped  death  by  torture,  but 
I  succeeded  in  making  his  way  back 
to   the   Hurons. 

In  this  there  is  indeed  a  strong 
;  likelihood  that  this  Frenchman,  Brule, 
!  traversed  the  western  parts  of  Lan- 
|  caster  County  between  1615  and  1618, 
j  if  Capt.  Smith  was  not  here  before. 
i  This  is  so  because  of  his  story  of 
;  going  southward  from  the  Upper  Sus- 
|  quehannocks  to  the  sea,  and  also 
from  the  fact  that  the  Hurons  and 
|  Susquehannocks    were    allies. 

1(>17 — Delawares  Become  Women. 
As  the  Delawares  moved  from  the 
Delaware  and  the  Brandywine  to  the 
Susquehanna  (Sec.  3,  Col.  Rec.  45), 
we  must  treat  them  to  some  extent 
as  Indians  of  the  Susquehanna  Coun- 
try. In  the  year  1617  they  were 
made  the  peace  makers  by  collusion, 
they    charge,    on    the     part     of     the 


16 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Dutch.  Mombert  tells  us,  page  12 
after  reciting  that  the  women  had 
been  the  peacemakers  and  had  not 
been  successful,  or  that  a  powerful 
nation  would  be  more  effective  in 
this  office,  that  the  Mengui  urged  up- 
on the  Delawares  that  as  they  were 
a  powerful  tribe  they  should  be  the 
peacemakers.  Their     pride      was 

touched  says  Mombert,  "In  a  moment 
of  blind  confidence  in  the  sincerity 
of  the  Iroquois  they  acceded  to  the 
proposition  and  assumed  the  petti- 
coat. The  ceremony  of  metamorpho- 
sis was  performed  with  great  rejoic- 
ing at  Albany  in  1G17  in  the  pres- 
cence  of  the  Dutch  whom  the  Lenape 
(Delawares)  charged  with  having 
conspired  with  the  Mengui  (The  Iro- 
quois) for  their  destruction."  Then 
Mombert  goes  on  to  tell  us  that  hav- 
ing disarmed  the  Delawares  they  led 
them  into  war  with  the  Cherokees 
and  then  suddenly  deserted  them  un- 
armed to  their  destruction. 
1621 — Indian  Trade  Becomes  More 

Proiitable. 
Samuel  Argoll,  not  satisfied  with  the 
profits  he  was  making  out  of  the 
Susquehanna  Indians  in  their  own 
country,  now  began  making  expedi- 
tions further  up  the  coast  where  we 
have  seen  the  Susquehannocks  also 
had  trade  privileges.  One  of  these 
expeditions  was  intended  for  Hud- 
son river.  Captain  Mason,  complain- 
ing to  Secretary  Cooke  of  this  in  1632 
says,  "Sir  Samuel  Argoll,  Knight, 
with  many  English  planters  were  pre- 
paring to  go  and  sit  down  in  a  lot 
of  land  on  Monahata  river  at  the 
same  when  the  Dutch  intruders  which 
caused  a  demur  ir  their  proceedings 
until  King  James  and  the  said  Samuel 
Argoll  and  Captain  Mason  of  ye 
Dutch  in  an  act  of  1621  had  ques- 
tioned the  states  of  the  low  counties 
of  this  matter."  (See  Sec.  Pa.  Arch. 
Vol.  5,  p.  27).     And  this  year  he  says 


that  they  have  returned  15,000  beaver 
skins  besides  other  commodities.  (P. 
28). 

1623— The  Dutch  Furnish  Fire  Arms 
to  Susquehannocks. 
We  have  before  shown  that  as  early 
as  1608  Captain  Smith  found  the  Sus- 
quehannocks to  have  fire  arms  from 
the  Dutch.  Smith  in  his  history  of 
New  Jersey,  however  says,  "The 
Dutch  are  reported  about  the  year 
1623  to  have  furnished  the  Indians 
with  fire  arms  and  to  have  taught 
them  to  use  them,  that  by  their  as- 
sistance they  might  expel  the  English 

,  when  they  began     to     settle     around 

]  them."     See  same  cited  in  Proud  Vol. 

11,  p.  110. 

There  s  plenty  of  evidence  to  this 
day    that    these    Susquehannocks    did 

j  have  metal  weapons.       John  M.  Wit- 

|  mer,  formerly  of  Manor  township,  has 
two   iron   axes,   three     copper     darts, 

i  one  flat  and  two  hollow  cones  and 
several  yards  of  beads  found  upon 
the     localities      they      inhabited      in 

j  southwestern  Manor  township. 
1625— The  Attack    of    Clayborne    and 

Kent  Island. 
While  we  have  seen  in  former  pages 
the  Kent  island  was  occupied  by 
English  earlier  than  1625  according 
to  Proud  (115  note)  it  was  about  that 
year  that  the  occupancy  began  to  be 
felt  by  the  Indians.  He  after  speak- 
ing of  the  Maryland  Patent  about 
1634,  says,  "Now  Kent  Island  with 
many  households  of  English  by  Capt. 
C.  Clayborne  was  seated."  And  John- 
son in  his  history  of  Maryland  says 
page  15,  "Clayborne  had  not  only 
possession  of  Kent  Island  but  estab- 
lished a  trading  post  at  Palmer's  Is- 
land at  the  mouth  of  the  Susquehan- 
na. This  was  several  years  before 
1637  when  Clayborne  was  attainted 
for  high  treason  on  the  part  of  Lord 
Baltimore."  And  page  116  in  Proud 
citing  the  Description  of  New  Albion 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


17 


it  is  stated  in  Clayborne's  words,  "I 
hold  Kent  Island,  having  lately  but 
20  men  in  it  and  the  mill  and  fort 
pulled  down,  and  in  war  with  all  the 
Indians  near  it,  is  not  worth  keep- 
ing." This  seems  to  be  about  1625, 
and  is  the  first  mention  of  wars  with 
the  Whites  in  which  the  Susquehan- 
nocks  were  interested. 

1629  and  Later:  Susquehannock's 
Wars  With  Other  Indians. 

The  Jesuit  Relations  as  we  have 
before  stated,  are  a  set  of  histories 
(72  volumes  in  all)  containing  the 
Narrations  or  relations  of  the  Jesuit 
fathers  of  what  they  found  and  saw 
in  early  America.  In  Vol.  55,  pp. 
203-5  they  say  that  the  Mohawks 
fought  with  the  Andastas  (their  name 
for  the  Susquehanna)  a  people  in- 
habiting the  shores  of  Virginia  and 
that  the  Andastas  waged  such  ener- 
getic war  against  them  during  ten 
years  that  they  were  overthrown  the 
second  time  and  their  nation  render- 
ed almost  extinct.  This  was  at  the 
time  when  the  Dutch  took  possession 
of  the  regions  and  conceived  a  fond- 
ness for  the  beavers  of  the  natives, 
some  thirty  years  ago,  and  in  order 
to  secure  them  in  greater  numbers 
they  furnished  these  people  with  fire 
arms  with  which  it  was  easy  to  con- 
quer their  conquerors  and  that  is 
what  has  rendered  them  formidable 
everywhere  so  that  at  the  sound  of 
their  guns  they  flee  in  terror."  As 
this  narrative  was  written  in  1659, 
'thirty  years'  ago  would  make  the 
date  1629.  These  are  the  same  war- 
like operations  Lyle's  history  refers 
to   on    page   18. 

During  this  time,  too,  Clayborne 
was  trading  with  the  Susquehannocks 
as  Mombert  tells  us  page  22  and  as 
do    other    authors. 

1630— Petty  Wars. 

About  this  time  a  body  of  English- 
men called  Pilgrims  bought  Kent  Is- 


land from  the  Yoacomacoes  Indians 
who  were  constantly  annoyed  by  the 
Susquehannocks,  who  ravaged  their 
country;  and  Clayborne  then  instigat- 
ed the  Susquehannocks  to  make  war 
on  the  settlers  of  the  Island.  But 
Clayborne  was  not  successful  as  the 
owners  of  the  island  drove  him  away 
and  he  was  arrested  for  treason.  But 
in  1642  he  again  captured  the  island, 
Lyle  18.  Prom  this  date  (1630)  until 
1647  the  Susquehannas  appear  not  to 
be  in  any  considerable  war.  There- 
fore, we  must  now,  to  keep  the 
chronological  order  of  these  'Annals' 
set  forth  several  matters  concerning 
these  Indians  which  are  not  warlike. 

About  1633  the  Susquehannocks 
seemed  to  have  an  undisputed  super- 
iority over  all  other  tribes.  This 
was  through  them  having  had  fire- 
arms from  Dutch — Swedes  and 
French  at  different  times  from  1608 
to  1635.  Johnson  in  the  History  of 
Maryland  page  15,  says  'Tn  1634,  the 
Pilgrims  found  the  Indians  from  whom 
they  purchased  the  land  for  their 
town  (on  Kent  Island)  in  great  dread 
of  the  Susquehannocks."  In  the  same 
year  Mombert,  pp.  22,  says  the  Sus- 
quehannocks sold  to  Maryland  all 
their  lands  up  the  Patuxent  River, 
But  the  Colonial  Records  (4  C.  R. 
704)    would  make  the  date   1654. 

We  must  not  forget  to  note  that 
from  this  date  1633  to  1644  the  Sus- 
quehannocks did  wage  small  but  con- 
tinual war  with  the  Yaowacoes,  the 
Piscataways  and  Patuxent  Indians 
and  were  so  troublesome  toward  the 
end  of  this  period  that  Lord  Calvert 
declared  them  public  enemies.  See 
'Indian  History  Lower  Susquehanna' 
a  small  volume  issued  by  the  Dauph- 
in County  Historical  Society,  page  40. 
This  is  the  first  evidence  of  the  Sus- 
quehannocks, turning  against  the 
whites,  for  whom  up  to  this  date  they 
had   shown   marked   friendship.  About 


IS 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


a  dozen  years  later  they  became  very 
great  enemies  of  the  whites. 

Various  accounts  have  been  given 
of  the  furnishing  arms  to  the  Susque- 
hannocks  as  we  have  just  said,  but 
Proud  in  Hist,  of  Pa.  (notes)  p.  110 
says,  in  1623  the  Dutch  furnished  the 
Indians  fire-arms  and  taught  them  to 
use  them  so  they  might  help  the 
Dutch  to  expel  the  English  when  they 
began  to  settle  around  them,  and 
page  111,  (notes)  he  says  apparently 
about  year  1637,  'the  Swedes  hired 
out  three  of  their  soldiers  to  the  Sus- 
quehannocks  who  taught  them  the 
use  of  our  arms  and  fights." 

1633— DeVries  Contact   With  the 
Susquehannocks. 

DeVries  in  his  history  of  his  trav- 
els in  America,  published  in  1655, 
tells  of  the  doings  of  the  Minquas 
(Susquehannas)  which  he  learned  of 
in  his  first  voyage  as  follows:  "The 
11th  of  Feb.  fully  fifty  Indians  came 
over  the  river  from  the  fort  (Nas- 
sau, now  New  Castle,  Delaware),  up- 
on the  ice  with  canoes  directly  to 
our  yacht  so  that  they  could  step  in 
it  from  the  shore  and  speak  to  us. 
They  were  Minquas,  who  dwell 
among  the  English.  They  came  on  a 
warlike  expedition  and  were  600 
strong.  They  were  friendly  to  us; 
but  it  would  not  do  to  trust  them 
too  far.  1  determined  as  the  flood 
tide  began,  that  we  should  haul  into 
the  mouth  of  the  kill  (river)  so  that 
they  could  not  come  upon  us  in  force 
and  master  us."  See  Murphy's  Trans- 
lation of  DeVries   p.   41. 

1633 — DeVries    Learns    of    Susquchan- 
noek  Barbarities. 

The  same  author,  p.  43,  says  "Feb- 
ruary 13th,  three  Indians  came,  who 
were  of  the  tribe  pursued  by  the  Sus- 
quehannocks.  They  told  us  they 
were  fugitives;  that  the  Minquas 
(Susquehannccks)     had    killed     some 


of  their  people  and  they  had  escaped. 
They  had  been  plundered  of  all  their 
corn;  their  houses  had  been  burnt 
and  they  had  escaped  in  great  want 
and  had  to  flee  and  be  content  with 
what  they  could  find  in  the  woods 
and  came  to  spy  out  in  what  way  the 
Minquas  had  gone  away.  They  told 
us  also  that  the  Minquas  had  killed 
ninety  men  of  the  Loukiekens;  that 
they  would  come  to  us  the  next  day 
when  the  sun  was  in  the  southeast 
as  they  were  suffering  great  hunger; 
and  that  the  Minquas  had  left  and 
gone  from  us,  back  to  their  own 
country." 

"DeVries  in  his  voyages  found  the 
Susquehannocks  in  1633  at  war  with 
the  Armewamen  and  Sankiekans,  Al- 
gonquins  and  other  tribes  on  the 
Delaware  maintaing  their  supremacy 
by  butchery  but  they  were  friendly  to 
the  Dutch."  Murphy's  Translation  of 
DeVries  Voyages  on  p.  413. 

In  1637  the  Susquehannocks  Conspire 
with  the  Rebellious  Inhabitants 
of  Kent  Isle  to  Defy 
the  Power  of 
Maryland. 
Vol.    3,    page    64,    of    the    Maryland 
Archives    sets    forth,    'Feb.    12,    1637, 
by    the    Governor    and    Council  —  The 
Governor    and    Council      taking      into 
consideration   the  many   piracies,  mu- 
tinies,   insolencies    and    contempts    of 
this  government  by  divers  inhabitants 
of  Kent  Isle,  formerly  committed  and 
warrants    sent   lately    into   the    island 
under  the  great  seal  of  this  province 
for  apprehension  of  malefactors,  were 
destroyed    and    the    prisoners    rescued 
out  of  the  officers'  hands  by  force  and 
arms,  and   divers   of  them   to   protect 
themselves   in   an   unlawful    rebellion, 
did   practice  and  conspire     with     the 
Susquehannock     and     other      Indians 
against  the   inhabitants  of  this  coun- 
ty, we  have  thought  fit  that  the  Gov- 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


19 


ernor  should  sail  in  this  province  to 
the  said  island  with  sufficient  soldiers 
and  establish  martial  law  and  for  his 
assistance  have  under  order  a  captain 
or  commander  to  wit  that  Capt.  Thos. 
Cornwaleys  should  go  with  him  to 
aid  and  ass"st;  and  it  is  so  com- 
manded." Kent  Isle  is  a  few  miles 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Susquehanna 
River,  and  the  turbulent  inhabitants 
found  the  great  Susquehannocks  a 
powerful  allay,  in  their  defiance  of 
Maryland. 

1637— The     Susquehannocks     Accused 

of    Spreading     Smallpox    to 

Other  Peoples, 

In  Vol.  14  of  Jesuit  Relations,  p.  9, 
the  following  occurs:  "On  the  20th 
we  learned  a  new  opinion  concerning 
the  malady,  smallpox,  that  a  report 
was  current  that  it  had  come  from 
the  Andastes  (Susquehannocks).  This 
tribe  it  is  said  had  been  infected 
therewith  by  Alaentsic,  whom  they 
hold  to  be  the  mother  of  him  who 
made  the  earth — that  she  had  passed 
through  all  the  cabins  of  two  valleys 
and  that  at  the  second  they  asked  her, 
'Now  after  all  why  is  it  thou  makest 
us  to  die,'  and  that  she  answered, 
'Because  my  grandson  Souskeha  is 
angry  at  men,  for  they  do  nothing 
but  make  war  and  kill  one  another 
and  he  is   resolved   to   punish   them." 

Here  we  see  something  of  the  Sus- 
quehannock  supersitition,  and  the  su- 
perstitition  of  other  Indian  tribes. 
These  mighty  mysterious  Susquehan- 
nocks were  the  frightful  enemies  of 
other  tribes,  and  the  very  commonly 
attributed  evils,  misfortunes  and 
calamities  to  them,  believing  that 
the  Susquehannocks  had  some  occult 
association  with  the  devil  and  super- 
natural powers  of  many  kinds. 

1637— Sale  of   the  Whole   Susquehan- 
na River  Yalley  to  Clay  borne. 

I   now  set  forth  a  very  interesting 


Indian  sale  of  the  lands  forming  a 
great  part  of  what  is  now  Lancaster 
county,  and  much  other  lands  besides. 
In  Vol.  3  of  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
66,  we  find,  "The  petition  of  Capt. 
Wm,  Clayborne  in  behalf  of  himself 
and  his  partners,"  addressed  to  the 
King. 

This  petition  sets  forth,  "That  by 
a  commission  under  your  Majesty's 
signature  he  "Clayborne"  did  discover 
and  plant  an  island  in  the  Bay  of 
Chesapeake,  called  Kent  Island/which 
the  petitioners  bought  of  the  Kings 
of  the  country,  where  the  same  is 
and  transplanted  people  on  it,  etc., 
etc. — and  your  petitioner  desires  a 
way  by  which  the  Crown  may  enjoy 
an  annual  benefit  and  they  offer  your 
Majesty  100  pounds  per  annum,  viz.: 
50  pounds  for  Isle  of  Kent,  and  50 
pounds  for  the  plantations  in  the 
Susquehannocks'  country,  in  consid- 
i  eration  they  to  have  there  twelve- 
I  leagues  of  land,  from  the  mouth  of 
said  river  on  each  side  thereof  down 
to  the  Bay  southeast  to  seaward  and 
so  to  the  head  of  said  river  to  the 
great  Lake  of  Canada,  to  be  held  in 
fee  from  the  Crown  of  England  to 
be  paid  yearly  to  his  Majesty's  Ex- 
chequer, and  he  has  at  the  Indians' 
desire  on  Susquehanna  purchased 
the  same  from  them,  and  hopes  to 
draw  the  trade  of  beavers  and  furs 
which  the  French  now  wholly  have 
and  enjoy  in  the  great  lakes  of  Can- 
ada,  to  England." 

As  the  English  league  is  three  stat- 
ute miles  we  readily  see  what  a  large 
strip  of  Territory  the  enterprising 
Clayborne  bought  from  the  Susque- 
hannocks— about  40  miles  on  each 
side  of  the  Susquehanna  and  from 
the  source  to  the  mouth.  This  in- 
cluded all  of  Lancaster  county  ex- 
cept the  northeast  corner,  besides 
much  other  lands.  It  extended  fully 
to    Gap,    Christiana,    Churchtown    and 


20  AXXALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHAXXOCKS  AXD 

Adamstown.  It  is  historically  impor-  '  and  the  bay,  as  is  specified  in  a  writ- 
tant,  too,  to  notice  that  the  fur  trade  j  ing  then  made  and  truly  interpreted 
of  the  Susquehanna  Valley  was  going  |  by  this  deponent  verbatim  to  the 
northward  instead  of  southward  at  j  King  of  the  Susquehannocks,  and  he 
this  time — north  to  the  French.  Yet  j  in  turn  signed,  and  in  token  and  con- 
there  is  much  history  to  show  that  j  firmation  of  said  gift  the  King  did 
the  Susquehannocks  were  trading  j  cut  some  trees  on  said  land  and  did 
with  the  Swedes,  or  beginning  to  do  j  cause  his  people  to  clear  the  ground 
so  just  about  this  time.  Prior  to  this  for  said  Clayborne  to  put  corn  in 
too,  they  traded  with  the  Dutch.  As  j  that  year,  after  which  Clayborne  did 
the  Swedes  came  only  in  1637,  that  |  build  houses  on  Palmer's  Island." 
trade  with  the  Susquehannocks  which  j  (More  of  this  transaction  and  sale 
Campanius  talks  about  was  just  be-  of  Susquehanna  Valley  will  be  dis- 
ginning.  But  it  would  seem  natural  i  cussed  later), 
that  the  Susquehannocks  traded  with  j  1688_Swedes    Buv    Laild    to     Sus(llie. 

the    Marylanders    on    the    south    more  i  _    _. 

,,  ...     ..      „        .  .,  ..  haniia  River  from  Indians. 

than   with   the   French   on   the   north. 

This  was  likely  one  of  Clayborne's  j  When  the  Swedes  in  1638  settled 
fabrications  (to  say  the  trade  was  \  on  the  Delaware,  they  renewed 
going  all  to  the  French)  in  order  to  ! the  friendly  intercouse  begun  by 
induce  King  Charles  I  to  grant  his  j  the  Dutch  and  purchased  lands  from 
request.  Clayborne  was  a  great  law-  I tne  ruling  tribes.  This  we  have  al- 
breaker  and  government  defier,  as  we  !  ready  noticed  citing  from  Campanius 
shall    see    later.  !  and  Acrelius.     But  Dr.  Shea  cites  Ha- 

1637— Clayborne  Offers    Witnesses    to  !  zard's  Annals  p.  48.     Turning  to  Ha- 
Make  Out  His   Case  of  Purchase,      i  zard  we  find  he  sa>'s  the  Swedes  pur- 
En   Vol.   5  of  Maryland  Archives,   p.  l  chased  a11  the  lands  from  Cal)e  Hen" 
231,      Clayborne's      evidence      of      his  !  lol)en    to    Trenton    Falls    and    set    up 
title  appears     in     the     deposition    of  j stakes   and   marks;    that   the   original 


deeds  for  these  lands  with  the  In- 
dian marks  were  sent  to  Sweden  and 
are  preserved  at  Stockholm  where 
they  as  well  as  a  map  were  seen  by 
Israel  Helm  and  copy  made  of  the 
map  and  brought  over  in  1697.  He 
says  the  Indians  previously  had  sold 
these  lands  to  the  Dutch.  (In  the 
next  item  we  will  show  that  the  lands 
extended   to  the   Susquehanna). 


Rob't  Evelyn,  whom  we  have  hereto- 
fore seen,  is  quoted  by  Proud  in  Vol. 
1,  as  the  author  of  a  description  of 
Pennsylvania  written  about  1646. 
This  deposition  is  as  follows:  "This 
deponent  having  long  lived  with  a  na- 
tion of  Indians  called  the  Susquehan- 
nocks as  an  interpreter  for  Capt. 
Clayborne,  doth  rememebr  that  the 
people  and  King  of  the  aforesaid  na- 
tion of  Indians  did  often  invite  said  1 1638 — Swedes  Contract  with  Susque- 
Clsyborne    to    come    to    them,      which  i  hanuocks. 

Clayborne  and  his  people  did,  and  I  About  this  time  the  Swedes  came  in- 
plant  upon  Palmer's  Island.  In  April  j  to  contact  with  our  Indians.  We 
1637,  the  King  of  the  Susquehannocks  !  have  just  shown  how  they-encouraged 
did  come  with  a  great  number  of  his  ,  them  in  use  of  guns,  etc.  In  Acrelius' 
Great  Men  and  with  all  their  con-  ,  History  of  Xew  Sweden,  (which  was 
trives  did  give  to  Clayborne  Palmer's  the  Swedish  name  of  Pennsylvania) 
Island,  with  a  great  deal  more  land  I  we  are  told  p.  33  that  Menewe's  colony 
each    side    of    the    river    Susquehanna  ,  reached    Delaware    River   in    1638    and 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


21 


that    land  ,was    bought    from    the    In- 
dians from  the  mouth  to  the  falls  of 
the    rivei     Delaware    and    inland     as 
far  as  their  lands   extended  and  that 
posts  were  driven  into  the  ground  to 
mark  the  lines;    and  page     47     it    is 
said  that  this  land  'bought  in  Mene- 
we's   time'   extended   westward  to  the 
great  falls   in  the   river   Susquehanna 
near   the   mouth     of     the     Conewago 
Creek  and  that  it  was  bought  among 
others    from    the   Minquas    or    Minqua 
Indians,    whom    the    Jesuit    Relations 
Vol.  8  p.  301  tells  us  were  called  by 
the    Jesuits    Andastas,    by    the    Dutch 
Minquas  and  by  the  English  Susque- 
hannas,  or  Conestogas.     And  page  48 
in  Acrelius  it  is  stated  that  the  land 
bought  in  Menewe's  time  1638  extend- 
ed   93   miles    in    the    interior,    on    the 
Conestoga    and     Susquehanna.        This 
therefore    will    give    a    fair    idea      of 
when  the  Swedes  met  our   Indians. 
1638— Clayborne's   Claims   to    Susque- 
hanna Valley  and  Kent  Island 
Held  Null  and  Void  by 
England. 
In  Vol.  3  of  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
71,   we  find   it   recorded,   "Before     the 
Lords    Commissioners    of    Plantations 
atWhitehall,Eng.,"Whereas    a    petition 
was   presented  by   William   Clayborne 
on  behalf  of  himself  and  his  partners, 
setting  forth  that  he  discovered   cer- 
tain islands  on  Kent  and  Palmer  and 
bought    certain    lands   from    the    Sus- 
quehannock  Indians,  and  the  petition 
alleging  great  charges  and  expenses, 
and   they  likewise  having  settled   the 
other      lands,      aforesaid,      upon      the 
mouth   of   a   River   at  the  bottom  head 
of    the    Bay    in    the    Susquehannough 
country  and  that  said  Lord  Baltimore 
agents  sought  to  dispossess  them  and 
him  and  did  great  injury  to  his.Clay- 
borne's  trade — and  all  parties  attend- 
ing this  day  with  counsel  and  it  ap- 
pearing the  same  was  partly  in  said 
Lord     Baltimore's     patent     and     that 


Clayborne's  power  and  grant  is  only 
to  trade  under  the  signet  of  Scot- 
land and  it  appearing  this  same  con- 
troversy was  up  before  this  Board  in 
1633  and  Lord  Baltimore  left  to  en- 
joy his  patent  rights,  therefore  it  is 
decided  that  the  said  Clayborne  has 
no  title  to  the  same  and  cannot  be 
redressed  against  the  proceedings  of 
said  Lord  Baltimore."  Therefore  his 
purchase  from  the  Susquehannock 
King  and  Great  Man  could  not  avail 
him  anything. 

1638 — A    Susquehannock   Baptized. 

The  next  item  is  of  a  far  different 
natura.  Under  the  date  of  1646,  it  is 
set  out  in  Vol.  30,  p.  85,  of  the  Jesuit 
Relations,  that  "Eight  years  ago 
(1638)  we  had  here  baptized  an  An- 
daste  (Susquehannock),  one  of  the 
Huron  language,who  were  in  Virginia 
where  the  English  have  their  trade. 
After  that  time  this  man  having  re- 
turned to  his  own  country  it  was 
supposed  his  faith  was  stifled  in  the 
midst  of  the  impiety  which  prevails 
there.  This  year  we  learned  from  a 
Huron  who  returned  from  that  coun- 
try that  the  faith  of  the  man  is  as 
strong  as  ever,  that  he  makes  public 
confession  and  continues  in  his  duty 
as  much  as  if  he  lived  among  Chris- 
tian people." 

This  speaks  well  for  the  tenacity 
of  the  Susquehannock  to  the  religious 
principles  when  they  are  taught  to 
him.  Little  items  like  these  give  us 
an  insight  into  the  other  side  of  the 
character  of  these  savage  people  of 
our    great    River   270   years    ago. 

1638— Indian  Paths  from  Susque- 
hanna to  Delaware. 

I  put  this  item  under  the  date  of 
1638  because  the  subject  of  it  likely 
became  a  fact  during  the  first  years 
that  the  Swedes  entered  into  Pennsy- 
lvania, which  was  about  L>38  In 
Vol.  3  of  Memoirs  of  Historical   Society 


22 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


part  2,  page  131,  found  in  the  His- 
torical Society  Library,  Philadelphia, 
under  the  head  of  "Indian  Treaties 
for  Lands  now  the  Site  of  Philadel- 
phia," by  Watson,  of  Watson's  An- 
nals, it  is  said  that  in  1638  a  line  and 
diagram  were  made  of  an  Indian 
treaty,  and  that  the  line  surveyed 
"goes  in  a  direct  line  from  Philadel- 
phia to  a  spot  on  the  Susquehanna 
about  three  miles  above  the  mouth  of 
the  Conestoga  Creek,  near  a  spot 
marked  'Fort  Demolished '  The  line 
crosses  two  Indian  paths  running 
each  northwest,  the  first  at  15  miles 
from  Philadelphia  at  'Rocky  Run,'  the 
other  38  miles  distant  near  a  'rivu- 
let  two  miles  beyond   Doe   Run." 

I  quote  this  because  it  is  the  earli- 
est mention  of  the  location  of  any 
road  or  path  in  Pennsylvania;  and 
the  path  leads  towards  Susquehanna. 
It  also  confirms  the  existence  and  the 
location  of  the  "Fort"  on  the  Susque- 
hanna, which  is  somewhat  mooted.  I 
shall  have  occasion  to  insert  a  part 
of  this  article  again  under  a  later 
date  for  another  purpose.  I  cite  it  un- 
der this  date  for  the  purpose  of  call- 
ing attention  to  the  location  of  the 
two  Indian  roads  and  likely  of  the 
'Fort'  at  this  date  viz.:  1638.  If 
the  fort  and  the  paths  were  facts  at 
that  date,  then  too  certain  facts  of 
Susquehannock  trade  and  war  are  al- 
so evidenced. 

1638 — Map    of   New    Sweden    at 
This  Time. 

In  the  Maryland  Building  at  the 
Jamestown  Exposition  I  saw  a  map 
of  "New  Sweden  1638  to  1655."  This 
map  shows  the  line  marking  the 
northern  line  of  the  lands  purchased 
by  the  Swedes  from  the  Susquehan- 
nocks  and  other  Indians  in  1638, 
which  line  runs  through  the  latitude 
of  the  Philadelphia,  or  as  it  is  mark- 
ed, through  the  mouth  of  the  Schuyl- 
kill;  then  the  line  of  the  purchase  of 


1 1642  is  also  marked  many,  miles  far- 
j  ther  north,  but  also  running  east  and 


west,  about  the  latitude  of  Easton. 
This  gives  additional  light  upon  the 
claims  and  pretensions  of  the  Susque- 
hannocks  at  this  time.  Both  lines 
extend  to  and  over  the  Susquehanna, 
from    the    Delaware. 

1638 — Susquehannock    Customs 
About  This  Time. 

I  now  jot  down  an  item  as  to  cer- 
tain Susquehannock  customs  found  by 
the  Swedes  when  they  came  among 
them  in  1638.  Campanius  tells  us  of 
this  in  his  history  of  New  Sweden,  p. 
121,  and  while  what  he  relates  there 
of  itself  does  not  prove  that  he  is 
speaking  of  the  Susquehannocks  dis- 
tinguished from  other  Indians — other 
parts  of  the  text  read  with  it  show 
it  to  be  so.  A  little  portion  of  this 
I  have  written  before  but  I  set  it 
down  more  fully  now.  He  says,"They 
make  bread  out  of  the  maize  or  In- 
dian corn  which  they  prepare  in  a 
manner  peculiar  to  themselves;  they 
crush  the  grain  between  two  stones 
or  on  a  large  piece  of  wood;  they 
moisten  it  with  water  and  make  it  in- 
to small  cakes  which  they  wrap  up 
in  corn  leaves  and  bake  them  in  the 
ashes.  They  can  fast  for  many  days 
when  necessity  compels  them.  When 
the  are  traveling  or  lying  in  wait  for 
their  enemies  they  take  with  them  a 
kind  of  bread  made  of  Indian  corn 
and  tobacco  juice  which  is  very  good 
to  allay  hunger  and  quench  thirst 
in  case  they  have  nothing  else  at 
hand.  When  the  Swedes  first  arrived 
the  Indians  were  in  the  habit  of  eat- 
ing human  flesh  and  they  generally 
ate  that  of  their  enemies  after  boil- 
ing it,  which  can  easily  be  proved. 
My  father  related  to  me  that  Indians 
once  invited  a  Swede  to  go  with  him 
to  their  habitation  in  the  woods; 
when  they  arrived  they  treated  him 
to  the  best  in  the  house  and  pressed 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


23 


him  to  eat,  which  he  did.  Their  en- 
tertainment was  sumptuous.  There 
was  broiled  and  boiled  and  even  hash- 
ed meat;  but  it  seems  it  did  not 
agree  with  his  stomach.  Afterwards 
they  left  him  know  that  he  had  eat- 
en of  the  flesh  of  an  Indian  of  a 
neighboring  tribe  with  whom  they 
were  at  war.  Their  drink  before  the 
Christians  came  was  only  fresh 
water;  but  now  they  are  fond  of 
strong  liquors.  Both  men  and  women 
smoke  tobacco,  which  grows  in  great 
abundance  in  their  country." 

1638— Trouble    With    the    Indians- 
More  Light  Upon  Clay- 
borne's  Proceed- 
ings. 

1638 — 9  Act  to  put  Maryland  in 
state  of  defense  against  the  Susque- 
hannocks  and  other  northern  Indians. 
(Act  for  Military  discipline). 
Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  that  every  house- 
keeper within  this  province  shall 
have  ready  continually  upon  all  oc- 
casions within  his,  her  or  their 
houses  for  him  or  themselves  and 
for  every  person  within  his  or  their 
house  able  to  bear  arms  one  service- 
able fixed  gunne,  of  bastard  musket 
bore — one  pair  bandaleers  or  shott 
bag,  one  pound  of  good  powder — four 
pounds  of  pistol  or  musket  shott  and 
a  sufficient  quantity  of  match  for 
matchlocks  and  of  flint  for  firelocks 
and  before  Christmas  next  shall  also 
find  a  sword  and  belt  for  every  such 
person  aforesaid;  that  it  shall  be 
for  the  Captain  of  St.  Mary's  of  the 
Isle  of  Kent  once  in  every  month  to 
demand  of  every  dwelling  house  a 
sight  or  view  of  said  arms  and  ammu- 
nition and  to  certify  default  to  the 
commander  who  shall  amerce  the 
parties  in  such  paine  as  the  default 
deserves  not  to  exceed  30  pounds  of 
tobacco  for  one  default;  and  the  cap- 
tain shall  forthwith  supply  the  part- 
ies deficient  with  all  necessary   arms 


and     ammunition     as     aforesaid     ap- 
pointed. 

And  upon  any  alarm  every  house- 
holder having  three  or  more  in  the 
house  able  to  bear  arms  shall  send 
one  man  armed  for  every  such  three; 
and  two  men  for  every  five  to  such 
place  as  shall  be  appointed;  and  all 
householders  delaying  to  send  the 
men  aforesaid  shall  be  fined,  etc. 
Here  we  see  in  what  terror  those 
Susquehannocks  were  held.  Vol.  1, 
Maryland  Archives   pp.   77   and  78. 

1639  —  Susquehannocks    Angered  at 
Maryland. 

Bozman  in  his  history  of  Maryland 
page  161,  says  "The  Susquehannocks 
who  have  been  represented  as  the 
boldest  and  most  warlike  of  all  the 
Indians  now  engaged  in  hostilities 
against  our  colonies.  This  warfare 
with  them  was  brought  on  our  colon- 
ists by  their  endeavors  to  stay  the 
incursions  of  the  Susquehannocks 
against  the  peaceful  and  friendly 
tribes  of  Piscataway  and  Patuxent 
and  others  with  whom  the  Susque- 
hannocks never  ceased  to  wage  unin- 
terrupted war  ever  since  the  first 
settlement  of  Maryland." 

1639— Maryland  Sends  Armed 
Force  Against  the  Sus- 
quehannocks. 

It  now  became  necessary  for  Mary- 
land to  send  the  first  armed  force 
against  the  Susquehannocks.  This 
effort  is  set  forth  in  Bozman's  Mary- 
land, pp.  162  and  3  as  follows:  "By 
the  Lieutenant  Governor  and  Council 
May  28,  1639 — Whereas  it  is  necessary 
forthwith  to  make  an  expedition,  up- 
on the  Indians  of  the  East  shore,  at 
the  public  charge  of  the  Province,  it 
is  thought  fit  to  send  a  shallop,  and 
to  provide  twenty  corslets  or  suits 
of  light  armor — a  barrel  of  powder — 
four  roundlets  of  shot  per  man — a 
barrel  of     oatmeal — three     firkins     of 


24 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


butter — four  cases  of  hot  waters 
(whiskey) — and  necessary  provisions 
to  be  made  for  the  men  and  a  pinnacle 
be  pressed  to  go  to  Kent  victualled 
and  manned  and  it  be  provided  with 
four  hogsheads  of  meal;  and  a  pin- 
nacle be  sent  against  the  Susquehan- 
nocks,  sufficiently  victualled  and 
manned,  and  thirty  or  more  good 
shott  (marksmen)  with  gunn  or  pis- 
tols, with  necessary  officers  be  press- 
ed out  of  the  Province  and  that  each 
of  the  shott  (marksmen)  be  allowed 
at  the  rate  of  100  pounds  of  tobacco 
per  month  or  another  man  in  his 
room  at  home  to  attend  to  his  plan- 
tation; and  two  sergeants  double  said 
rate  and  that  victuals  and  other  nec- 
essary accomodations  for  said  soldiers 
and  all  others  which  shall  go  as  vol- 
unteers be  made  and  provided  and 
two  pinnacles  and  a  skiff  be  pressed 
and  fitted  for  transporting  and  land- 
ing of  said  companies  and  that  good 
laboring  hands  be  pressed  to  supply 
the  place  of  planters,  gone  on  the 
expedition." 

At  the  same  time  a  law  was  passed 
to  put  Maryland  in  a  state  of  de- 
fense, see  laws  of  1638,  Chap.  2,  Sec. 
8,  where  the  same  may  be  found.  Al- 
so refer  to  first  and  second  para- 
graph  above. 

Evans  in  his  history  of  Lancaster 
County,  page  11,  says  of  this  expe- 
dition: "The  Susquehannocks  having 
continued  to  give  the  Pilgrim  settlers 
of  St.  Mary's  a  great  deal  of  trouble 
the  Council  resolved  to  invade  that 
country  in  1639,  namely  the  east- 
ern shore  of  the  Bay.  An  expedition 
was  planned  against  them  but  was 
abandoned  upon  receipt  of  intelli- 
gence that  the  Susquehannocks  were 
supplied  with  firearms.  The  Indians 
of  that  tribe  continued  to  harass  the 
settlers  and  we  are  not  aware  a  suc- 
cessful resistance  was  made  against 
them     or     their     country     along     the 


Susquehanna  by  the  Marylanders; 
but  the  fire  in  the  rear  from  the  Iro- 
quois became  so  hot  that  the  Susque- 
hannocks concluded  to  form  an  al- 
liance with  the  whites." 

1640— Another    Witness   for   Clay- 
borne's Title. 

The  records  of  this  year  give  us 
more  light  upon  Clayborne's  proceed- 
ings in  the  Susquehanna  Valley  and 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  In  Vol.  5, 
Maryland  Archives,  p.  188,  something 
is  told  us  about  the  trial  of  Clay- 
borne's title  to  these  lands.  A  wit- 
ness soon  after  Clayborne's  departure 
for  England,  persuaded  the  governor 
of  Maryland  to  go  to  Susquehanna, 
and  that  there  the  said  Evelyn  did 
lend  or  give  out  of  the  fort  at  the 
Isle  of  Kent  to  the  governor  a  small 
piece  of  ordinance  to  go  against  the 
Island  of  Palmer  where  Clayborne 
had  planted  and  the  governor  going 
there  did  displant  the  houses  at  Pal- 
mer's Island  and  carry  away  all  the 
men,  cattle  and  hogs  into  Maryland 
and  that  thereby  by  Clayborne  has 
lost  1000  pounds  sterling."  And  in 
the  same  book,  p.  184,  it  is  set  out 
that  "said  Evelyn  delivered  to  the 
governor  of  Maryland  two  pieces  of 
Dutch  cloth  and  other  stuffe  and 
powder  and  beavers  with  which  the 
governor  went  up  to  the  Susquehan- 
nocks and  bought  corn  therewith, 
but  would  not  deliver  to  Evelyn  any 
of  the  corn,  the  planters  standing  in 
great  need  thereof."  And  also,  page 
234,  under  the  same  year  (in  same 
book)  we  find  a  witness  says,  "In  the 
summer  of  1637  this  deponent,  a  ser- 
vant of  Clayborne,  was  appointed  by 
Clayborne  with  other  men  to  plant 
Palmer's  Island  in  the  territory  of 
the  Susquehannocks,  which  island 
with  other  lands  adjacent  thereto  the 
Kings  of  the  Susquehannocks  had 
granted  to  Clayborne,  and  that  the 
governor  of  Maryland  sent  men     and 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


25 


took  it  and  the  cattle,  hogs  and  men." 
The  force  of  all  this  is,  that  the 
governor  of  Maryland,  found  it  expe- 
dient to  try  to  disaffect  the  Susque- 
hannock  Indians  from  Claytaorne  be- 
for  trying  to  disposses  him  from  the 
Susquehanna  River  mouth  and  its  is- 
lands. They  were  friends  of  Clay- 
borne,  and  the  governor  felt  that  the 
infant  province  was  not  strong 
enough  to  overthrow  the  combina- 
tion. So  he  even  used  some  of  Clay- 
borne's  goods  to  take  to  the  Susque- 
hannocks  and  buy  then  off — he  bought 
corn  from  them  which  they  were 
used  to  sell  to  Clayborne's  planters, 
and  in  need  of  which  they  sorely 
stood  so  that  he  might  weaken  them 
by  cutting  off  their  source  of  prov- 
isions. This  Palmer's  island  is  a  very 
interesting  point  today,  from  its  his- 
torical associations — the  seat  of  one 
of  the  earliest  English  settlements 
in  this  part  of  America,  nearly  as 
early  as  Plymouth — and  but  little 
over  a  score  of  years  later  than 
Jamestown,  and  only  about  fifteen 
miles  from  the  southern  boundary  of 
Lancaster    county. 

1640   And   Later — The   Susqueliannock 

Rights   and  Possessions  at 

This   Time. 

'We  have  seen  on  the  authority  of 
Acrelius  and  Campanius  that  about 
1638  the  Swedes  brought  the  lands 
stretching  from  Delaware  River  to 
Susquehanna  up  to  Conewago  falls. 
Lewis  Evans,  who  wrote  in  1755  and 
earlier  in  his  "Analysis  of  General 
Map  of  the  Middle  British  Colonies  in 
America"  (printed  by  Franklin),  also 
tells  us  about  this  purchase.  Page 
11  and  12  he  says,  "All  from  the  sea 
to  the  falls  at  Trenton  they  had  con- 
veyed to  Peter  Menevet,  Commandant 
under  Christina,  Queen  of  Sweden. 
The  boundary  extended  thence  west- 
ward to  the  Great  Falls  of  Susque- 
hanna,  near  the   mouth   of  Conewago 


Creek."  Evans  also  gives  a  more  de- 
finite description  of  the  bounds  of 
the  Susquehannocks'  country  than 
others.  He  says,  at  same  page  "The 
Susquehannocks  had  abandoned  the 
Western  Shore  of  Maryland  before 
their  conquest,  and  the  English  found 
it  mostly  derelict;  the  Confederates 
(Five  Nations)  confine  their  claim  to 
the  northward  of  a  line  drawn  from 
Conewago  Falls  to  the  North  Moun- 
tain where  it  crosses  Potomac  and 
thence  by  that  chain  of  mountains  to 
the  James  River "  This  explains 
why  Smith  found  them  pretty  well 
up  the  Susquehanna  River  and  a  va- 
cant territory  between  them  and  the 
Powhatan  Indians.  But  they  (Susque- 
hannocks) did  sally  down  into  Mary- 
land and  give  them  much  trouble  so 
that  in  May  1639  the  Maryland  gov- 
ernment resolved  to  invade  their 
j  country  (Johnson's  History  of  Cecil 
!  Co.,  p.  16).  The  Confederates  (Five 
j  Nations)  claimed  all  the  country 
|  east  of  the  Susquehanna  north  of  a 
line  drawn  from  Trenton  on  the  Dela- 
ware to  mouth  of  Conewago  Creek  on 
Susquehanna  they  having  whipped  the 
the  Lenape  and  such  of  the  Susque- 
hannocks as  were  in  that  country 
and  driven  them  south  of  that  line 
— Evans'  Analysis,  p.  12.  That  is  why 
the  Swedes  never  succeeded  in  buy- 
ing lands  farther  north  than  that  line, 
from  these  Indians.  The  purchase  did 
not  extend  farther  west  than  Susque- 
hanna because  that  was  derelict.  In 
later  days  of  course  the  Five  Nations 
conquered  all  the  Susquehanna  lands 
and  we  shall  see  that  Penn  was  com- 
pelled to  deal  with  these  savages  of 
the  north,  for  this  section  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, for  <hat  reason.  Thus  at  the 
period  of  which  we  are  writing,  about 
1640,  the  Susquehanna  country  In- 
dians had  the  Swedes  to  the  east  on 
the  lower  Delaware,  from  New  Castle 
and  Wilmington  sites  to  the  latitudes 
of    Philadelphia,    and    between      them 


26 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS    AND 


some  scattered  Delawares — on  the 
south  the  Marylanders  and  Powhatan 
Indians — on  the  west  open  country 
(neutral)  and  on  the  north  the  Five 
Nations.  They  (the  Susquehannocks) 
at  this  time  traded  with  both  the 
English  on  the  south  and  the  Swedes 
on  the  east.  Clayborne  had  cheated 
and  defrauded  them  most  shamefully 
at  the  head  of  the  Bay;  and  they 
turned  to  their  new  neighbors,  the 
Swedes,  on  the  east,  for  trade  quite 
gladly,  and  were  great  friends  with 
them. 

1640— Swedish    Trade    With    Susque- 
hamiocks   at   This   Time. 


Campanius  gives  us  the  clearest  ac- 
count of  the  trade  between  the  Sus- 
quehannocks and  the  Swedes  at  this  j  one 
time.  In  his  description  of  New 
Sweden,  page  157,  he  says,  "These 
Indians    live    a    distance    of    93    Eng- 


themselves  with  when  they  go  to 
war."  Acrelius,  page  47,  tells  us  al- 
so of  this  trade  with  the  Swedes  says 
these  Indians  that  they  live  and  ex- 
tend miles  from  New  Sweden  on  the 
Susquehanna  ani  flonestoga.  And 
he  also  says  that  the  roughness  of 
the  "road"  by  which  they  traded  can 
still  be  seen  by  those  who  travel  be- 
tween New  Castle  and  Lancaster. 
Thus  there  is  no  mistake  that  this 
Swedish  trade  was  with  our  Susque- 
hanna   River    Indians. 

Some  of  the  commodities  playing  a 
part  in  the  trade  Campanius  forgets 
to  mention.  In  a  note  page  148,  Vol. 
1,  of  Proud's  History,  quoting  from 
Smith's  History,  who  gives  Thos. 
Budd  as  his  authority,  a  speech  of 
of  the  Indian  kings  is  given  as 
follows,  "The  strong  liquor  was  first 
sold  to  us  by  the  Dutch;  and  they 
are  blind;  they  had  no  eyes;  they  did 


lish    miles    from    New    Sweden    where  j  not  see  that  it  was  for  our  hurt.  The 

they  daily  come  to  trade  with  us.  The 

way  to  their  lands  is  very  bad,  being 

stony,  full  of  sharp  gray  stones  with 

hills  and  morasses  so  that  the  Swedes 

when  they  went  to  them,  which  hap- 
pened  once   or   twice   a  year,   had   to 

walk  in  the  water  up  to  their  arm- 
pits.    Thither    they    went    with    cloth, 

kettles,    axes,    hatchets,     knives     and 

mirrors   and   coral   beads   which   they 

sold    to    them    for    beaver    and    other 

valuable    skins    and    also      for      black 

foxes   and   fisher's    skins,   which    is    a 

kind  of  skin  that  looks  like  sable,  but 

with      longer      and    silvery    hair,    like 

some   of   the   best   sables,  with  beaver, 

velvet-black  squirrel  skins,  etc.  These 
precious  furs  are  the  principal  ar- 
ticles which  they  have  for  sale.  They 
live  on  a  high  mountain,  very  steep, 
and  difficult  to  climb;  but  they 
have  a  fort  or  square  building  sur- 
rounded with  palisades  which  they 
reside  in,  as  shown  on  page  123. 
There  they  have  guns  and  small  iron 
cannon  which  they   shoot  and  defend 


next  people  that  came  among  us  were 
the    Swedes,   who   continued   the    sale 
of    these    strong   liquors   to    us;    they 
were    also    blind;    they    had    no    eyes, 
they  did   not   see   it  to  be  hurtful   to 
give   us  drink;    although  we  know   it 
to  be  hurtful  to  us  to  drink  it;  but  if 
people  will  sell  it  to  us  we  are  so  in 
love   with   it  that  we   cannot   forbear 
it.     When    we    drink    it,    it   makes    us 
mad;  we  do  not  know  what  we  do;  we 
then    abuse    one    another;    we    throw 
each  ether  into  the  fire.     Seven  score 
of   our   people   have  been  killed  by  rea- 
son of  the  drinking,"  etc.     This  is   a 
sad  commentary  on  the  beginning  of 
American    civilization,    and    a    shame 
that  the   first    pitiable   protest   should 
come     from     the    savages.      Acrelius' 
mention    of    the    road    is    the    earliest 
notice  of  a  'road'  in  Pennsylvania  of 
which  I  have  any  knowledge.  It  likely 
lay    through    the    northern    Delaware 
swamps   and  then   up   along  the   east 
side    of   the    Susquehanna    River 
That  this  boom  in  the  Swedish  trade 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


27 


began  about  this  time  is  shown  also 
in  Vol.  5,  Sec.  2,  Pa.  Arch.,  p.  78, 
where  it  is  said,  "The  population  did 
not  experience  any  special  impulse 
until  the  year  1639  when  the  fur 
trade  with  the  Indians  which  had  pre- 
viously been  reserved  to  the  company 
was  thrown  free  to  everybody;  at 
which  time  the  colonists  spread  them- 
selves far  and  wide,"  also  "they  sep- 
arated themselves  from  one  another 
and  settled  far  into  the  interior  of 
the  country  the  better  to  trade  with 
the  Indians."  Do.  p.  78.  The  Com- 
pany here  referred  to  was  Dutch. 

1642 — The     Susquehannocks'    Numeri- 
cal Strength — Their  Progress 
in  the  Arts  of  War. 

Scharf  in  his  history  of  Maryland 
p.  140  gives  the  incident  of  Susque- 
hanna cruelty,  which  he  fixes  as  hap- 
pening in  1642.  He  says,  "A  certain 
man,  a  Christian,  while  he  was  mak- 
ing his  way  with  others  through  the 
woods,  fell  behind  his  companions  a 
little  when  the  savages  of  the  tribe 
of  Susquehannocks  atacked  him  sud- 
denly from  an  ambuscade,  and  with 
a  strong  and  light  spear  of  locust 
wood  from  which  they  make  their 
bows,  with  an  iron  point  oblong  at 
the  sides  pierced  him  through  the 
right  side  to  the  left  at  a  hand's 
breath  below  the  arm  pit  near  the 
heart  itself  with  a  wound  of  two  fin- 
gers broad  at  each  side.  From  the  ef- 
fects of  this  when  the  man  had  fallen 
his  enemies  fled  with  the  utmost  pre- 
cipitation; but  his  friends  who  had 
gone  before  recalled  by  the  sudden 
noise  and  shout  returned  and  carried 
the  man  from  the  land  to  the  boat 
which  was  not  far  distant  and  thence 
to  his  home  in  Piscataway  and  left 
him  speechless  out  of  his  sense."  This 
is  the  verbatim  description  of  this 
cruelty  which  Scharf  gives,  he  himself 
quoting  from  Father  White,  a  Jesuit 
who  knows  of  it  personally. 


Susquehannocks    Declared  Public 
Enemies. 

1642.  "These  are  to  declare  and 
publish  that  the  Susquehannocks, 
Wicomeses  and  Nantocokes  Indians 
are  enemies  of  this  province  and  as 
such  are  to  be  treated  and  proceeded 
against  by  all  persons — Given  at  St. 
Mary's  Sept.,  13,  1642."  Vol.  3  Md. 
Arch.   p.   116. 

Accordingly  the  same  year  Mary- 
land made  up  another  expedition  to 
go  against  the  Susquehannocks.  This 
is  detailed  as  follows:  "It  shall  be 
lawful  for  the  Lieutenant  General  or 
Captain  by  him  to  make  an  expedition 
against  the  Susquehannocks  or  other 
Indians  having  ccmmitteed  the  late 
outrages  against  English,  at  such 
time  and  manner  as  he  thinks  fit  and 
to  take  out  of  every  county  or  hun- 
dred within  the  province  the  third 
man  able  to  bear  arms,  such  as  he 
thinks  fit  and  to  go  on  the  exepdi- 
tion,  and  every  of  which  men  shall  be 
at  the  charge  of  the  county,  furnish- 
ed and  provided  with  one  fixed  gunne, 
2  lbs.  powder,  8  lbs.  pistol  or  bullet 
shott,  1  sword  and  2  months  provi- 
sions of  victuals  and  shall  be  trans- 
ported to  and  from  the  expedition 
with  vessels  and  all  necessarys  at 
like  charge.  And  the  expenses  of  the 
same  shall  be  raised  by  a  levy  on  the 
province  for  the  charge  of  the  men, 
vessels,  ammunition  and  provisions 
and  all  perquisites  arising  from  the 
levy  shall  be  for  the  benefit  of  the 
province."  Vol.  1,  Maryland  Archives 
p.   196. 

1642— Extent    of    Swedish    Land    Pur- 
chased from  the  Susquehannocks. 

The  Swedes  in  a  representation 
dated  1642  page  767  Vol.  5  of  2nd 
series  Penna.  Arch,  set  forth  "This 
district  may  be  in  length  about  30 
German  miles  (which  is  over  100 
English  miles)  but  as  to  the  width 
in  the  interior  of  the  country  it  has 


28 


AXXALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


been   stipulated   and    decreed    in    the 


contracts  that  the  subjects  of  her  ma-  j 
jesty  may  take  as  much  as  they 
wish;"  and  on  page  781  that  all  sub- 
jects of  Sweden  shall  have  "Liberty 
of  Trading  upon  the  river  of  the 
South  (Delaware)  and  the  interior  cf 
the  country  as  well  with  the  savages 
as  with  the  Christians,  without  any 
condition,   etc." 

Thus    it    is     plain    from    the    above 
that  the  Swedes  had  by  far  the  lion's 
share  of  the  trade  with  the   Minquas 
or   Susquehanna   country    Indians  and  | 
as  well  with  the  various  other  tribes 
on    the    Delaware.        I    have    thought  j 
this  necessary  to  give  a  true  history 
of  the  relations  of  these  Minquas  with 
the   Europeans  on  the   Delaware,   lest 
it  might  be   inferred  that  because   of 
their  distance   inland     they     did     not 
come    nto    constant    contact    with    the  | 
civilization  on     Delaware,     which     of 
of    course    they    did    constantly.        It 
will  be  noticed  that  as  above  describ- 
ed  the   Minqua   Creek   was   so   named 
not  because  the  Minquas  lived  on  it, 
but  beyond  it,  as  stated  it  extends  up 
towards   their  lands.     Along  the  Min- 
qua   was    their    chief    highway    to    go 
to  the   Delaware.       They  lived     about 
the    Susquehanna    20    miles    or    more 
from    the    head    waters    of    the    little 
Minqua — or    as    Acrelius    puts    it      93 
miles  from  the  Delaware.     It  is  plain 
also    that    besides    this    route    to    the 
Delaware    these    Susquehannas    some 
time    went    by    way    of    Schuylkill,    10 
to    20    miles    from   the  mouth   of  the 
same  they  had  a  trading  station  with 
the  Swedes.     It  is  also  plain  that  they 
were     beaver     trappers      along      the 
Schuylkill    and    the   other   streams   of 
that    locality.     The    amount    of    com- 
plaining of  the   Dutch   too   shows   the 
trade    was    very     profitable.     Accord- 
ing to  the  speech  of  Cannassetego  in 
Lancaster    Court    House,      June    25th, 
1744,  the   Indians  of  whom  he  spoke, 
cordially    welcomed    the    Dutch    when 


they  came  among  them  over  100  years 
before  to  trade.  4  Col.  Rec.  704. 
1642— Second  Expedition  Against  the 
Susquehannocks— Proclamation 
by  the  Lieutenant  General. 
"Whereas  the  English  were  author- 
ized to  kill  any  Indians  about  Patux- 
ent  that  should  be  met  on  etiher 
land  or  water,  and  certain  expeditions 
were  therein  mentioned,  I,  now  by 
reason  of  some  accidents  since  hap- 
pening, wholly  repeal  and  reverse  the 
proclamation  and  prohibit  upon  pain 
of  death  that  no  English  in  the  coun- 
ty of  St.  Mary's  or  any  other  part 
of  the  province  do  kill  or  shoot  any 
Indians,  other  than  such  as  shall  be 
known  to  the  Susquehannocks  or 
Wicomeses,  unless  first  assaulted  or 
put  in  bodily  fear  of  life  by  the  In- 
dians. I  also  revoke  the  proclamation 
making  Naulacogues  enemies  and  de- 
clare a  treaty  of  peace  with  them." 
This  is  found  in  Vol.  3,  Maryland 
Archives  p.  129,  and  it  amply  illus- 
trates the  feeling  in  Maryland  at  this 
time    against   the    Susquehannocks. 

1642 — Some    Projected  Expedition 
Against     the     Susquehan- 
nocks Abandoned. 

In    Vol.    3,    Maryland    Archives,      p. 

j  130,  this  further  proclamation  by  the 

j  Lieutenant     General      is      set     forth: 

j  "Whereas    by    a    proclamation      dated 

j  January    31,    on    certain    hopes    then 

presumed  upon  of  means  to  go  on  a 

j  march    upon    the    Susquehannocks,     I 

did    declare   to     the     province     there 

|  would   be   an   expedition   set   forth   at 

|  his    lordship's    charge,    which    means 

'  being   not   yet   found   to   answer     my 

hopes,  I  think  fit  to  advise  further  of 

the   said   expedition    and  therefore   do 

annul   the   said  proclamation   and  ob- 

S  ligations    undertaken    and    all    powers 

concerning    the    expedition,    this    8th 

|  day   of  April." 

We  see  by  this  item  that  while  the 
I  government  of  the  province  of  Mary- 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


29 


land  were  determined  to  war  on  the 
Susquehannocks,  the  people  gener- 
ally did  not  relish  at  all  the  idea  of 
measuring   arms   with   them. 

1642 — Serious    Charge    Against    Lieu- 
tenant General  Brent  for  Giving 
up  the  Expedition  Against 
the  Susquehannocks. 

In  Vol.  4,  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
128,  under  date  of  October  17,  we 
have  the  following  information  against 
Giles  Brent:  "John  Lewger,  attorney 
for  Lord  Baltimore,  informs  the 
Court  against  Giles  Brent  that  he  hav- 
ing moved  and  propounded  an  enter- 
prise upon  the  Susquehannocks,  the 
said  Lieutenant  General  together  with 
him,  Mr.  Brent,  did  resolve  and  con- 
clude upon  the  manner  and  means 
of  it  and  that  Brent  should  have 
a  commission  and  raise  men  at  Kent 
and  all  other  necessaries  for  service 
and  that  it  should  be  done  at  the 
county's  charge,  all  of  which  Brent 
seems  to  think  approve  and  accord- 
ingly undertook  the  moving  of  the 
men  upon  Kent  and  leading  them 
out  upon  the  service  and  he  knew 
well  what  charge  it  would  be 
and  how  important  the  honor  and 
safety  of  the  province  was  con- 
cerned in  the  managing  and  suc- 
cess of  it  and  what  a  notable  oppor- 
tunity was  presented  to  the  disadvan- 
tage of  the  enemy  and  disabling  him 
to  ever  assault  again,  not  to  be  hoped 
for  at  any  other  time,  he,  Brent,  on 
arriving  at  Kent,  under  authority  of 
a  commission  granted  to  Mr.  Brenth- 
wait  for  command  of  that  Island  and 
taking  disgust  thereat  or  for  disaffec- 
tion did  not  use  or  execute  the  mis- 
sion, but  devising  how  to  make  the 
commission  and  design  ineffectual 
with  impunity  and  to  give  people  oc- 
casion for  refusing  and  disobeying 
it,  did  leave  it  to  their  consideration 
whether  they  were  willing  to  be 
pressed    or    not    and    used    words      to 


signify  that  they  would  not  be  urged 
and  pretending  there  were  illegalities 
in  his  commission,  yet  later  issued 
warrants  for  20  soldiers,  who  came 
with  arms  and  were  ready,  but  re- 
ceiving some  impression  and  expres- 
sion of  their  unwillingness  he  admit- 
ted thereof  and  of  his  own  head  dis- 
missed them  and  so  let  the  whole  en- 
terprise fail  and  fall  to  the  ground, 
to  the  ill  example  and  great  damage 
and  danger  of  all  and  it  is  prayed  he 
may  be  compelled  to  answer  for  it" 
Divested  of  all  the  legal  verbiage 
in  which  this  complaint  is  couched 
it  means  that  Giles  Brent,  who  was 
sent  on  the  expedition  against  the 
Susquehannocks,  when  he  reached 
Kent  Island  encouraged  people 
to  oppose  it  instead  of  trying  to  get 
them  to  join  his  forces  and  enlist,  so 
that  it  cost  the  province  much  money 
and  was  a  flat  failure.  The  people  it 
seems  were  afraid  of  the  Susquehan- 
nock  and  would  not  hazard  a  fight 
with  them. 

1642— Failures  of  the  Expedition 
Against  the  Susquehannocks — 
Witnesses  Against  Brent 
and  His  Action. 
In  Vol.  4  Md.  Arch.  p.  138,  we  find 
the  following:  "Wm.  Sudd  says  that 
in  March  he  was  appointed  by  Mr. 
Pulton  to  go  in  his  pinnacle  as  skip- 
per and  trader  to  the  Susquehannas 
and  by  him  appointed  to  have  men  at 
the  lead  of  Kent  for  a  voyage,  and 
that  he  would  write  to  Mr.  Brent  to 
assist  him  in  it,  and  that  at  his  com- 
ing to  Kent  with  the  knowledge  and 
consent  of  Brent  he  hired  John  Petti- 
man  to  go  upon  the  voyage  and  hired 
him  for  200  pounds  of  tobacco  a 
month,  and  accordingly  Pettiman  was 
out  on  the  voyage  two  months  and  by 
that  means  and  that  by  his  means 
and  pinnacle  and  the  presence  of  the 
men,  they  were  saved  from  destruc- 
tion  by    the    Susquehannocks,     which 


30 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS    AND 


Brent     would     have     al- 


destruction 
lowed." 

Against  the  Susquehannocks. 

On  Nov.  25,  Giles  Brent  made  an- 
swer to  the  information  against  him 
that  it  was  not  sufficient  in  law  and 
also  that  he  is  not  guilty  of  the 
charge  laid  against  him  therein; 
and  the  same  time  the  Attorney  Gen- 
eral files  a  criminal  bill  against  him 
shirking  his  duty  in  not  going  upon 
the  Susquehannocks  and  destroying 
them  according  to  the  command  in 
his  commission.  See  Vol.  4,  Md.  Arch. 
151.  In  the  end  nothing  came  of  the 
suit  in  court  and  council;  and  the 
net  result  of  it  all  was  the  unexplain- 
ed failure  to  take  the  Susquehan- 
nocks. 
1643— A  Third    Expedition    Planned 

Against  the  Susquehannocks. 
Another    expedition    planned    against 
Susquehannocks,    Capt.    Cornwaleys  to 
lead.     In    Vol.    3    Md.    Arch.    131,    we 
find   the   following   commission;    "Re- 
lying  on   your   experience   in   martial 
affairs    I    appoint    and    authorize    you 
to   make   an   expidition     against     the 
Susquehannocks  or  other  Indians  who 
committed     the   outrages     and     took 
the     three     men,     and     you    are     au- 
thorized to  take  every  third  man   fit 
to  bear  arms  in  the  province  and  re- 
quire the  counties  to     furnish     them 
and  to  have  them  ready  at  such  ren- 
dezous  as  you  shall  appoint  and  every 
such  volunteer  to  command  with  cap- 
tains and  with  them  a  warre  to  make 
upon   the   Indians   aforesaid    (Susque- 
hannocks)   in   such  manner  and  with 
such  power     and     authority     whatso- 
ever for  the  doing,  commanding,  ap- 
point of  anything  toward  the  expedi- 
tion   or    for    vanquishing    or    spoiling 
the   enemy   or   anything  touching   the 
said  warre  to  have  use  and  exercise 
the  same  in  as  ample  a  manner  and 
effect  as  may  be  vested  in  a  captain 
general  in  time  of  warre,  and  we  re- 
quire all  soldiers  to  obey  you,  Thomas 


Cornwaleys    under    punishment.   April 
17,  1643,  per  Giles  Brent,  Lieut.  Gen." 
1643— Expedition  Against  the  Susque- 
hannocks—Powers    Given 
to  Captain  Cornwaleys. 
In       this        year       the       following 
powers  were  granted  by  Maryland  to 
Cornwaleys— Vol.    3,    Maryland    Arch- 
ives,   p.    133.— "Charles    Cecelius    Rex, 
greeting,  to  Thomas  Cornwaleys,  Esq. 
Whereas   we   are   informed     of     your 
proposition    and   propenseness   to     go 
on  a  march  upon  the  Susquehannocks 
and    that    several    to    a    considerable 
number   are    willing   and    desirous    to 
be  led  out  by  you,  on  such  a  march, 
upon    certain    conditions    treated    and 
agreed  between  you  and  them,  we  ap- 
prove   very    well    of    such    your    and 
their  forwardness     for     the     vindica- 
tion of  the  honor  of     God     and     the 
Christians,  and  the  English  name,  up- 
on those  barbarians  and  inhuman  pa- 
gans—do    hereby     authorize     you     to 
levy  such  men  as  shall  be  willing  to 
go,  upon  said  march  and  to  lead  and 
conduct  them  against  the  Susquehan- 
nocks or  other  Indian  enemies  of  this 
province  in  such  time  and  manner  as 
you    think    fit    and    to    do    all    things 
for  the  training  of  the  soldiers,  fur- 
nishing of  sustenance  and  other  sup- 
plies,   and    to   demand    obedience    and 
order  the  affairs,  and  provide  officers 
as   against  martial   enemies   and   dis- 
posing   of    the    spoyle    and    all    other 
things  and  matters  whatsoever  to  the 
said    expedition    appurtaining    in    the 
manner  and  power     as     the     captain 
general  of  any  army  can  or  may  do 
in  the  time  of  warre." 

Thus  here  we  have  another  evi- 
dence of  the  continued  trouble  which 
the  Susquehannocks  were  inflicting 
on  the  Marylanders.  All  this  we  have 
seen  originated,  because  the  whites 
of  Maryland  took  sides  with  a  few 
small  tribes  of  Indians  who  were 
hereditary  enemies  of  the  Susquehan- 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


31 


nocks.  Whether  this  expedition  was 
taken  or  not  history  dos  not  inform 
us.  If  it  was  there  was  evidently  not 
any  great  punishment  inflicted  upon 
the  Susquehannocks;  and  it  is  likely 
that  the  project  was  affected  in  a 
manner  similar  to  the  expedition  of 
1639,  as  Mr.  Samuel  Evans  tells  us 
in  his  History  of  Lancaster  County, 
that  is,  that  the  Marylanders  were 
faint  of  heart  in  the  project.  At  any 
rate  the  following  year  an  opportun- 
ity for  concluding  a  possible  peace 
presenting  itself,  the  Marylanders 
very  gladly  tried  to  avail  themselves 
of   it.     We   shall   now   speak   of   it. 

1044— Effort  to  Make  Peace  with  the 
Susquehannocks. 

Bozman,  p.  275,  introduces  this  sub- 
ject as  follows:  "Some  proceedings 
now  took  place  relative  to  a  treaty 
expected  to  be  held  with  the  Susque- 
hannocks at  the  English  fort  or  gar- 
rison at  Piscataway.  It  seems  they 
were  begun  in  the  absence  of  the 
governor.  The         Susquehannocks 

were  expected  at  Piscataway  either 
with  serious  intentions  to  enter  into 
a  cessation  of  hostilities,  or  sinister 
designs  to  inveigle  the  friendly  Pisca- 
taways,  and  a  commission  was  grant- 
ed to  Henry  Fleete."  This  action,  in 
the  absence  of  the  governor,  we  shall 
see,  aftrwards  led  to  disputes  in 
Maryland  and  the  revocation  of  pow- 
ers  granted,   etc. 

This  commission  to  Fleete  was  as 
follows:  "Cecelius,  etc.,  to  Captain 
Henry  Fleete,  greeting. — Whereas  by 
certain  intelligence  from  the  Pisca- 
taways  I  understand  that  there  was 
some  number  of  our  enemies,  the 
Susquehannock  Indians,  expected 
about  this  time  at  Piscataway  under 
color  to  treat  and  conclude  a  peace 
with  them  and  us,  but  perhaps  to 
confederate  and  unite  all  the  Indians 
of  these  parts  in  some  general  league 
or    plot    for    cutting    off    the    English 


in  Maryland,  as  they  have  most  sav- 
agely attempted  in  Virginia  (this 
must  refer  to  the  massacre  planned 
and  partly  executed  by  Opechanca- 
nough  in  1639.  See  Bozman,  p.  275) ; 
and  because  it  concerns  the  honor  and 
safety  of  the  colony  to  have  some 
English  there  to  be  present  at  the 
treaty  and  other  proceedings,  to  direct 
and  overrule  it  if  need  be,  to  counsel 
and  strengthen  our  friendship,  and 
friends  that  yet  remain  and  terrify 
the  others  and  to  proceed  with  the 
Susquehannock  agents  either  in  hos- 
tiliy  or  peace  as  there  shall  be  most 
cause  and  reason  for — I  relying  upon 
your  skill  in  the  language,  and  long 
conversation  and  experience  in  Indian 
affairs  and  your  prudent  and  provi- 
dent circumspection  otherwise,  have 
made  choice  of  you  and  do  hereby 
will  and  require  you  to  taKe  with  you 
a  convenient  strength  of  English  well 
armed  and  provided  to  the  number  of 
twenty  at  least  and  with  them  repair 
to  Piscataway  and  there  proceed  with 
the  Indians,  both  friends  and  enemies, 
to  such  instructions  as  shall  be  de- 
livered to  you  by  my  secretary  bear- 
ing date  herewith,  and  to  lead,  order 
and  command  in  chief  all  the  said 
company  as  shall  go  with  you,  yea 
even  to  the  inflicting  of  death  upon 
mutinous  persons,  as  a  captain  gen- 
eral may  do  by  martial  law.  St. 
Mary's,  June  18,  1644,  per  Giles  Brent 
Esq."  Sec.  3,  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
148,  and  Bozman,  p.  275. 

At  the  same  time  the  following  in- 
structions were  given  by  John  Lew- 
ger.  Brent's  secretary  to  Fleete:  "You 
are  to  go  with  your  company  to  Pisca- 
taway and  there  confer  and  consider 
by  the  best  means  yau  may,  what 
hope  there  is  of  a  real  and  firm 
peace  or  truce  with  the  Susquehan- 
nocks, whether  it  will  be  more  to 
the  honor  and  safety  of  the  English 
to  have  a  warre  or  a  truce  with  them 
at    present. 


32 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS    AND 


2.  If  you  find  the  best  reasons  to 
persuade  them  to  peace  you  may  en- 
ter into  a  treaty  of  peace  with  them 
and  undertake  to  them  in  our  names 
a  truce  or  cessation  of  all  acts  of 
hostility  on  our  part  until  such  time 
as  you  shall  agree  upon,  for  expecta- 
tion of  performance  of  conditions  on 
their  part,  and  of  the  governor's  as- 
sent to  peace,  and  give  hostages  or 
exchanges  as  you  shall  be  willing. 
John  Lewger,  Secretary."  This  may 
be  found  in  Vol.  3,  Maryland  Arch- 
ives, p.  149,  and  Bozman,  p.  277. 

At  the  same  time  passports  to  the 
Susquehannocks  were  given,  to  in- 
duce them  freely  to  come  and  treat 
as  follows:  "Cecelius,  etc.,  greeting — 
To  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  province 
known  that  I  have  promised  and  un- 
dertaken to  the  Indian  bearer  or 
bearers  hereof  of  the  Susquehannock 
Nation  not  exceding  three,  to  repair 
in  a  good  manner  from  the  Susque- 
hannocks' forte  and  to  my  lieutenant 
general  or  some  of  my  council  at 
Kent  or  St.  Mary's  upon  any  public 
treaty  message,  safe  and  free  passage 
to  and  fro  through  my  province  with- 
out any  harm  or  molestation  of  any 
of  the  English,  and  therefore  I  re- 
quire all  of  every  one  of  you  upon 
sight  hereof  not  to  do  anything  to 
the  violating  of  the  public  faith  given 
unto  them,  upon  the  utmost  peril  of 
such  punishment  as  by  martial  law 
may  be  inflicted  upon  the  contemners 
or  violators  hereof.  Given  St.  Mary's 
June  18,  1644."  (See  the  same  in  Vol. 
3,  Maryland  Archives,  p.  150,  and 
Bozman,   p.   279.) 

The  token  which  was  given  these 
Susquehannock  Indians,  as  safe  con- 
duct, was  a  medal  of  copper,  with  a 
black  and  yellow  ribbon  attached. 
And  we  shall  see  later  that  the  Mary- 
land troops,  in  a  dastardly  way, 
thirty  years  later,  broke  the  faith 
signified  by  the  medals,  and  shot 
down   five   defenseless  Susquehannock 


chiefs,    who    came    to    treat    with    the 
medals  in  their  hands. 

1644— Robert    Evelyn's    Estimates    of 

of  the  Susquehannocks  at 

This  Time. 

During  four  years,  (about  1642  to 
1646)  Robert  Evelyn  lived  among  the 
Swedes  and  Dutch  about  Delaware, 
and  with  the  English  in  Maryland 
and  Virginia.  About  the  latter  year 
he  wrote  a  letter,  supposed  to  be  to 
the  Queen  of  Sweden,  describing  the 
Susquhannocks  at  this  time  and  their 
country  and  ways.  The  letter  is  in- 
corporated into  the  "Description  of 
New  Albion"  written  about  1646,which 
we  have  referred  to  before.  In  this 
letter  he  says  "On  the  Delaware  I 
have  resided  several  years.  I  do  ac- 
count all  the  Indians  to  be  about  800, 
and  are  in  several  factions  and  war 
against  the  Susquehannocks,  and  are 
all  extreme  fearful  of  a  gun  and  are 
naked  and  unarmed  against  our  shot, 
swords  and  pikes,  and  since  my  re- 
turn 18  Swedes  are  settled  there  and 
46  Dutchmen  in  a  boat  trade  without 
fear  of  them.  From  the  Indians  you 
may  have  two  thousand  bushels  of 
corn  at  12  pence  a  bushel.  This  let- 
ter may  be  seen  in  first  Vol.  Proud, 
p.  112.  The  description  of  New  Albion, 
found  in  same  place  in  Proud,  then 
goes  on  and  supplements  what  Eve- 
lyn said.  The  author  says  besides 
the  800  Indians  mentioned  by  Evelyn 
there  are  23  Kings  in  that  section. 
Then  it  says,  "The  Susquehannas  are 
not  now  of  the  naturals  left  above 
one  hundred  and  ten,  though  with 
their  forced  auxiliaries  the  Ihon-a- 
Does  and  the  Wycomeses  they  can 
make  two  hundred  and  fifty.  These 
together  are  counted  valiant  and  ter- 
rible to  other  cowardly  dull  Indians, 
which  they  beat  with  the  fight  of 
guns  only.  These  last  named  tribes 
the    Susquehannas    recently    conquer- 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


33 


ed,  which  fact  we  have  noted  in  prior 
articles.  It  seems  that  the  Susque- 
hannocks  had  their  'New  Town'  about 
Conewaga  on  Susquehanna  River  be- 
fore 1648  (which  by  some  writers  is 
said  to  have  been  built  later),  for  the 
last  named  authority  says,  "The  Sus- 
quehannocks'  new  town  is  also  a 
rare,  healthy  and  rich  place,  with  it 
a  crystal  broad  river;  but  some  falls 
below,  hinder  navigation." 

Evidently  the  strength  of  the  Sus- 
quehannocks varied  exceedingly 
rapidly  because  Indian  authorities 
(notably  the  Committee  on  Archaeol- 
ogy of  the  Dauphin  Historical  Society 
in  their  pamphlet  'Ind.  Hist,  of  Low- 
er Susquehanna)  say  that  about  this 
time  or  in  1647,  the  Susquehannocks 
had  1300  able  bodied  men.  See  last 
named  work  p.  40.  Smallpox  had 
made  disastrous  ravages  upon  them 
about  this  time.  That  may  explain 
it.  The  above  refernece  to  their  wars 
recalls  to  our  minds  what  says  Cam- 
panius  of  them  when  going  to  and 
in  war,  that  they  make  bread  made 
of  Indian  corn  and  tobacco  juice, 
which  is  very  good  to  allay  hunger 
and  quench  thirst  in  case  they  have 
nothing  else  at  hand  p.  122  and  p. 
137  he  says  "These  Indians  are  of- 
ten at  war  and  they  are  fearless  of 
their  enemies." 

I  omitted  to  mention  above  that 
Robert  Evelyn  mentions  in  his  letter 
that,  "I  went  to  Chicocoen  the  north- 
ern part  of  Virginia  on  the  Potomac 
and  I  found  the  heathen  of  Virginia 
were  at  war  with  the  Susquehan- 
nocks and  all  the  eastern  bay  Indians. 
We  found  14  canoes  and  140  Susque- 
hannocks reduced  by  three  Swedes  in- 
to a  half  moon  with  intent  to  en- 
compass the  first  sail  boat  before  the 
second  could  reach  the  former;  and 
at  the  first  volley  of  10  shots  and  the 
loss  of  one  Indian,  they  all  ran 
away." 

Appropo    of    the    mischief    and    de- 


predations of  these  Indians  we  have 
an  early  description  of  them  by  the 
Dutch  deputies  about  this  time.  In  Vol. 
5  2nd  Series  of  the  Penna.  Archives 
p.  130  it  is  stated,  "The  natives  are 
generally  well  limbed,  slender  around 
the  waist  and  broad  shouldered;  all 
having  black  hair  and  brown  eyes, 
they  are  swift  and  nimble,  dirty  and 
slovenly  and  make  light  of  all  sorts 
of  hardships.  The  men  have  very 
little  beard  and  pluck  out  what  they 
do  have.  As  soldiers  they  are  not 
honorable;  but  accomplish  their 
success  by  perfidy  and  treachery. 
They  make  little  of  death  when  it  is 
inevitable,  despise  torture  at  the 
stake,  generally  singing  until  they 
are  dead.  They  use  duffels,  deer- 
skin leather,  skins  of  raccoons,  wild 
cats,  wolves,  dogs,  fishers,  squirrels 
and  beavers  for  garments  Some  have 
shoes  of  corn  husks  and  head  gear 
of  turkey  feathers.  Since  Christians 
are  among  them  some  now  wear  bon- 
nets or  caps.  They  wear  wampum 
in  ther  ears  and  around  their  necks. 
They  have  long  deer's  hair  dyed  red 
of  which  they  make  ringlets  to  en- 
circle their  heads.  All  of  them  can 
swim.  Their  marriages  are  without 
ceremony,  and  men  and  women  fre- 
quently trade  spouses.  They  know 
little  of  God.  They  are  in  dread  of  the 
devils,  but  their  devils  they  say  will 
have  nothing  to  do  with  the  Dutch." 

1644  — Susquehaniiock     Annex     Their 
Lands  to  New  York's  Government. 

About  this  time  also  (1644)  there 
were  important  changes  in  the  rela- 
tions of  the  Susquehannocks  to  the 
lands  of  this  section.  Page  755  of 
the  book  last  mentioned  (Pa.  Arch.) 
there  is  a  report  of  Gov.  Dongan,  of 
New  York,  dated  1684,  and  in  it  he 
says,  "Those  Indians  about  40  years 
ago  did  annex  their  land  to  this  gov- 
ernment and  have  ever  since  con- 
stantly  renewed  the  same.  Endeavors 


34 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


have  been  used  but  to  no  purpose  to 
persuade  our  traders  to  go  and  live 
on  the  Susquehanna  River."  This 
annexation  to  New  York  however  was 
done  by  the  Five  Nations,  and  not 
by  the  Susquehannocks,  as  the  Five 
Nations  even  at  this  time  began  to 
claim  authority  over  the  Susquehan- 
nocks. The  true  date  was  about  1648 
when  this  occurred;  but  as  we  shall 
see  in  next  paper,  the  Five  Nations 
were  very  much  mistaken  in  think- 
ing the  Susquehannocks  would  sub- 
mit to  them. 

1644— Rivalry     Between     the    Swedes 
and   the  Dutch  to   Secure   the 
Susquehanna  and  Sur- 
rounding Indian 
Trade. 
So  that  we  shall  keep  in  mind  that 
when   the     Dutch     and     the     Swedes 
speak  of  the  Minquas,  they  mean  the 
Susquehannas    I    again    refer    to   Vol. 
8  p.  301  of  the  Jesuit  Relations  where 
it    is    stated    that    the    Andastes    are 
"called    Minquas    by    the    Dutch    and 
Susquehannas   or   Conestogas    by   the 
English." 

In  tracing  up  this  contest  by  the 
Swedes  and  the  Dutch  to  get  the  best 
of  the  Susquehanna  trade  each  from 
the  other,  we  must  not  forget  that 
the  Swedes  were  more  tactful  than 
the  Dutch  in  the  affair,  and  also  were 
more  friendly  received  by  the  In- 
dians. They  were  the  favorites. 
They  were  never  hostile  to  the  In- 
dians and  they  dealt  more  fairly  with 
them. 

The  Dutch  complained  sorely 
against  the  Swedes.  In  a  remons- 
trance by  Andreas  Fudde,  for  the 
Dutch  dated  Nov.  1,  1645  p.  103  of 
5  Vol.  5  of  2nd  Series  Pa.  Arch.,  he 
states,  "Further  up  the  river  (Dela- 
ware) on  the  west  shore  on  a  creek 
called    Minquas    Creek,    so    named    as 


goes  on,  "In  regards  to  this   Schuyl- 
kill, these  are  lands  purchased  by  the 
Company  (the  Dutch).  The  company's 
carpenter    constructed    a    fort    there. 
This   fort  cannot  in   any  manner  ob- 
tain   control    over    the    river;    but     it 
has   command   over  the  whole    creek, 
while  this  creek  is  the  only  remain- 
ing  avenue   for   trade   with   the   Min- 
quas,  and     without     this     trade    the 
river  is  of  little  value.     A  little  dis- 
tance from  this  fort  was  a  creek  to 
the     farthest     distant     wood,     which 
place  is  named     Kinsessing     by     the 
savages,  which  was   before   a  certain 
and    invariable   resort  for   trade   with 
the   Minquas,    but   which    is    now    op- 
posed   by    the    Swedes    having    there 
built  a  strong  house.       Half    a     mile 
further   in   the     woods     Printz     con- 
structed a  mill  of  a  creek    which    runs 
into  the  sea  and  on  this  creek  a  strong 
building  just  by  the  path  which  leads 
to  the  Minquas;   so  that  no  access  to 
the  Menqueas  is  left  open ;    and  he  too 
controls   nearly   all   the   trade   of   the 
savages  on  the  river,  as  the  greatest 
part  of  them  go  hunting  in  the  neigh- 
borhood  which   they   are   not   able   to 
do  without   passing  by  his   residence. 
I  therefore  gave  orders  to  go  to  the 
Schuylkill   and  wait     there     for     the 
Minquas."     In    another    remonstrance 
dated  about  1649  the  Dutch  say,  page 
139  of  the  same  book,  "As  relates  to 
the    trade    with    the    Indians    on    the 
South  River  the  English  and  Swedes 
are  making  great  efforts  to  secure  it 
as  we  shall  show."     This  is  the  trade 
that  came    down    from    the     Susque- 
hanna    country,   as     Campanius   des- 
cribed it  93  miles  from  New  Sweden 
on  to  Conestoga.       The     Dutch     also 
complain  that  the  Indians  themselves 
are  not  fair  with  them  for  they   say 
they    (the  Dutch)    bought  lands    from 
them,  and  thus  expect  their  favor.  P. 


it  runs  pretty  near  tbe  Minquas  land    235.     And    especially    as    to    the    Sus- 

is    a    fort    named    Christiana the  I  quehannock  trading     center     on     the 

first   fort   built   by   the    Swedes."     He  '  Schuylkill  where  as  already  mention- 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


35 


ed  Port  Beversrede  stands  was  pur- 
chased from  the  right  owners  and 
principal  Indians  in  1633  by  the 
Company's  servant  which  conveyance 
the  Indian  chiefs  in  1648  did  renew. 
Notwithstanding  the  Swedes  have 
erected  a  fort  on  these  grounds  and 
built  a  house  in  front  of  the  gate  at 
the  Company's  fortress  for  trading 
where  our  people  are  wholly  shut  out 
from  the  sight  of  the  road  to  deprive 
the  Company  (Dutch)  of  the  beaver 
trade  and  they  have  ruined  the 
trade."  On  page  333  the  Dutch  fur- 
ther set  forth  their  title  to  all  the 
province  from  the  South  (Delaware) 
river  westward  "into  the  west  as  far 
and  much  farther  than  our  line  of 
limits  are  yet  extended  and  seated, 
having  legally  bought  them  from  the 
Indians  the  native  proprietors."  And 
as  to  the  extent  of  the  trade  the 
Dutch  say  page  235,  "Thousands  of 
beavers  can  be  bought  here  and 
around  the  Schuylkill  or  Beaver's 
Rede  which  was  brought  down  in 
great  abundance  by  the  southern  In- 
dians called  Minquas  and  the  Black 
Indians  so  that  this  river  has  always 
been  held  in  great  repute  on  account 
of  its  fitness  and  great  convenience 
for  both  trade  and  agriculture."  As 
to  the  Black  Indians,  Clarke  in  his 
Early  Cayuga  History  page  36,  in  a 
note  says,  "The  Black  Minquas  were 
considered  an  offshot  of  the  Mo- 
hawks." 

1645— Maryland's     Governor    Disowns 
Certain    Interference    With  the 
Susquehannocks,  Which 
His  Council  Set 
On  Foot 
In  a  former  item  we  saw  that  John 
Lewger,  a  member  of  Council  and  an 
attorney  for  the  Government,  and  al- 
so   secretary   to   the   Lieutenant   Gen- 
eral, gave  certain  instructions  to  Col- 
onel  Fleet,   how   to   proceed   with   the 
Susquehannocks,     and     make  war  or 


peace  v/ith  them  as  he  saw  fit.  This 
was  done  in  the  absence  of  the  Gov- 
ernor and  the  result  was  what  now 
follows:  "Now  whereas  John  Lewger, 
Esq.,  one  of  his  Lordship's  Council 
of  this  Province,  without  orders  or 
authority  from  the  Proprietor  or 
Lieutenant  General,  pursuant  to  his 
own  head,  to  counterfeit  and  deliver 
unto  Henry  Fleete  a  commission  for 
a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  enemies 
of  the  Province,  the  Susquehannocks 
and  likewise  for  the  making  said 
Fleete  a  captain  or  general  to  make 
war  against  them  or  against  other 
Indians  and  to  bear  authority  over 
his  company  and  the  inhabitants  of 
this  Province,  and  to  do  acts  accord- 
ing to  the  tenor  of  the  said  commis- 
sion, he  has  presumed  to  affix  and 
count  his  Lordship's  seal  and  his 
Lieutenant  General's  hand,  which  acts 
being  a  high  misdeameanor  and  of- 
fense and  as  such  requires  serious 
animadversion. — These  are  therefore 
to  suspend  the  said  John  Lewger  from 
the  office  or  dignity  of  Council,  from 
all  other  offices  and  dignities  depend- 
ing thereon,  and  I  do  further  revoke 
all  other  commissions  at  any  time 
granted  unto  him,  said  John  Lewger, 
by  me  as  Lieutenant  General.  Sign- 
ed Giles  Brent."  See  Vol.  3,  Maryland 
Archives,   p.   151. 

It  is  evident  that  the  government 
of  Maryland  at  this  time  thought 
dealing  with  the  Susquehannocks  was 
too  serious  a  matter  for  subordinates 
to  take  upon  themselves,  without 
consulting  with  ther  superiors.  Boz- 
man  in  his  history  speaking  of  this 
date,  1644,  says  the  Susquehannocks 
were  now  the  most  formidable  In- 
dians the  Marylanders  had  to  en- 
counter, and  they  were  in  the  habit 
of  using  firearms,  having  secured 
them  from  the  Dutch  and  the  Swedes 
and  the  Governor  made  a  proclama- 
tion prohibiting  any  one  from  carry- 
ing  powder   or    selling    guns   or    shot 


36 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


without  a  license,  which  assistance 
some  of  the  colonists  were  in  the 
habit  of  giving  them.  See  Bozman, 
Vol.   2,  p.   273. 

1646— Susuuehannocks'      Cruelty     and 
Customs— Progress  In  the  Art 
of  War. 
Campanius  Holm  in  his  History  of 
New    Sweden    (Pennsylvania)    says   p. 
137:    "In   1646  the  Indians  had  taken 
one  of  the  Mingoes  (Susquehannocks) 
in  war  and  bound  him  to  a  tree;  then 
they    made   a   large   fire    around    him 
and  when   he  was   as     well    as    half 
roasted   they    let   him     loose,     giving 
him    a   fire   brand   in   each   hand    and 
taking   one   in   each   hand   themselves 
then   challenging   him   to   fight;      and 
when   at   last   he     could     no     longer 
stand   and   fell   down     one     of     them 
sprang  upon  him  and  with  his  nails 
cut  the  skin  of  his  forehead  open  and 
tore  off  his  scalp,  which  they  carried 
with  them  as  a  trophy  of  war."     This 
was      simply      retaliation      upon     the 
Susquehannocks,     because     that     was 
the    exact    form    of    cruelty    the    Sus- 
quehannocks   practiced    on    their    vic- 
tims  regularly.     Campanius   also   says 
at  same  page:   "The  Indians  were  of- 
ten   at    war     with     the      surrounding 
tribes,    especially    the    Mingoes;      but 
they  dare  not  engage  with  the  Chris- 
tians,   since     they      have     discovered 
they  are  superior  to  them  in  the  mil- 
itary   art;    they    were   mightly    afraid 
of  our  guns;   when  they  first  heard  a 
report   of    a   firearm    they    would    not 
remain    while   the     firing     continued. 
They  wear  on  their  heads  a  red  tur- 
key feather  as  a  sign  they  are  going 
to  shed  blood;    and  on  one    of    their 
arms   they   have   a   shield   of  bark   or 
skin  of  an  elk.     After  they  have  car- 
ried  their   wives   and   children   to   an 
island  or  place  of  safety  they  proceed 
on  their  way   in  a  certain  order,  and 


think   thy   have   a   great   battle    when 
ten  or  twelve  are  dead  on  the  field." 

1646— Location  and  Trade  of  the  Sus- 
quehannocks When  Found  by 
the  Swedes. 

Campanius    says,    p.      157:      "There 
were  found  when  the  Swedes  came  to 
this  country,  within  93  miles,  ten     or 
twelve    other    tribes.       Among    these 
were   the    Mingoes    or   Minikus    (Sus- 
quehannocks),    the     principal     tribe, 
and  renowned  for  their  warlike  char- 
acter.     They    live    at    a    distance     of 
twelve  Swedish  miles  from  New  Swe- 
den   (93    English   miles),    where    they 
daily    came    to    trade    with    us.       The 
way  to  their  land  is  very  bad,  being 
stony  and  full  of  sharp  gray  stones." 
What    this      trade      consisted      of    we 
have    shown    in    a    former    item.     He 
also   tells   us   the    Indian   fort   of   the 
Susquehannocks     "had    small    cannon 
placed  upon  it."       He     also     says   of 
them:    "They     are     vigorous,     young 
and  old,  are  a  tall     people     but     not 
frightful.      When     they     are  fighting 
they  do  not  attempt    to     fly     but     all 
stand  like  a  wall  as  long  as  there  is 
one  remaining.     They  force  the  other 
Indians  to  be  afraid     of     them     and 
make  them   pay  tribute,  so  that  they 
dare   not   stir,   much   less    go   to   wai 
against      them.       But    their    numbers 
are  diminished  by  war  and  sickness." 
In  later  items  we  will  deal  with  the 
Susquehannocks'    relations    with      the 
Five    Nations,    showing    a    most    mar- 
velous intercourse  with  the  New  York 
Confederacy. 

1646 — Fort  Built  or  Improved  on  the 
Susquehanna  by  the  Christians. 

The  forts  on  the  Susquehanna  are 
a  very  interesting  subject  of  histori- 
cal investigation.  There  was  an  In- 
dian fort  (may  be  several  of  them) 
on  lower  Susquehanna,  when  in  1608 


when  they  meet  their  enemy  they  at-  :  Captain    John    Smith    was    near      the 
tack  them  with  great  outcries.     They  |  Pennsylvania   line,   because   p.   120,   of 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


37 


Vol,  1,  of  his  History  of  Virginia, 
which  we  have  cited  at  another  place, 
he  says,  "They  make  near  600  men 
and  are  palisaded  in  their  towns  to 
defend  them,"  in  speaking  of  the  Sus- 
quehannocks.  But  John  Watson  says 
the  earliest  whites  built  a  fort  there 
too.  In  a  paper  on  Indian  lands  in 
Vol.  3,  Memoirs  of  the  Historical 
Society  at  Philadelphia,  part  2,  p. 
131,  "It  will  be  observed  that  before 
Penn's  day  there  had  been  a  fort  con- 
structed by  some  Christian  people 
upon  the  shores  of  that  (Susquehanna) 
river."  And  to  prove  there  was  such 
a  fort  he  says  in  a  large  folio  in  the 
land  office  at  Harrisburg,  in  book  14, 
entitled  "Old  Surveys  and  Registry 
of  Land  Warrants,"  there  is  a  dia- 
gram showing  the  'walking  purchase' 
back  to  the  Susquehanna,  one  line  of 
which  goes  to  a  point  on  the  Susque- 
hanna, 3  miles  above  the  mouth  of 
the  Conestoga,  marked  'fort  demol- 
ished.' This  then  he  concluded  was 
a  fort  built  by  the  Christians.  Clay- 
borne  may  have  had  a  hand  in  it;  but 
we  do  not  know.  He  was  in  that 
neighborhood  in  1637  and  later.  The 
Swedes  were  there  trading  in  1640  to 
1646;  the  Dutch  were  there  also.  In 
1664  the  Iroquois,  who  came  down 
upon  the  Susquehannocks,  found  not 
only  iron  muskets  in  the  hands  of 
the  Susquehannocks,  but  iron  cannon 
mounted  on  the  fort.  So  whether  the 
Christians  originally  built  the  fort 
that  Watson  refers  to,  or  whether 
they  simply  improved  a  fort  first 
built  by  the  Susquehannocks  (as 
found  by  Smith),  we  cannot  tell,  and 
we  leave  the  matter  in  the  plight  in 
which  Watson  placed  it — viz.,  that  the 
Christians  had  something  to  do  with 
it.  I  make  the  date  1646  because 
that  is  about  the  time  that  the  Chris- 
tians had  some  voice  and  directions 
in  the  doings  of  the  Susquehannocks 
at  that  place. 


1646— Approach  of  War  Between  Iro- 
quois  and  Hurons— Susquehan- 
nocks   Offer   to    Help   the 
Hurons. 

The  overture  of  the  Susquehan- 
nocks to  the  Hurons  to  help  the  Hu- 
rons in  their  struggle  with  the  Iro- 
quois, we  have  before  touched  on 
where  we  cited  the  Dauphin  County 
Indian  History  Pamphlet  as  authority ; 
but  as  that  is  not  first  hand  informa- 
tion I  prefer  now  to  cite  an  original 
authority,  viz.:  VoL  30,  Jesuit  Rela- 
tions, p.  253,  where  the  Jesuits  write 
in  1646  from  Onondago  and  say:  "Our 
fathers  with  the  Hurons  say  that  the 
savages  of  Andaste  (Susquehan- 
nocks) whom  we  believe  to  be  neigh- 
bors to  Virginia  and  who  had  former- 
ly close  alliance  with  the  Hurons  in- 
somuch that  there  are  still  found  in 
the  Huron  country  people  from  their 
dialects,'  have  conveyed  these 
few  words  to  the  Hurons,  viz: 
'We  have  learned  that  you  have 
enemies,  and  you  have  only  to  say  to 
us  "Lift  the  axe"  and  we  assure  you 
either  they  will  make  peace  or  we 
shall  make  war  on  them.'  The  Hu- 
rons were  very  joyful  at  these  fine 
offers  and  have  sent  an  embassy  to 
those  people.  The  chief  of  the  em- 
bassy was  a  worthy  Christian,  accom- 
panied by  eight  persons,  four  of 
whom  have  embraced  the  faith  of 
Jesus  Christ."  We  shall  later  cite 
Vol.  33,  Jesuit  Relations,  p.  129, 
showing  that  under  date  of  1647  an- 
other offer  was  made  to  help  the 
Hurons  by  the  Susquehannocks  and 
that  the  Hurons  sent  a  representa- 
tive on  to  confer  with  the  Susque- 
hannocks. All  this  goes  to  show  the 
position  and  strength  of  the  Susque- 
hannocks at  this  time,  who  at  this 
time  had  1300  warriors.  This  is  the 
greatest  number  of  warriors  they  had 
in  all  their  known  history.  Never 
afterwards  did  they  have  so  many 
and  never  before.  Captain  Smith 
said   in   his   time.   1608,  they   had   600. 


Z8 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Thus  about  1650  they  were  in  the 
greatest  power.  This  is  also  evi- 
denced by  the  manner  in  which  the 
government  of  Maryland  regarded 
them   at  this  date. 

1647 — Susquehnunocks      Attempt    to 
Intervene  in  Iroquois-Huron  War. 

The  description  of  the  attempt  to 
intervene  by  the  Susquehannocks,  in 
the  Huron-Iroquois  war  in  1647  is 
given  in  Vol.  33  p.  127  of  the  Jesuit 
Relations  as  follows:  "The  Andaste 
is  a  country  beyond  the  neutral  na- 
tion, distant  from  the  Huron  coun- 
try, about  150  leagues  (450  miles)  in 
a  straight  line  to  the  southeast,  a 
quarter  south,  from  the  Huron  coun- 
try, that  is  southeast  a  little  toward 
the  east,  but  the  distance  because  of 
the  detours  in  the  route  is  200  leagues. 
They  are  very  warlike ,  and  in 
a  single  village  they  count  1300  men 
capable  of  bearing  arms.  They  speak 
the  Huron  language,  and  have  always 
been   allies  of  the  Hurons. 

"At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1647 
two  men  of  that  nation  came  here, 
deputed  by  their  captains,  to  tell  our 
Hurons  that  if  they  lost  courage  and 
felt  too  weak  to  contend  against  our 
enemies,  they  should  inform  them 
(the  two  Andaste  delegates)  and  send 
an  embassy  to  Andaste  for  that  ob- 
ject. The  Hurons  did  not  miss  the 
opportunity.  Charles  Andasiondrout 
an  excellent  Christian  of  long  stand- 
ing, was  deputed  as  the  head  of  the 
embassy  and  he  was  accompanied  by 
four  other  Christians  and  four  Tn- 
fields.  They  left  here  (Canada)  on 
the  13th  of  April  and  reached  An- 
daste only  at  the  beginning  of  June. 
The  harrangue  delivered  by  Charles  on 
his  arrival  was  not  long.  He  told  of 
the  wars  and  that  the  land  was  cov- 
ered with  blood  and  the  cabins  with 
corpses.  The  reply  of  the  Andaste 
was  to  deplore  the  calamaties,  and 
added    that    tears    and    regrets    were 


not  the  remedy  for  the  wars  and 
evils;  but  that  their  misfortunes  must 
be  arrested  as  soon  as  possible.  Af- 
ter a  number  of  councils,  they  de- 
puted ambassadors  to  the  enemies  of 
our  Hurons  to  beg  them  to  lay  down 
their  arms  to  think  of  lasting  peace 
which  would  not  hinder  the  trade  of 
all  these  countries  with  one  another. 
The  ambassadors  went  and  had  not 
returned  by  the  15th  of  August.  The 
Andastes  insisted  on  peace  and  de- 
terminated to  renew  the  war  which 
they  waged  a  few  years  ago  with  the 
Agnieronnous  (that  is  the  Mohawks), 
who  are  brethren  of  the  Iroquois,  if 
they  refused  to  enter  into  peace. 
When  Charles  Andasiondrout  was  at 
Andaste,  he  went  to  see  the  Euro- 
peans, their  allies  who  were  at  a  dis- 
tance of  three  days'  journey  from 
that  place.  They  received  him  with 
kindness.  Charles  did  not  fail  to 
tell  them  that  he  was  a  Christian  and 
requested  them  to  take  him  to  their 
church,  that  he  might  perform  his 
devotions,  for  he  thought  it  was  like 
those  in  our  French  settlements. 
They  replied  that  they  had  no  place 
set  apart  for  prayers,  and  the  good 
Charles  observed  some  acts  of  levity 
that  were  not  very  modest  on  the 
part  of  some  young  men,  towards 
two  of  their  Savage  women  who  had 
come  from  Andaste.  The  captain  of 
the  settlement  apologized  for  it  and 
said  he  was  not  obeyed  by  his  people 
for  purity  of  morals.  We  think  the 
people  of  that  European  settlement 
are  mostly  Dutch  and  English,  who 
for  some  special  reason  have  placed 
themselves  under  the  protection  of 
the  King  of  Sweden,  and  have  call- 
ed the  country  New  Sweden.  We 
had  formerly  thought  it  a  part  of 
Virginia."  This  account  was  written 
only  a  few  years  after  the  events 
happened.  This  accurate  account 
differs     from     the       account       given 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


39 


by  the  Dauphin  County  pamphlet,  in 
that  it  puts  the  interview  of  the  Sus- 
quehannocks  with  the  Hurons  first, 
whereas  the  Dauphin  County  pam- 
phlet puts  the  embassy  of  the  Sus- 
quehannocks  to  the  Iroquois  first, 
and  with  the  Hurons,  second.  We 
notice  here,  too,  that  the  Susque- 
hannas  had  wars  with  the  Mohawks 
(Agnieronnous)  some  years  before 
this  time,  and  we  will  speak  of  it 
again.  The  settlement  "three  days 
distant"  from  Andaste  (Susquehanna) 
was  the  Swedish  settlement  on  the 
Delaware,  near  where  Wilmington 
and  New  Castle  now  stand. 

The  Five  Nations  (or  Iroquois)  and 
the  Susquehannocks  by  this  time 
both  had  won  military  glory;  both 
had  gotten  guns  and  had  learned  to 
use  them.  The  Susquehannocks  from 
1634  to  1644  reduced  the  Piscataways, 
Patuxents  and  the  Waocacoes  tribes, 
in  a  ten  years'  war  and  the  Iroquois 
had  reduced  the  Hurons,  as  we  have 
seen  before.  The  Susquehannocks 
had  finished  their  conflicts  with  the 
smaller  tribes,  which  not  only  includ- 
ed the  reduction  of  the  three  tribes 
just  named  but  also  the  twelve  small 
tribes  which  Robert  Evelyn  says  in 
his  letter  (hereafter  to  be  cited)  lived 
on  the  Delaware  and  were  whipped 
by  the  Susquhannocks.  The  Iroquois 
had  not  destroyed  the  Hurons,  but 
simply  weakened  them.  They  were, 
now,  however,  bent  upon  exterminat- 
ing them.  The  Susquehannocks  de- 
termined to   stop   hostilities. 

The  Dauphin  County  pamphlet,  be- 
fore mentioned  gives  this  account 
of  this  effort  on  the  part  of  the  Sus- 
quehannocks— see  page  40.  "When 
the  Hurons  in  Upper  Canada  in  1647 
began  to  sink  under  the  fearful  blows 
dealt  them  by  the  Five  Nations,  the 
Susquehannocks  sent  an  embassy  to 
Onondago  (the  headquarters  of  the 
Five  Nations)  to  urge  the  cantons  to 
peace.      The    Iroquois    refused.       The 


Susquehannocks  then  sent  an  em- 
bassy to  the  Hurons,  to  offer  them 
aid  against  the  common  enemy.  Nor 
was  this  offer  of  little  value.  The 
Susquehannocks  could  put  in  the 
field  1300  warriors  trained  to  the  use 
of  fire-arms  and  European  methods 
of  warfare,  having  been  instructed  by 
three  Swedish  soldiers;  but  the  Hu- 
rons sank  into  apathy  and  took  no 
active  steps  to  secure  the  aid  of  the 
friendly    Susquehannocks." 

This  interesting  offer  to  interpose 
is  graphically  told  in  the  Jesuit  Re- 
lations by  narrators  who  got  the  in- 
formation first  hand  from  those  in- 
terested in  the  affair.  In  this  work 
as  we  have  often  said  the  Susque- 
hannocks are  called  the  Andaste. 
The  Jesuit  Fathers  in  Vol.  8,  p.  301 
call  them  (Susquehannocks)  "allies 
of  our  Hurons  and  who  talk  like 
them,"  and  in  Clark's  Early  Cayuga 
History,  found  in  a  note  p.  36  of  the 
same  volume  (i.  e.  8)  he  says,  "An- 
daste is  a  term  used  generally  by  the 
French  and  applied  to  several  dis- 
tinct Indian  Tribes  located  south  of 
the  Five  Nations  in  the  present  ter- 
ritory and  Pennsylvania.  One  of  the 
most  southerly  tribes  was  located  at 
the  great  falls  between  Columbia  and 
Harrisburg  in  the  vicinity  of  the  lat- 
ter place  occupying  five  towns  and 
by  Smith  were  called  the  Susquehan- 
nocks." 

1647— Cost   of   Watching   the    Susque- 
liannocks. 

In  Vol.  4,  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
231,  it  is  stated  under  this  date  that 
the  following  charge  was  preferred 
before  the  Assembly  and  allowed:  "To 
Walter  Watertson  for  bringing  intelli- 
gence touching  the  Susquehannocks, 
eighty  pounds."  From  this  it  is  evi- 
dent that  the  Maryland  government 
was  compelled  to  keep  scouts  and 
runners  employed  to  give  the  whites 
news    at    all     times     concerning     the 


40 


ANNALS    OF    THE    SUSQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


movements  and  supposed  plans  of  the 
Susquehannocks.  This  is  in  line  with 
what  we  have  noticed  in  former 
items — namely,  that  the  government 
of  Maryland  compelled  all  the  inha- 
bitants to  be  ready  with  powder  and 
shot  and  firearms  at  all  times,  either 
to  defend  against  the  Susquehannocks 
or  to  march  against  them.  The  pow- 
er and  prominent  place  of  this  tribe 
among  the  savage  nations  of  America 
at  this  time  are  well  established. 
1648— Susquehannocks*  Influence  on 
the  Onondagoes. 
Under  this  date  in  Vol.  33,  Jesuit 
Relations,  p.  123,  it  is  stated;  "The 
Andaste  tribes  (Susquehannocks)  al- 
lied to  the  Hurons  contribute  in  a 
great  measure,  it  is  said,  toward  the 
matter  of  peace,  either  because  the 
Onondagoes  fear  to  have  them  as 
enemies  or  because  they  desire  their 
alliance."  This  is  to  be  sure  only  a 
brief  note;  but  it  is  a  statement  writ- 
ten at  the  time  the  situation  existed 
and  is  worth  more  than  a  page  of 
historical  speculation  written  from 
inferences  formed  a  hundred  years 
later.  It  is  in  short  another  asser- 
tion of  the  pre-eminence  of  the 
mighty  Susquehannocks.  It  will  be 
noticed  nothing  like  this  is  ever  said 
of  the  other  tribes  of  Maryland  or 
of  the  Delaware,  nor  of  the  tribes 
of   Powhatan. 

1648 — More  Particulars  of  the  Huron 
Embassy  to  Susquehanna. 

In  Vol.  33,  p.  73,  of  the  Jesuit  Re- 
lations under  date  of  1648,  there  is 
the  following  statement  concerning 
the  Huron  embassy  to  the  Susque- 
hanna the  year  prior:  "Our  Hurons 
have  sent  an  embassy  to  Andaste 
( Susquehanna) ,  people  of  New  Sweden 
their  former  allies,  to  solicit  them  to 
enter  into  a  full  peace  with  them  or 
resume  the  war  they  waged  but  a 
few  years   ago  against  the  Annierou- 


nons  (Mohawk-Iroquois.)  Consider- 
able assistance  is  expected  from 
this  as  well  as  a  great  relief  for  the 
country.  The     Annierounons  -  Iro- 

quois are  near  Quebec."  To  those 
not  acquainted  with  Indian  history  of 
these  times,  it  may  be  explained  that 
this  statement  means,  the  Hurons 
sent  an  agent  to  the  Susquehannocks 
to  ask  them  to  help  them,  or  to  re- 
new their  (the  Susquehannocks') 
war  with  the  Mohawks,  called  the 
Annierounons.  This  Susquehannock- 
Mohawk  war  we  remember  raged 
about  1607  to  1620  at  least,  and  so 
demoralized  were  the  Mohawks  and 
their  allies  by  the  onslaughts  of  the 
Susquehannocks  that  the  very  name 
of  Andaste  made  them  tremble;  and 
this  fear  continued  up  to  1640  at 
least.  So  says  the  Jesuit  Relations, 
Vol.  45,  pp.  203  and  205.  In  a  prior 
item  we  have  discussed  the  fear 
which  the  Susquehannocks  threw 
over  the  Mohawks  during  and  after 
the  Mohawk  war.  The  journey  and 
speech  of  the  agent  the  Hurons  sent 
to  the  Susquehannocks  we  have  fully 
set  forth  also  earlier.  As  to  the  lo- 
cation of  this  wonderful  Andaste,  p. 
135,  of  Vol.  33,  Jesuit  Relations,  says 
Andaste  is  seven  days'  journey  from 
the  Iroquois. 

1650   and    Onward — Iroquois'    Retalia- 
tion Upon  the  Susquehannas-Open- 
ing  of   the    Conflict — Minor    Move- 
ments  and   Doings    of   the    Susque- 
hannas — First     Campaigns     of     the 
Iroquois— Susquehanna   War. 
We   are   now    briefly    to     notice      a 
various    series    of    events,    simply    for 
the  sake  of  the  chronolgy   (chronolo- 
gical  arrangement     being     the     only 
rule  or  system  of  these  annals). 

The  Dauphin  County  Committee  on 
Archaeology  in  their  pamphlet  before 
cited,  p.  40,  says  that  "Four  years 
later  (1651)  the  Iroquois,  grown  in- 
solent   by    their    successes    in    almost 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


41 


annihilating  their  kindred  tribes 
north  and  south  of  Lake  Erie,  provok- 
ed a  war  with  the  Susquehannas." 
This  is  all  we  shall  note  of  this  war 
at  present.  It  will  be  discussed  un- 
der a  later  date. 

Other  events  as  above  stated  must 
now  claim  attention,  some  of  which 
are  as  follows:  "During  the  year  1650 
the  terrible  scourge  of  small-pox 
broke  out  among  the  Susquehannas. 
(Do.   p.   40). 

1650 — Susquehannock    Hunters    Roam 
About  Lake  Ontario. 

About  this  time  (as  likely  perhaps 
many  years  before^  the  Susquehan- 
nock hunters  in  their  hunting  wan- 
dered as  far  as  Lake  Ontario,  where 
they  came  into  contact  with  the  Iro- 
quois and  were  plundered.  This 
shows  the  great  width  and  extent 
over  which  these  Susquehannocks 
were  accustomed  to  roam.  (Do.  p. 
40). 

1651— The   Great    Susquehannock-Iro- 

quois  War  of  Several  Tears 

Begins. 

We  have  quoted  above  an  author 
who  says  the  war  between  the  Sus- 
quehannocks and  Iroquois  began  in 
1651.  While  this  may  be  so,  it  seems 
that  the  'War'  was  simply  desultory 
several  years. 

I  find  that  Proud  says  nothing 
about  this  war.  In  his  History  of 
Pennsylvania  he  omits  to  mention  any 
events  from  1632  to  1654  (See  pp.  117 
and  118) ;  and  when  he  does  resume 
the  discussion  it  is  about  Swedes'  af- 
fairs. He  mentions  a  Swedish  Treaty 
with  the  Indians  in  1655;  but  makes 
no  other  Indian  references  until  1664, 
when  mention  is  made  of  Albany  In- 
dian affairs.  Mombert's  History,  p. 
23,  quoting  from  Col.  Rec  (no  doubt) 
admits  the  war  was  in  progress  in 
1654,  but  that  the  Susquehannocks 
were  still  superior  at  that  time.  The 
Dauphin     County     archaeologists,     in 


their  pamphlet  before  quoted,  pp.  40 
and  41,  say  of  the  period,  about  1655, 
I  suppose:  "War  had  now  begun  in 
earnest  with  the  Five  Nations  (Iro- 
quois) and  though  the  Susquehan- 
nocks had  some  of  their  people  killed 
near  their  towns  they  in  turn  pressed 
the  Cayugas  so  hard  that  some  of 
them  retired  across  the  lakes  into 
Canada.  They  also  kept  the  Senecas 
in  check  that  they  no  longer  ventur- 
ed to  carry  their  peltry  to  New  York 
except  under  heavy  guarding.  Smart- 
ing under  constant  defeat  the  Five 
Nations  solicited  French  aid."  Lyle's. 
History  of  Lancaster  County  would 
lead  us  to  infer  that  this  war  was 
declared  or  begun  only  about  1660 
(P.  19)  but  it  was  earlier;  because 
in  Vol.  48  of  the  Jesuit  Relations,  p. 
76,  a  communication  written  in  1662 
says  that  the  war  "broke  out  some 
years  ago."  And  finally  the  speech 
of  the  Indian  orator  in  the  Lancaster 
Court  House  June  26,  1744,  4  Col.  Rec. 
708,  shows  that  the  serious  conse- 
quences of  the  war  occurred  some 
time  after  1654.  From  all  the  evi- 
dences we  gather  it  that  the  real 
brunt  of  the  war  came  on  about  1660. 
This  we  will  treat  fully  later. 

1651— The  Mohawks  and    Other    Iro- 
quois  Now   Combine  Against 
the  Susquehannocks. 

From  1646  or  1647  to  1651  the  Iro- 
quois Confederacy  were  warring  on 
the  weaker  Hurons,  during  which  time 
we  have  seen  the  Hurons  sent  to  the 
Susquehannocks  for  help  and  the 
Susquehannocks  freely  offered  to 
give  aid.  But  strange  to  say  the  help 
never  was  given.  The  cause  of  this 
I  cannot  find;  nor  can  I  find  the  true 
cause  of  the  war  by  the  Iroquois  up- 
on the  Hurons,  except  while  they 
were  neighbors  of  the  Iroquois,  they 
were  cousins  of  the  Susquehannocks 
or  at  least  former  allies,  and  the  Iro- 
quois   Confederacy    were    jealous    and 


42 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


fearful  of  a  confederacy  between  the 
Susquehannocks  and  Hurons.  The 
rich  Susquehanna  valley  also  was  in 
some  measure  the  prize  at  stake;  and 
this  stake  was  about  1675  won  by  the 
Iroquois  from  the  Susquehannocks, 
they  being  forced  into  Maryland. 
Thus  by  1651,  no  help  coming  to  them 
from  the  Susquehannocks,  the  Hu- 
rons were  almost  annihilated  by  the 
Iroquois.  And  now  the  Iroquois.and 
especially  the  Mohawk  tribe  of  them, 
having  grown  insolent  because  of 
their  victories  over  the  Hurons,  re- 
membered their  old  insults  from  the 
wars  with  the  Susquehannocks,  and 
led  a  renewal  of  hostilities  against 
them,  thus  starting  the  Iroquois-Sus- 
quehannock  war  of  many  years,  in 
1651.  The  very  beginning  of  this 
war  is  told  in  Vol.  37,  p.  97,  Jesuit 
Relations,  in  1651,  as  follows:  "Dur- 
ing this  winter  the  Annierounons 
(Mohawks)  went  to  war  toward  the 
Andaste  (Susquehannocks),  the  re- 
sult of  which  is  not  yet  known."  Thus 
in  1651   the  war  began. 

1651 — First    Stages     of    the    Susque- 
haimoek-Iroquois    War 

In  our  last  item  we  cited  the  first 
going  out  of  the  Iroquois  against  the 
Susquehannocks.  The  Jesuits  called 
them  Mohawks;  but  Senecas,  Cayu- 
gas,  Mohawks  and  other  tribes  are 
by  these  writers  all  called  indiffer- 
ently, Iroquois.  Later  in  this  year, 
1651,  further  accounts  of  the  war  are 
told  us,  viz.:  "A  fugitive  brought 
back  news  that  the  Iroquois  having 
gone  during  the  winter  in  full  force 
against  the  Andaste  (Susquehann- 
nocks)  had  the  worst  of  it."  Vol. 
37,  Jesuit  Relations,  p.  105.  And  lat- 
er the  same  year  these  Jesuits  write 
"As  for  news  of  the  enemy  the  cap- 
tain of  the  Atia'kewae  (the  Andaste 
or  Susquehannocks — Vol.  36,  Jesuit 
Relations,  pp.  247-8),  who  was  cap- 
tured   by    the    Iroquois    nation,    says 


that  1,000  of  the  Andaste  have  been 
captured;  or  at  least  they  carried  off 
500  or  600  Andaste,  chiefly  men.  And 
the  Mohawks  lost  in  this  expedition 
only  eleven  men."  See  Jesuit  Rela- 
tions, Vol.  37,  p.  111.  This  great 
I  boast  of  the  Iroquois  all  turned  out 
J  untrue,  as  we  shall  show  later. 

A  good  deal  of  what  I  write  now 
has  been  discussed  but  as  it  was  at 
that  time  taken  second  hand  from 
other  phamphleteers,  I  do  not  consid- 
er it  first  hand,  and  for  that  reason 
I  now  set  it  down  from  the  original 
sources. 

As   to   this    Susquehannock-Iroquois' 
war   I  beg  to  stop   long  enough  here 
to  remark  that  the  war  lasted  in  a  de- 
sultory    fashion     about     twenty-four 
j  years,  reaching  its  height   about  1665. 
I  The    combined    Iroquois    subdued    the 
j  Susquehannocks    and    gradually    forc- 
I  ed   them   from   the   Susquehanna   into 
j  Maryland    along   the     Potomac.       The 
! backbone  of  the  Susquehannock  pow- 
i  er  was  broken  by  1670,  and  the  con- 
|  tempt  in  which  the  Iroquois  held  the 
j  Susquehannocks  is  testified  to  by  the 
!  Jesuits    as    follows:    "Since    the    Son- 
nonhourais      (the     Huron     name     for 
|  Iroquois)   have  utterly     defeated     the 
|  Andaste    (Susquehannocks),  their   an- 
|  cient  and  most  redoubtable  foe,  their 
insolence  knows  no  bounds;   they  talk 
I  of    nothing    but    renewing      the      war 
against    our    allies    and    even    against 
the  French,  and  of  beginning  by  the 
destruction    of    fort    Colorokoui."  Vol. 
59,   Jesuit   Relations,   p.   251.     The   ef- 
fect of  the  success  over  the   Susque- 
I  hannocks  by   the   Iroquois   was  much 
j  like  the  effect  of  the  victory  over  Na- 
I  polean  upon  the  Duke  of  Wellington. 
I  The  Iroquois  felt  they  could  now  con- 
;  quer   the   worthiest  foe     in     all     the 
world,  and  that  now  they  could  over- 
|  come  the  French  themselves.  Chrono- 
|  logically    this    last    paragraph    is    out 
of   order;    but    I    use    U   here    simply 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


43 


again  to  illustrate  the  prowess  of  the 
Susquehannocks,  which  is  plainly 
shown  in  that  the  Iroquois  consid- 
ered their  subjugation  an  event  of 
first  magnitude. 
1652 — The    Haughty    Susquehannocks 

Now  Beg  An   Alliance    with    the 

Government    of    Maryland — A 

Treaty  Formed. 

In  the  very  opening  stages  of  the 
combined  Iroquois  onslaught  upon 
them  the  eyes  of  the  Susquehannocks 
were  opened;  and  their  haughty  pride 
was  humbled.  They  had  found  a  foe- 
man  worthy  of  their  arms.  While  it 
was  not  true  that  1000  of  them  were 
taken  as  the  item  under  1651  sets 
forth;  it  was  true  that  many  of  them 
were  killed  by  the  barbarians  of  the 
north  in  these  first  encounters.  The 
Susquehannocks  knew  they  could 
not  single-handed  contend  with  the 
combined  Iroquois  forces,  and  so 
they  proposed  alliance  with  Mary- 
land. 

Therefore  they  entered  into  the  fol- 
lowing treaty  with  Maryland:  "Ar- 
ticles of  Peace  and  Friendship  Treat- 
ed and  Agreed  upon  this  5th  day  of 
July,  1652,  between  the  English  of 
Maryland  of  one  part  and  the  Susque- 
hannock  Indian  Nation  on  the  other 
part  followeth: 

1.  That  the  English  nation  shall 
hold  and  occupy  to  them  and  their 
heirs  and  assigns  forever  all  the 
lands  lying  north  of  Patuxent  river 
to  Palmer's  Island  and  to  the  west- 
ern side  of  the  Bay  of  Chesapeake 
and  from  Choptank  river  to  the  North 
East  Branch  to  the  northeast  of  Elk 
river  on  the  northeast  with  all  is- 
lands, creeks,  fish,  fouls,  deer,  elk, 
and  whatsoever  else  belongs  except 
the  islands  of  Kent  and  Palmer's 
which  belong  to  Clayborne,  but  it 
shall  be  lawful  for  both  the  English 
and  the  Indians  to  build  houses  or 
forts  for  trade  on  Palmer's  sland. 

2.  "If    there    is    any    damage    done 


on  either  side  at  any  time  hereafter 
by  the  English  or  the  Indians  afore- 
said or  any  other  confederated  tribe 
or  servants  of  them,  that  report  be 
made  and  satisfaction  be  given  from 
each  other  from  time  to  time  as  the 
case  requires  and  as  in  reason 
should  be  done  between  those  that 
are  friends  and  desire  to  continue  so. 

3.  "That  if  any  people  or  servants 
that  belong  to  the  English  or  to  the 
Indians  shall  go  away  or  run  away 
from  either  side  they  shall  not  be 
concealed  or  kept  away  from  each 
other;  but  with  all  constant  speed  be 
returned  and  brought  home  and  sat- 
isfaction to  be  made  in  reasonable 
way  for  transport  of  them  by  land  or 
by  water. 

4.  "That  on  any  occasion  of  busi- 
ness to  the  English  or  any  message, 
or  the  like,  the  Indians,  shall  come 
by  water  and  not  by  land  that  there 
shall  not  be  above  eight  or  ten  at 
any  one  time,  and  that  they  bring 
with  them  the  tokens  given  them  by 
the  English  for  that  purpose  by 
which  they  may  be  known  and  enter- 
tained. And  also  the  English  on  their 
parts  when  they  send  to  the  Indians 
any  message  shall  carry  the  token 
which    we   have    received    from    them. 

5.  "And  lastly  that  these  articles 
and  every  particular  of  them,  shall 
be  really  and  inviolably  observed, 
kept  and  performed  by  the  two  na- 
tions before  named  and  by  the  people 
to  tham  or  that  are  in  amity  with 
them  forever,  to  the  end  of  the 
world;  and  that  all  former  injuries 
being  buried  and  forgotten,  from 
henceforth  they  do  promise  and 
agree  to  walk  together  and  carry  one 
towards  another  in  all  things  as 
friends,  and  to  assist  one  another  ac- 
cordingly. But  if  it  so  hereafter  at 
any  time  happen  that  either  party  is 
weary  of  peace  and  intends  war,  then 
the  same  shall  be  signified  and  made 
known  each  to  the   other  by   sending 


14 


ANNALS   OF   THE   SUSQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


and  delivering  up  this  writing,  before 
any  act  of  hostility  or  enmity  be 
done  or  attempted  and  that  20  days' 
warning  thereof  be  given  before- 
hand. 

"These  several  articles  were  sol- 
emnly and  mutually  declared  and 
concluded  at  the  river  Severn,  in 
Province  of  Maryland  by  Richard 
Benett  et  al,  for  the  Governor  and 
Council  and  by  Savahegah,  Aieroh- 
toregh,  Scarluhadigh,  Ruthchoque  ; 
and  Natheldrruh,  War  Captains  and  | 
Counsellors  of  the  Susquehannoughs 
Commissioners  appointed  and  sent  by 
said  province  and  the  Susquehan- 
noughs and  were  fully  interpreted, 
done  and  confirmed  by  several  pres- 
ents, gifts  and  tokens  of  friendship, 
mutually  given  and  received"  See 
this  treaty  Vol.  3,  Md.  Arch.  p.  276- 
7  and  Bozman's  Md.  p.  682.  (We  shall 
see  at  a  later  date  how  treacherously 
the  Marylanders  \iolated  the  sancity 
of  the  tokens  or  medals  spoken  of 
here,  and  slaughtered  the  holders  of 
them. ) 

Speaking  on  this  same  treaty  Scharf 
and  Johnson  both  say  in  1652  the 
differences  between  the  Susquehan- 
nocks  and  Maryland  were  again  com- 
posed, and  a  treaty  was  made  be- 
tween them.  The  Susquehannocks 
began  to  see  the  unwisdom  of  war 
with  the  whites  and  with  the  Iro- 
quois at  the  same  time.  Scharf's 
History  of  Maryland,  p.  212,  Geo. 
Johnson,  in  his  History  of  Cecil 
County,  has  the  following  to  say  upon 
that  treaty  of  1652:  "A  treaty  was 
made  between  Maryland  and  the 
Susquehannocks,  being  the  first 
treaty  of  which  any  record  is  pro- 
served.  This  was  done  where  Annap- 
olis now  stands,  (p.  17).  The  treaty 
provided  inter  alia,  "That  the  English 
shall  have  all  the  land  from  Patuxent 
River  to  Palmer's  Island  on  the  west 
side   of   Chesapeake    and    from    Chop- 


tank  to  northeast  Branch  or  Creek 
lying  to  the  northward  of  Elk  River 
on  the  east  side."  (p.  17)  This 
treaty  was  asserted  by  the  Governor 
of  Maryland,  in  our  first  Court  House 
in  Centre  Square  in  Lancaster  City, 
then  a  Borough,  June  25,  1744,  when 
and  where  the  said  Governor,  speak- 
ing to  the  representatives  of  the  Five 
Nations  then  assembled  at  the  Treaty 
of  1744  said:  "The  Susquehanna  In- 
dians by  a  treaty  above  ninety  years 
since,  which  is  on  the  table  and  will 
be  interpreted  to  you,  gave  to  the 
English  Nation  and  their  heirs  and 
assigns  forever,  the  lands  we  possess 
from  Patuxent  River,"  etc.  (4  Col. 
Rec.  704).  And  the  Indian  orator 
replying  the  next  day  said:  "We  ac- 
knowledge that  the  Conestoga  or 
Susquehanna  Indians  had  a  right  to 
sell  those  lands  unto  you  for  they 
were  theirs,  but  since  then  we  have 
conquered  them."  (Do.  p.  708).  This 
would  also  make  this  treaty  about 
1652,  and  it  also  asserts  the  fact  of 
its  existence,  and  its  import. 
1652— Hurons  Not  Able  to  Help  the 
Susquehannocks  in  the   War. 

As  we  have  stated  in  the  last  paper 
the  combined  Iroquois  were  too  pow- 
erful for  the  Susquehannocks,  and 
they  looked  to  Maryland  in  treaty 
to  help  them.  That  they  made  the 
overtures  to  the  whites  is  evident 
from  the  introduction  to  the  treaty, 
viz.:  "Whereas  this  court  is  inform- 
ed that  the  Susquehannocks  have  a 
long  time  desired  and  much  pressed 
for  peace  with  this  province,  etc." 
Bozman,    pp.    450    and   451. 

Neither  could  the  Huron  cousins  of 
the  Susquehannocks  help  them;  be- 
cause beside,  subjugated  five  years  be- 
fore, their  geographical  position  was 
not  favorable  to  co-operation.  In  Vol. 
38,  Jesuit  Relations,  p.  235,  it  is  said 
"The  country  of  the  Hurons  is  apart 
of    New    France.     Southward    a    little 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


45 


to  the  west  comes  the  neutral  nation, 
whose  first  villages  were  not  more 
than  100  miles  distant  from  the  Hu- 
rons,  the  territory  of  this  nation  ex- 
tending 150  miles;  thence  moving 
from  the  neutrals  a  little  toward  the 
east  one  reaches  New  Sweden,  where 
dwell  the  Andaste  (Susquehannocks), 
who  are  allied  to  our  Hurons  and 
speak  a  language  not  very  different 
from  them.  They  are  distant  from 
us   about   500   miles." 

1654  —  Indians      Except      Susquehan- 
nocks to  be  Deprived  of  their  Guns. 

Amity  with  the  Susquehannocks 
seems  now  to  have  been  firmly  estab- 
lished by  the  Maryland  government; 
Maryland  passed  the  following  act 
for  their  benefit;  "It  shall  be  lawful 
for  any  person  to  take  away  from 
any  Indian  that  shall  come  within 
the  liberties  and  bounds  of  St.  Mary's 
and  Potomac,  their  guns,  powder  and 
shott;  and  that  none  shall  entertain 
Indians  in  their  houses  except  they 
come  on  public  treaty ,which  is  meant 
only  of  the  Susquehannocks  and  the 
Emperor  of  the  Piscataways;  and 
that  as  far  as  possble  the  Indians 
have  notice  of  this  Act."  Vol.  1, 
Maryland  Archives  p.  348. 
1654 — An  Extensive  Beaver  Trade 
Carried   on    by    Susquehannocks. 

We  now  turn  for  a  moment  again 
to  the  situation,  environments  and 
trade  of  the  Susquehannocks  at 
this  time  before  going  into  their 
war   with    the    Iroquois. 

In  Gerrett  Van  Sweeringen's  Ac- 
count of  the  Settling  of  the  Dutch 
and  Swedes  at  Delaware  found  p. 
746,  in  Vol.  5  of  Ser.  Pa.  Arch.  (p. 
748)  he  says:  "In  the  year  1654  the 
head  of  the  Chesapeake  Bay  in  Mary- 
land was  not  at  that  time  seated  and 
so  the  Marylanders  did  not  take  much 
notice  of  the  Dutch  or  Swedes.  The 
Swedes  sailed  up  hiding  themselves 
in    a    creek    called   the    Schuylkill — in 


English  "Hiding  Creek."  (Do.)  And 
in  the  same  volume  p.  235  it  is  said 
"Thousands  of  beavers  can  be  bought 
around  the  Schuylkill  or  Bever's 
Rede,  which  are  brought  down  in 
great  abundance  by  the  Minquas  and 
the  Black  Indians."  Wm.  Penn  also 
in  a  paper  dated  1690  mentions  that 
the  Indians  of  the  Susquehanna  came 
to  Philadelphia  by  way  of  the  Schuyl- 
kill and  its  branches — their  old  and 
unusual  course.  (I  Haz.  Reg.  400). 
Thus  from  all  this  we  see  that  while 
the  Susquehannocks'  wars  were  in 
progress  their  trade  was  going  on 
also. 

1656— The   Susquehannocks   Still  Hunt 
About  Lake  Ontario. 

Some  fathers  of  the  Jesuits  this 
year  with  other  Frenchmen  journey 
to  the  Upper  Iroquois  and  tell  of  one 
of  the  experiences  as  follows:  "To- 
wards evening  some  hunters  perceiv- 
ed us  (at  the  end  of  Lake  Ontario) ; 
Vol.  43,  Jesuit  Relations,  p.  141 — and 
on  seeing  so  many  canoes  in  our 
company  they  fled,  leaving  behind 
them  some  booty  for  our  people,  who 
seized  their  weapons  and  beaver 
skins  and  all  their  baggage;  but  cap- 
turing one  of  those  hunters  we  found 
that  he  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  An- 
dastogue  (Susquehannocks),  with 
whom  we  are  not  at  war.  Our  French 
therefore  gave  back  to  them  that 
which  they  had  plundered;  this  how- 
ever did  not  induce  our  savages  to 
display  the  same  courtesy."  Vol.  43, 
Jesuit   Relations,   p.   143. 

Two  historical  facts  are  worthy  of 
notice  here:  (1)  that  the  Susquehan- 
nocks continued  to  make  hunting  par- 
ties to  the  northward  the  same  as 
in  the  days  when  they  were  not  at 
war  with  the  Iroquois,  and  (2)  that 
though  the  French  were  the  friends 
of  the  Iroquois,  the  'fathers'  say  they 
are  not  at  war  with  the  Susquehan- 
nocks. 


46 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


1660— The    Piscataways    Complain   of  | 
the  Effects  of  War. 

In  Vol.  3,  Maryland  Archives,  pp. 
402  and  403,  it  is  reported  that  the 
Emperor  of  the  Piscataways  came  to 
the  English  and  complained  as  fol- 
lows: "A  long  time  ago  there  came 
a  king  from  the  eastern  shore  who 
commanded  over  all  the  Indians  now 
inhabiting  within  the  bounds  of  this 
province  of  Maryland  (naming  every 
town  severally),  and  also  over  the 
Powtomacks  and  Susquehannocks, 
whom,  because  he  di'1  embrace  and 
cover  all  of  them,  he  called  Wafoin- 
gassenew.  This  man  dying  without 
issue  made  his  brother,  Quakon-as- 
siam  king  after  him;  after  whom 
succeeded  his  other  brothers.  After 
his  brothers  they  took  a  sister's  son, 
and  so  from  brother  to  brother.  Af- 
ter this  they  were  in  danger  of  the 
Senecas,  who  are  a  potent  nation, 
and  had  lately  killed  five  of  their 
men  and  threatened  their  fort  for 
being  friends  with  us  and  the  Sus- 
quehannocks, who  are  at  war  with 
the  said  Senecas.  Therefore  they 
(the  Piscataways)  desire  for  pay 
they  might  have  four  English  to  help 
them  make  their  fort."  To  this  the 
authorities  of  Maryland  explained  the 
council  would  be  called  together  and 
come  to  the  Potomac  and  give  them 
(the  Piscataways)  an  answer."  See 
Vol.  3,  Maryland  Archives,  pp.  402 
403. 

Thus  this  old  Piscataway  Emper- 
or, after  tracing  the  line  of  powerful 
kings  who  at  one  time  held  a  con- 
federacy of  Indian  nations  about  the 
Potomac,  similar  to  the  Five  Nations, 
now  in  New  York,  ends  by  saying 
that  the  Piscataway  friendship  for  the 
whites  and  Susquehannocks  has 
brought  about  a  hereditary  hatred  to 
the  Piscataways  on  the  part  of  the 
descendants  of  the  original  powers  of 
the  confederacy. 


1661— Maryland   Again   Declares    War 
Against  the  Susquehannocks. 

Just  about  the  time  the  Susque- 
hannocks were  in  the  midst  of  the 
war  with  the  Iroquois,  their  bad  faith 
toward  Maryland  and  their  outrages 
upon  the  whites,  caused  Maryland  to 
declare  war  upon  them  too.  John- 
son in  his  History  of  Cecil  County, 
page  51,  says  that  in  1661  the  "Coun- 
cil of  Maryland  met  at  Susquehanna 
Point,  just  below  Perryville,  and  de- 
clared war  on  the  Susquehannocks. 
But  two  years  later,  viz.  1663,  says  the 
same  author,  page  61,  "Notice  was 
sent  to  the  Susquehannocks  to  come 
to  Maryland  to  treat  with  the  Com- 
missioners of  Baltimore  County;  and 
that  at  this  time  the  Senecas  had 
begun  to  intimidate  the  Susquehan- 
nocks." This  treaty  is  also  noticed 
by  Scharff  in  his  History  of  Maryland 
page  290.  We  remember  also  that 
Maryland  and  the  Susquehannocks 
made  a  treaty  in  1652,  mainly  for 
land;  but  partly  also  of  amity.  This 
presupposes  a  state  of  hostility  pre- 
cedent. Both  of  which  treaties  of 
1652  and  1663,  between  Maryland  and 
the  Susquehannocks  point  out  that 
they  were  warring  on  the  whites  and 
the  Iroquois  at  the  same  time.  Later 
we  will  show  how  the  Iroquois  fear- 
ed the  Susquehannas  after  the  fatal 
expedition;  and  .also  enter  upon  the 
Seneca-Susquehannock  War. 
1661— Fortunes  of  War  Hard  Against 
the  Susquehannocks. 

The  Susquehannock-Iroquois  war 
has  now  been  going  on  about  ten 
years,  and  the  Susquehannocks  are 
losing  ground  rapidly.  Maryland 
passed  a  law  to  assist  them,  the  ver- 
batim transcript  of  which  may  be 
seen  in  a  prior  item.  To  carry  out 
the  benefits  intended  by  the  Act  a 
commission  was  issued  by  Maryland 
to  John  Odber  as  follows: 

"We,  Cecelius  to  John  Odber,  greet- 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


47 


ing:  Appoint  you  Captain  of  50 
soldiers  to  be  raised  in  the  province 
of  Maryland,  and  them  to  have  use 
and  command  with  provisions,  vic- 
tuals and  ammunition  and  to  set 
forth  with  them  in  a  march  to  the 
Susquehanna  fort  to  the  resistance 
of  all  enemies  declared  and  to  be  de- 
clared and  to  defend  the  said  fort 
against  all  attempts  from  any  ene- 
mies of  the  Susquehannocks  or  of  the 
province  according  to  such  instruc-  | 
tions  as  you  shall  receive  from  us,  j 
or  our  lieutenant  general  from  time 
to  time,  and  them  to  vanquish  and  I 
put  to  death,  and  all  or  any  other  j 
things,  acts  and  powers  to  use  and 
do  concerning  said  expedition,  till 
the  return  of  the  soldiers  into  this 
province  again,  as  to  the  captain  of 
an  army  or  governor  of  a  fort  by  the 
laws  and  use  of  warre  doth  or  may 
belong.  Given  under  our  lesser  seal 
of  said  province  18th  May,  1661. 
Philip  Calvert."  Vol.  1,  Maryland 
Archives,  p.  417. 

Thus  the  Susquehannock  fort  was 
evidently  again  in  danger.  In  fact 
the  Senecas  were  pressing  on  from 
the  northward  that  the  Susquehan- 
nocks  were  about  being  driven  out 
of  the  fort  on  toward  the  Potomac, 
to  which  point  about  ten  years  later 
the  Senecas  did  drive  them,  and  at 
which  latter  place  they  made  their 
famous  last  stand,  as  we  shall  see 
later. 

Evans'  and  Ellis'  history  calls  at- 
tention, page  11,  to  the  fact  that  at 
this  same  time  there  was  a  fort  on 
the  Susquehanna  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Octorara;  and  that  it  was  pro- 
tected by  a  small  stockade  to  har- 
bor hunting  parties.  But  as  the  main 
fort,  as  we  have  shown,  was  farther 
up  the  river,  three  miles  above  the 
mouth  of  Conestoga  Creek." 

According  to  Hazard's  Annals,  p. 
346,  at  this  time  the  Susquehannocks 


were   greatly    reduced,     as     well     by 
smallpox  as  by  war. 

The  character  and  progress  of  the 
war  will  claim  our  attention  later. 

Act  or   Law  Passed   by  Maryland   in 
1661  to  Help  the  Susquehannas. 

Through  the  goodness  of  that  most 
competent  archivest,  Hon.  L.  R.  Kel- 
ker  at  Harrisburg;  and  the  able  and 
obliging  Assistant  Librarian  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Historical  Society 
at  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Ernst  Spofford, 
two  of  my  especially  valued  friends 
and  co-workers,  I  am  able  to  send 
forth  the  context  of  the  Act  of  Assem- 
bly of  Maryland  passed  May  1,  1661, 
in  that  Colony  to  help  our  Susque- 
hannocks. Both  these  gentlemen 
sent  me  copies  of  the  Act. 

The  Act,  which  is  found  in  Acts  of 
Assembly  1637  to  1664  Vol.  1  (Balti- 
more) Maryland  Historical  Society, 
1883,  p.  406  and  7;  also  Archives  of 
Maryland,  is  as  follows: 

"Thursday,  second  of  May,  1661, 
present  as  before.  Then  was  reade 
the  Act  concerning  the  Burgesses 
tyme  and  charge  which  was  voted  by 
the  whole  house  to  passe.  Acts 
made  at  a  General  Assembly  held  at 
St.  Johns  in  St.  Mary's  country,  begin- 
ning April  the   seventeenth,  1661." 

"An  Acte  impowering  the  Gover- 
nor and  Council  to  rayse  forces  and 
mayntayne  a  warre  without  the  pro- 
vince and  to  ayde  the  Susquehan- 
nough    Indians. 

"Whereas  it  doth  appeare  to  this 
present  General  Assembly  that  this 
Province  is  in  imminent  danger  by  a 
warre  begun  in  itt  by  some  foreign 
Indians  as  it  hath  been  made  to  ap- 
peare by  credible  information  given 
of  a  person  lately  killed  and  of  others 
that  are  probably  cut  off  by  these 
foreign  Indians,  and  that  in  humane 
probability  our  neighbor  Indians,  the 


48 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Susquehannocks  are  a  bullwarke  and 
Security  of  the  Northern  parts  of  the 
Province  and  that  by  former  treaties 
with  that  nation  they  have  very 
much  assured  us  of  their  affections 
and  friendship.  And  that  they  ex- 
pected the  like  from  us.  And  by  their 
treaties  it  was  agreed  Assistance 
should  be  granted  to  each  other  in 
tyme  of  danger,  And  upon  their  sev- 
eral late  applications  to  us  to  that 
purpose  Ayde  hath  been  promis(ed) 
them  accordingly. 

"It  is  enacted  and  be  it  enacted 
(by)  the  Lord  Proprietary  of  this 
Province  by  and  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  Upper  and  Lower 
House  of  this  present  General  As- 
sembly that  the  governor  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  council 
have  power  to  leavy  and  rayse  by 
presse  or  otherwise  fifty  able  men 
with  armes  and  Provisions  and  all 
things  necessary  for  them  to  be  sent 
to  the  Susquehannough  Forte  for  the 
ends  aforesaid.  And  the  proportion 
of  the  said  soldiers  to  be  raysed  out 
of  the  several  countyes  followeth — 
vizt:  Out  of  the  County  of  St.  Mary's 
11;  out  of  Calvert  county,  15;  out  of 
Charles  county,  7;  out  of  Anne  Arun- 
del, 11;  out  of  Kent,  3,  with  one  in- 
terpreter, a  Captaine  and  Chirurgeon, 
and  for  the  paye  of  the  officers  and 
souldiers  aforesaid  to  be  proportioned 
as  followeth  until  the  souldiers  re- 
turne — to  the  Commander  in  Chief 
600  pounds  of  tobacco  in  caske  per 
month;  to  the  interpreter  600  pounds 
per  month;  to  the  lieutenant  400 
pounds  per  month,  to  the  sergeant, 
300  pounds  per  month  and  to  the 
Chirurgeon  foure  hundred  per  month 
and  to  every  private  souldier  250 
pounds  per  month. 

"And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the 
authority  aforesaid  for  the  defray- 
ing of  the  charges  of  said  warre  and 
all   charges   incident  to     with;      That 


the  Governor  and  Council  are  hereby 
impowered  to  leavy  by  way  of  as- 
sessment per  pole  according  to  the 
usual   custome   of  this   Province. 

"And  in  the  interval  of  Assemblys 
to  rayse  what  forces  they  in  their 
discretion  shall  think  necessary 
against  the  Seneca  nation  of  Indians 
or  any  other  Indians  that  shall  be 
found  to  have  killed  any  of  the  in- 
habitants of  this  Province  or  that 
have  or  shall  disturb  the  peace  there- 
of. And  the  charges  to  be  defrayed 
as    aforesaid. 

"This  Acte  to  continue  and  be  in 
force  for  two  years  or  the  next  Gen- 
erall  Assembly  which  shall  first  hap- 
pen." 

"The  Upper  House  Have  Assented 
—Will  Bretton,  clerk. 

"The  Lower  House  Have  Assented 
— John    Gittings,    clerk. 

I  cite  this  Act  not  alone  for  the 
provision  it  makes  for  support  of  the 
Susquehannocks;  but  also  for  the 
many  facts  of  history  it  sets  out  in 
the  first  paragraphs  explaining  the 
cause  of  the  Act,  viz.:  the  repeated 
applications  made  by  them  for  help, 
showing  the  trouble  they  had  with 
the  northern  tribes — the  setting  forth 
of  the  reciprocal  arrangement  the 
Whites  and  the  Susquehannocks  had 
— the  fact  that  the  treaties  made 
with  the  savages  were  not  merely 
playthings,  and  gala  day  meetings, 
but  were  of  sufficient  solemnity  to 
require  statutes  to  be  passed  to 
carry  them  out,  and  finally  the  hon- 
orable way  in  which  the  whites  look- 
ed upon  these  Susquehannocks. 
1<>(>1— Instructions   to    Captain   Obder. 

Prior  we  gave  a  copy  of  the  com- 
mission to  Obder,  constituting  him 
an  officer  to  assist  the  Susquehan- 
nocks,  in   resisting  the   Five  Nations. 

We  now  give  their  instructions 
which  the  government     of     Maryland 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


4!) 


gave  to  him,  directing  him  how  to 
proceed,  copied  from  Vol.  4,  Mary- 
land Archives,  pp.  417  and  418.  They 
are  as  follows: 

"1.  You  are  to  choose  some  fit 
place  either  within  or  without  the 
Forte  (Susquehanna  Fort^  which  you 
are  to  fortify  for  your  own  se- 
curity and  to  demand  the  assistance 
of  the  Susquehannocks  to  fetch  tim- 
ber and  other  necessaries  for  the 
fortifications  according  to  the  article 
now  concluded  between  us  and  fur- 
ther to  cause  some  spurs  or  flankers 
to  be  laid  out  for  the  defense  of  the 
Indian  fort,  whom  you  are  upon  all 
occasions  to  assist  against  the  as- 
saults of  their  enemies. 

"2.  On  arrival  at  the  fort  imme- 
diately press  them  to  appoint  some 
one  or  more  of  their  great  men  to 
whom  you  shall  make  your  applica- 
tions on  all  occasions,  that  is,  either 
of  demanding  assistance  to  help  for- 
tify or  for  provisions  or  upon  any  or- 
der received  from  us. 

"3.  Procure  that  certain  persons 
be  appointed  who  are  to  be  messen- 
gers between  you  and  us  according 
to  the  articles  and  be  sure  to  advise 
us  of  every  accident  of  importance 
that  shall  befall  you  or  the  Susque- 
hannocks and  of  the  proceedings  of 
the  affairs. 

"4.  You  are  carefully  to  inform 
yourself  of  the  progress  of  the  warre 
between  the  Susquehannock  and 
Seneca  Indians  and  if  you  find  them 
lacking  in  it  to  press  them  discreet- 
ly  to  a  vigorous   prosecution   of  it. 

5.  "You  are  to  avoid  quarrels  with 
the  Susquehannocks  and  not  to  allow 
soldiers  to  sit  or  drink  with  them. 

"6.  Make  diligent  inquiries  touch- 
ing the  numbers  of  the  women  in  Pat- 
apsco  River,  and  of  the  motion  of 
the  companies   of  them. 

"7.  You  are  to  have  a  very  wary 
eye  on  all  the  Dutch  that  come  to 
the    Forte    (Susquehannock   Fort)    ob- 


serving their  actions  and  treaties 
with  the  Indians  but  show  not  any 
animosity  against  them;  if  you  find 
any  close  contrivances  to  our  pre- 
judice give  it  notice." 

Thus  from  this  we  see  that  Mary- 
land was  suspicious  of  the  Dutch  who 
were  now  the  owners  of  a  good  deal 
of  southeastern  Pennsylvania,  till 
1644,  when  the  English  divested  them 
of  title.  It  is  also  noticeable  that 
great  care  was  always  observed  by 
Maryland  that  the  Susquehannocks 
should  not  become  suspicious  of  the 
help  of  the  White  Brethren  of  Mary- 
land. 

1661 — Various   Fortunes   of  War  Now 
Occupy   Both   Nations. 

The  Jesuit  Fathers  speaking  of  the 
scouting  parties  of  the  Susquehan- 
nocks say  Vol.  47,  Jesuit  Relations, 
p.  71:  "On  Lake  Ontario  (The  Great 
Lake  of  the  Iroquois)  we  met  three 
canoes  from  Onneirout,  on  their  way 
to  fight  against  the  Nez  Pierce  In- 
dians. They  told  us  that  the  Susque- 
hannocks (dwelling  near  New  Swe- 
den) had  recently  killed  on  their 
fields  three  of  the  Orocouenhonnous 
(a  tribe  of  the  Five  Nations)." 

1661— The    Jesuits  are    Pleased    That 

Susquehannocks  Hold  Iroquois 

in  Cheek. 

The  Jesuits  appreciate  very  much 
the  vigor  of  the  Susquehannocks,  as 
it  is  taking  the  pride  out  of  the  Iro- 
quois, who  about  this  time  because 
they  had  grown  haughty  over  their 
victory  over  the  Hurons  and  other 
tribes,  had  designs  to  fall  upon  the 
French  themselves.  The  Jesuits  in 
Vol.  47,  Jesuit  Relations,  p.  107,  say: 
"We  doubt  not  it  is  a  stroke  of  Hea- 
ven that  has  very  seasonable  caused 
a  division  of  forces  and  aroused  up 
in  our  behalf  the  Andaste  (Susque- 
hannocks) savages  of  warlike  spirit 
and  ever  held  in  dread  by  the  Upper 
Iroquois,   against   whom   war   is   kind- 


50 


ANNALS   OF  THE   SUSQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


ling  in  such  strength  that  we  have 
now  against  us  only  the  Agnieron- 
nous  (Mohawks)  and  Onneirounhon- 
nos,  who  form  but  a  small  part  of 
the   Iroquois." 

We  can  find  much  original  histori- 
cal matter  in  this  last  paragraph.  It 
tells  us  that  the  Susquehannocks 
were  regarded  "of  warlike  spirit"  by 
the  Indians  and  the  whites  of  the 
north —  that  the  Upper  Iroquois  "ever 
held  them  in  dread" — that  they  were 
pressing  the  war  with  such  vigor  that 
they  made  the  whole  Five  Nations 
unable  to  attend  to  any  other  affairs, 
or  to  give  attention  to  any  other 
enemies  than  the  Susquehannocks; 
and  caused  a  division  of  the  Iroquois 
forces. 

1661 — Susquehannocks     Have    Broken 

Up  Seneca  Fur  Trade  With 

New  York. 

The  Susquehannocks  single  handed 
so  harassed  the  Iroquois  and  so 
planted  themselves  between  them  and 
New  York  that  the  peltry  trade  of 
the  Sencas,  one  of  the  Five  Nation 
or  Iroquois  tribes,  was  nearly  cut 
off  at  the  same  time  they  were  pro- 
secuting the  war.  The  French  work 
entitled  "Relations  de  la  Neuville 
France"  for  1661,  p.  40,  says:  "The 
Susquehannocks  also  kept  the  Sene- 
cas  in  such  alarm  that  they  no  longer 
ventured  to  carry  their  peltry  to 
New  York  except  in  caravans  escort- 
ed by  600  men  who  even  took  a  cir- 
cuitous route."  This  is  another 
proof  of  what  the  Susquehannocks 
were  made  of.  About  this  time  it 
seems  the  Iroquois  had  the  worst  of 
the  contest,  as  the  Relations  de  la 
Neuville  France  for  1662  p.  11  say, 
"Smarting  under  constant  defeat  the 
Five  Nations  now  solicited  French 
aid."  The  same  work  for  the  year 
1661  p.  39  says  "In  1661  small  pox 
broke  out  sweeping  off  many.  War 
had     now     begun     in     earnest     with 


the  Five  Nations:  and  though  the 
Susquehannocks  had  some  of  their 
people  killed  near  their  town  (on 
Susquehanna)  they  in  turn  pressed 
the  Cayugas  so  hard  that  some  of 
them  retreated  across  Lake  Ontario 
to  Canada." 
1661 — Susquehannocks   Ungrateful 

to  Maryland. 
In  spite  of  the  fact  that  Maryland 
tried  to  befriend  the  Susquehannocks 
it  would  seem  they  did  not  greatly 
appreciate  it.  In  the  midst  of  their 
war,  they  found  time  to  harass  and 
kill  whites  surreptitiously.  Vol.  3 
Md.  Arch.  413  gives  us  this  account 
of  this.  "An  information  touching 
the  death  of  four  Englishmen  killed 
in  passage  between  Delaware  Bay  and 
Chesapeake  by  Indians — John  Taylor 
says,  one  Easter  Eve  two  Indians 
came  to  his  house  but  he  did  not  un- 
derstand their  language,  told  them  to 
go,  he  knowing  of  a  murder  commit- 
ted on  Robt.  Gorsuch's  wife.  So  they 
left  Next  day  they  came  with  seven 
more  and  one  woman  who  coming 
near  his  landing  shot  off  a  gun  to  give 
notice.  They  asked  him  for  tobacco 
and  ha  gave  it  to  them  and  on  sight 
of  another  canoe  of  Indians  he  told 
them  to  be  gone.  The  Indians  shot 
another  man  and  plundered  his  house 
and  tobacco  house  of  1000  pounds  to- 
i  bacco.  They  also  killed  eleven  head 
I  of  cattle  and  twenty  hogs.  Meeting 
!  certain  other  Indans  he  asked  who 
i  the  others  were  and  they  said  they 
,  were  all   Susquehannocks. 

Nevertheless     the     heaviest       cam- 

|  paigns    of    the    Susquehannock— Iro- 

|  quois  War  were  yet  to  come,  and  for 

I  mutual  help  the     Maryland     and     the 

Susquehannocks    entered    into    a    new 

treaty  of  peace. 

1661— A    New    Treaty    of    Amity    Be- 
tween the  Susquehannocks  and 

Maryland. 
The  rough   surgery  which  the  Five 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


Nations  were  practicing  on  the  Sus- 
quehannocks  made  them  again  turn 
to  Maryland,  though  single  handed 
up  to  this  time  they  held  their  own 
against  the  confederated  savages  of 
the  north.  A  treaty  was  made  ac- 
cordingly May  16,  1661,  by  the  Sus- 
quehannocks  with  Maryland  as  fol- 
lows: 

1.  It  is  mutually  agreed  that  we 
shall  according  to  our  former  agree- 
ments mutually  assist  one  the  other 
against  the  enemies  of  either  nation 
upon  timely  notice  given  to  each  by 
the  other. 

2.  That  such  Indian  men  who  are 
prisoners  and  shall  happen  to  be  ta- 
ken in  war  shall  be  delivered  to  the 
English,  as  well  such  as  have  been 
killed   as  others. 

3.  That  the  English  shall  send  up 
to  Susquehanna  Fort  fifty  men  to  help 
defend  the  fort. 

4.  That  ihe  Susquehannocks  shall 
permit  the  captain  of  the  English  sol- 
diers to  choose  a  place  either  within 
or  without  the  fort  to  fortify  himself 
in,  and  that  the  Susquehannocks 
shall  help  him  to  fetch  logs  or  other 
materials  or  timber  for  the  fortifica- 
tion. 

5.  That  the  Susquehannocks  shall 
find  the  English  soldiers  with  suffi- 
cient fish  and  flesh  and  bread  ready 
beaten. 

6.  That  there  shall  be  six  Indians 
appointed  by  the  Susquehannocks  to 
be  ready  to  carry  letters  between  the 
captain  of  the  English  at  the  Fort 
and  Colonel  Utyes'  house,  and  from 
thence  to  the  Fort,  to  which  end  two 
of  them  shall  always  be  upon  Pal- 
mer's  Island. 

7.  That  to  prevent  mischiefs  and 
misunderstandings  and  not  distin- 
guishing the  Susquehannock  Indians 
the  Susquehannocks  shall  not  come 
ordinarily  to  any  other  house  but  to 
the  house  of  Captain  Thomas  Stockett 


or  Jacob  Clauson,  from  whence  they 
shall  have  tickets  if  they  have  occa- 
sion to  come  freely  among  the  Eng- 
lish plantations;  and  if  by  enemies 
they  be  driven  among  the  English 
they  shall  be  found  to  halloo  before 
they  come  near  any  English  house, 
and  upon  the  appearance  of  the  Eng- 
lish they  shall  immedately  lay  down 
their  arms,  to  be  in  the  English  pos- 
session till  they  depart. 

8.  That  the  Susquehannocks  shall 
send  all  runaways  of  the  English 
down  to  Captain  Thomas  Stockett  im- 
mediately after  arrival  at  the  Fort. 

9.  That  the  English  having  now 
declared  that  they  will  demand  satis- 
faction of  the  Possegouke  (northern) 
Indians  for  the  death  of  John  Nordon 
and  his  companions  slayn  (slain)  by 
the  aforesaid  Indians,  and  upon  de- 
cision to  prosecute  a  war  with  them 
the  Susquehannocks  shall  upon  fur- 
ther notice  given  be  ready  to  assist 
in  the  said  war  with  necessary  force, 
which  the  said  English  will  prose- 
cute upon  the  said  northern  Indians." 

This  treaty  may  be  found  in  Vol. 
3,  Maryland  Archives,  p.  420,  and  is 
signed  by  the  English  emissaries, 
and  by  the  following  Susquehannock 
Indian  chiefs:  Dahadaghesa,  Sara- 
wgarora,  Andra-Souque,  Waskanec- 
qua,  Saraquendelt,  Karagarago  and 
Wadonbago,  dated  May  21,  1661,  the 
day  it  was  concluded,  the  conference 
having    lasted    five    days. 

This  treaty  was  made  pursuant  to 
the  Act  of  Assembly  May  2,  1661,  to 
which  we  have  called  attention  as 
well  as  have  set  out  a  verbatim  copy 
thereof;  and  under  and  by  virtue  of 
both  Colonel  Obder  was  given  the 
commission  and  instructions  we  have 
noted  before.  But  while  they  were 
in  sore  need  of  help  from  the  Whites 
the  Susquehannocks  seemed  not"  to 
appreciate  it;  or  at  least  were  too 
haughty  to  do  the  menial  work  the 
English  soldiers   required  of  them  in 


.'I' 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


helping  to  build  the   fortifications   to 
strengthen    the    Susquehanna    Fort. 

1661 — The     Susquehannocks     do     not 
Appreciate  English  Help  in   War. 

Captain  Obder  gives  this  account  of 
his  attempt  to  help  the  Susquehan- 
nocks  under  the  provisions  of  the 
above  Act  of  Assembly  and  Treaty. 

"November  27   Captain   Obder   came 
to  give  account  of  this  expedition  to 
the    Susquehannock      Fort     and     was 
asked   why    he   came   down   from    the 
Fort   without   order   from    the    Gover- 
nor.      He     said   that  the   Susquehan- 
nocks  came  to  him  and  told  him  that 
they    could   not   compel    their   men   to 
furnish    the    soldiers    with    provisions  ! 
according   to   the   article;    and   there-  j 
fore  bid  them  provide  themselves  and  j 
be  gone  tomorrow  in  the  cances  that  | 
were   provided   to   carry  the  ammuni-  j 
tion  to  them.     He  said  he  had  left  all 
the  arms  with  Mr.  Lloyd  except  one  i 
gun  at  Jacob's,  and  the  arms  of  every  j 
soldier   were   carried   home   to  be   de-  j 
livered    to    the    owners    thereof    from  \ 
whom   they    received   them.     This   an- 
swer not  having  satisfied  the  informa- 
tion   of   the    Lieutenant   Governor,    he 
was  ordered  to  give  account  in  writ- 
ing of  his  proceedings  with  the   Sus- 
quehannocks    by    next    council.        See 
Maryland   Archives,  Vol.   3,   p.   434. 

Nov.  28  Captain  Obder  was  called 
to  give  account  in  writing  according 
to  the  former  order  but  he  appeared 
not.  Then  was  called  John  Everett 
to  answer  his  contempt  in  running 
away  from  his  colors  when  pressed 
to  go  to  the  Susquehanna  Fort,  and 
he  pleads  that  he  cannot  bear  arms 
for  his  conscience  sake;  and  it  is  or- 
dered that  he  be  tried  at  the  next 
court.  Vol.  3,  Maryland  Archives, 
p.  441. 

The  reasons  for  the  drawing  the 
Act  to  aid  the  Susquehannocks  and 
who  drew  it  and  the  necessity  for  a 
treaty  are  set  forth  in  Vol.  1,  Mary- 
land     Archives,    p.      400,    as    follows: 


"Ordered  that  Messrs.Ed.  Lloyd,  John 
Bateman,  Col.  Wm.  Evans  el  al  draw 
up  an  Act  empowering  the  Governor 
and  Council  in  the  interval  between 
this  and  next  Assembly  to  raise  forces 
they  find  necessary  to  ayde  the  Sus- 
quehannocks against  the  Senecas, 
that  have  lately  killed  some  English- 
men in  Patapsco  River,  and  that  the 
expense  be  raised  by  an  assessment, 
and  in  Vol.  3,  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
411,  it  is  said  that  on  consideration 
of  the  Act  passed  to  ayde  the  Sus- 
quehannocks it  was  decided  to  send 
John  Obder  with  an  army  of  fifty 
men." 

Thus  this  expedition  and  design  to 
help  the  Susquehannocks  in  their 
great  war,  though  they  desired  a 
treaty  on  the  subject,  was  the  same 
as  several  former  efforts  by  the 
Whites  to  help  them,  and  to  deal 
with  them,  a  failure.  In  following 
items  we  shall  notice  further  efforts 
and  also  take  up  the  weary  progress 
of   the   war. 

1662 — Susquehannocks     Blockaded    in 
Their  Fort. 

Page  347,  Hazard  Annals,  is  set  forth 
one  of  Alricks  papers,  "When  I  arrived 
on  May  31st  at  New  Amstel  (1662) 
I  perceived  there  a  great  change;  all 
were  jointly  engaged  to  repair  the 
Fort  as  the  Minquas  were  blocked  in 
their  Fort  by  the  Senecas  being  about 
800  strong.  When  rhe  Senecas  ap- 
proached three  or  four  men  were  dis- 
patched to  the  Fort  with  the  offer  of 
peace  while  their  force  remained  at 
a  distance;  but  a  Minqua  returning 
from  hunting  discovered  the  Senecas 
so  that  next  day,  they  from  the  Fort 
concluded  to  meet  them  with  20  or 
30  men  when  the  Minquas  at  the 
same  time  with  their  force  made  an 
attack  drove  the  Senecas  to  flight 
and  pursued  them  for  two  days  re- 
taking 10  persons  and  10  men  killed 
if    we    can    depend    on    two    Minquas 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


who  arrived  at  New  Amstel  on  the 
2nd,  inst."  This  is  verbatim  from  the 
Alrick  papers  dated   June  2,   1663. 

1662 — The   Great    Susquehannock-Iro- 
quois    War — Iroquois   Expedition 
Down  Susquehanna  River. 

Formerly  we  showed  how  this  war 
began  in  1652,  and  progressed  in  a 
desultory  way  on  toward  1660 

The  principal  campaign  of  the  War 
was  in  1662;  and  indeed  it  is  the  only 
campaign  of  which  historians  tell  us 
anything  definitely.  The  best  ac- 
count of  its  chief  event,  and  to  my 
mind  the  most  reliable  one,  is  that 
set  forth  in  Vol.  48  of  the  Jesuit  Re- 
lations p.  75  written  practically  con- 
temporaneous with  the  event.  The 
description  is  dated  1662  and  is  set 
forth  as  follows:  "Last  year  two 
tribes  of  the  Iroquois  formed  an  ex- 
pedition to  go  and  lie  in  ambush  for 
the  upper  Algonquins.  For  this  pur- 
pose they  set  out  early  in  1662.  But 
the  Iroquois,  who  had  never  learned 
to  run  away,  would  have  been  glad 
to  do  so  at  any  time,  for  shafts  were 
leveled  upon  them  in  every  direction. 

The  other  Iroquois  nations  had  no 
better  success  in  an  expedition  un- 
dertaken by  them  against  the  Andaste 
(Susquehannas)  savages  of  New  Swe- 
den, with  whom  War  broke  out  some 
years  ago  (p.  77).  Raising  accordingly 
an  army  of  890  men  they  embarked 
on  Lake  Ontario  toward  the  begin- 
ning of  April  last,  and  directed  their 
course  toward  the  extremity  of  the 
beautiful  lake  to  a  great  river  very 
much  like  our  St.  Lawrence,  leading 
without  rapids  and  without  falls  to 
the  very  gates  of  the  village  of  An- 
daste or  Andastogue.  There  our 
warriors  arrived  after  journeying 
more  than  one  hundred  leagues  on 
that  beautiful  river.  Camping  in  the 
most  advantageous  position  they  pre- 
pared to  make  a  general  assault  plan- 
ning,   as    is   their   wont,   to    sack    the 


whole  village  and  return  home  at  the 
earliest  moment  loaded  with  glory 
and    with    captives. 

But  they  saw  that  this  village  was 
defended  on  one  side  by  the  stream 
on  whose  banks  it  was  situated,  and 
on  the  opposite  by  a  double  curtain 
of  large  trees  flanked  by  bastions, 
erected  on  the  European  manner,  and 
being  supplied  with  some  pieces  of  ar- 
tillery. Surprised  at  finding  defenses 
so  well  planned  the  Iroquois  abandon- 
ed the  projected  assult,  and  after 
some  light  skirmishing  resorted  to 
their  customary  subtility,  in  order  to 
gain  by  trickery  what  they  could  not 
accomplish  by  force.  Making  thin 
overtures  for  a  parley  they  offered  to 
enter  the  besieged  town  to  the  num- 
ber twenty-five,  partly  to  treat  for 
peace,  as  they  declared,  and  partly  to 
buy  provisions  for  their  return  jour- 
ney. The  gates  were  opened  for 
them  and  they  went  in;  but  were  im- 
mediately seized,  and  without  further 
delay  made  to  mount  a  scaffold  or 
scaffolds,  where  in  sight  of  their  own 
army  they  were  burned  alive.  The 
Andaste  by  this  declaring  war  more 
hotly  than  ever  gave  the  Iroquois  to 
understand  that  this  was  merely  the 
prelude  to  what  they  were  going  to 
do  in  the  latter's  country,  and  that 
the  Iroquos  had  only  to  go  back 
home  as  speedily  as  possible  and 
prepare  for  siege  or  at  least  make 
ready  to  see  their  fields  laid  waste. 

The  Iroquois,  more  humiliated  by 
this  insult  than  can  be  imagined,  dis- 
banded and  prepared  to  adopt  the  de- 
fensive. They  had  hitherto  borne 
their  arms  in  victory  through  all 
these  regions.  But  what  are  they  to 
do  now?  And  besides  small  pox — an 
American  pest — had  wrought  sad  ha- 
voc  in   their   villages." 

The  Dauphin  County  Archaelogo- 
ists,  in  their  pamphlet  cited  before, 
tell   of   this    expedition,     which     they 


54 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


mistakenly  fix  as  1663,  instead  of  the 
correct  year,  1662,  page  41,  as  fol- 
lows: "In  April,  1663,  the  western 
cantons  raised  an  army  of  800  men 
to  invest  and  storm  the  Susquehanna 
fort.  This  fort  was  erected  about  20 
miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  River, 
the  enemy  embarking  on  Lake  On- 
tario, according  to  the  French  ac- 
count, and  then  went  overland  to  the 
Susquehannocks.  On  reaching  the 
fort  however  they  found  it  well  de- 
fended on  the  river  side  and  on  the 
land  side  with  two  bastions  in  Euro- 
pean style,  with  cannon  mounted, 
connected  by  a  double  guard  of  large 
trees.  After  some  skirmishing  the 
Iroquois  resorted  to  strategy.  They 
sent  a  party  in  to  ask  for  peace  and 
the  Susquehannocks  burned  them  be- 
fore their  eyes.  The  force  of  the  Iro- 
quois was  about  1600  while  the  Sus- 
quehannocks had  in  their  fort  only 
100  men.  On  the  retreat  of  the  Iro- 
quois the  Susquehannocks  pursued 
them  with  considerable  slaughter." 
1662 — The  Susquehannocks  Now  Con- 
tend Against  War  and  Small  Pox. 
On  the  20th  Feb.,  1662,  Beekman 
writes:  "The  Senecas  and  Minquas 
are  still  at  war.  The  savages  on  the 
river  too  are  in,  this  winter  as  they 
did  not  go  on  hunting  as  usual  which 
causes  nearly  a  stagnation  in  trade." 
(Haz.  Annals,  p.  330).  A  month  or 
two  before  the  last  writing  the  same 
writer  wrote:  "Many  of  the  Minquas 
(Susquehannocks)  died  lately  by  the 
small  pox.  They  are  nearly  besieged 
by  the  Senecas,  which  caused  a  de- 
cline in  our  trade  with  them.  I  was 
informed  that  the  Senecas  killed  an- 
other savage  not  far  from  that  place 
but  a  little  above  it  where  the  Swe- 
dish concentration  is  made".  Haz. 
Annals,  p.  329.  Nov.  27,  1662,  Beek- 
man writes  to  Governor  Stuyvesant: 
"On  the  3rd  arrived  three  Susque- 
hannock  chiefs  with  their  suite.  Sup- 


posing that  they  had  something  to 
communicate  respecting  the  late 
murders,  we  requested  the  presence  of 
the  Swedish  commissary.  The  chiefs 
bitterly  complained  that  on  our  in- 
formation and  complaints  they  dis- 
covered the  murders  were  committed 
by  a  young  Seneca  residing  among 
them.  And  these  Susquehannock 
chiefs  further  say  that  as  long  as 
the  Christians  have  resided  here  it 
can  never  be  proved  that  any  of  the 
Susquehannocks  have  in  any  manner 
injured  or  offended  them;  on  the  con- 
trary they  have  showed  them  every 
mark  of  friendship  and  were  always 
willing  and  cheerfully  employed  in 
reconciling  differences  between  them 
and  the  other  savages.  They  said 
about  three  years  ago  one  of  their 
nation  was  murdered  by  the  Chris- 
tians near  New  Amstel  (now  New 
Castle;  see  p.  206),  which  they  did 
not  resent.  These  Susquehannock 
chiefs  also  expected  ere  long  to  their 
assistance  about  800  Swedish  Min- 
quas (Pennsylvania  Susquehannocks) 
of  whom  about  200  had  arrived,  so 
that  next  spring  they  were  resolved 
to  make  war  with  the  Senecas  and 
go  and  visit  the  forest,  whereof  they 
solicited  the  Christians  to  provide 
them  with  ammunition  of  war  when- 
ever they  paid  for  it."  (Haz.  Annals, 
pp.  341  and  342).  This  last  state- 
ment about  the  Susquehannocks  go- 
ing to  make  war  on  the  Senecas 
simply  means  that  the  Susquehan- 
nocks had  now  determined  to  take 
the  offensive,  so  heretofore  they  were 
mainly  on  the  defensive. 

1662— Maryland  Again  Favors  an  Act 
of   Assembly   Helping   Susque- 
hannocks. 

In  Vol.  1  of  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
428,  it  is  set  out  that  in  1662,  "Up- 
on reading  the  Act  empowering  the 
Government  to  aid  the  Susquehan- 
nocks to  maintain  a  war,  now  expir- 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


r>:> 


ed  it  was  put  to  question  whether  it 
was  fit  to  move  the  lower  house  to 
consent  to  a  new  Act  empowering 
the  Governor  and  Council  to  raise 
forces  to  maintain  a  war  without  the 
province  for  some  determinate  time, 
and  it  was  resolved  that  the  lower 
house  do  agree  with  the  upper  house 
in  such  an  Act  and  that  an  Act  be 
passed  to  encourage  soldiers  by  pen- 
sion who  shall  volunteer  and  adven- 
ture  in  defense  of  their  country." 

1663— The  Tide  of  War  is  Now  Favor- 
able to  the  Susquehannocks. 

The  campaign  of  1662  in  the  Sus- 
quehannock-Iroquois  war  was  on  the 
whole  favorable  to  the  Susquehan- 
nocks.  Especially  were  the  Iroquois 
disheartened  by  the  fate  of  their  ex- 
pedition down  the  Susquehanna  of 
800  warriors,  of  whom  25  were  burn- 
ed alive  in  the  Susquehannocks'  fort. 
Thus  one  large  "branch  of  the  Iro- 
quois (the  Sonnadauchonnoas)  the 
farthest  nation  from  the  east,  ask  for 
peace  with  the  French  in  order  to 
make  head  against  the  Susquehan- 
nocks, those  savages  of  New  Sweden 
who  are  very  warlike  and  better 
than  any  other  to  exterminate  the 
Iroquois.  In  order  to  secure  them- 
selves against  so  remarkable  an 
enemy  they  ask  the  French  to  come 
in  large  numbers  and  settle  among 
them,  the  Iroquois.  They  also  ask 
for  black  gowns,  so  as  to  appear 
peaceful,  etc."  See  Vol.  49,  Jesuit 
Relations,    p.    141. 

1663— Jesuits  Have  No  Faith  in   Iro- 
quois Plea  for  Peace  with  Them 
and  the  Susquehannocks. 

These  overtures  for  peace  made  by 
the  Iroquois  to  the  French  and  Jes- 
uits were  looked  upon  by  the  latter 
with  suspicion  as  is  set  forth  in  Vol.  49, 
Jesuit  Relations,  p.  147,  as  follows: 
"Some  small  Iroquois  tribes,  and  in- 
deed the  great  body  of  them  do  not 
love  us  (the  Jesuits)  and  they  have 
a  deadly  hatred  for  the  Algonquins. 
Thus    when    we    see    them    so    unmis- 


takably urgent  for  peace  we  doubt 
their  sincerity.  And  so  seeing  them- 
selves within  two  fingers'  breadths 
of  total  destruction — famine  and  dis- 
ease having  begun  it,  the  Susquehan- 
nocks, Algonquins  and  other  savages 
having  advanced  it,  the  French  inter- 
ested in  completing  it — they  pretend 
to  wish  for  peace." 
1663— The  Iroquois  Tribes  Make  New 

Expeditions   on   Susquehannocks. 

In  Vol.  49,  Jesuit  Relations,  p.  153, 
as  shown  from  a  letter  written  at 
Quebec  Sept.  22  "the  northern  tribes 
repeat  their  southern  marches."  It 
is  stated  that  the  "Anniehoronnous  (a 
tribe  of  Mohawks),  the  Sonnontoueh- 
uonnores  (the  Huron  name  for  the 
Iroquois),  are  now  all  situated  along 
the  Great  I^ake  of  the  Iroquois,  call- 
ed Ontario,  from  20  to  30  leagues  in- 
land. They  are  in  villages  and  till 
the  soil,  raising  Turkish  and  Indian 
corn  and  wheat.  Beyond  them  far- 
ther southward  they  have  savage  ene- 
mies for  some  time  past  have  been 
making  vigorous  war  on  them — the 
nation  of  the  wolves,  the  aborigines 
allied  with  New  England  and  the  An- 
daste  (Susquehannocks)  with  New 
Sweden."  In  to  this  latter  nation 
they  have  been  sending  war  parties 
for  ten  years  and  more.  These  ex- 
peditions are  further  explained  in  the 
extracts  which  now  follow  from  Haz. 
Annals,  pp.  346  and  347. 
1663 — Attack  of  Susquehannock  Fort. 

"Hazard  sets  forth  the  attack  on 
Susquehannock  Fort  in  1663  by  the 
Iroquois  from  the  writings  of  A. 
Hudde  as  follows  (Haz.  Ann.  346) : 

"Inforriiation  was  received  by  one 
Harman  Reiders  residing  in  the  col- 
ony of  New  Amstel,  of  the  English, 
which  he  received  with  request  to 
communicate  to  us  that  the  Sencas 
being  1600  strong  with  wives  and 
i  children  were  on  the  march  to  the 
Minquas;    that   they     were     yet     two 


56 


ANNALS   OF   THE   SUSQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


days'  journey  from  the  Forte  of  the 
Minquas.  The  Minquas  have  about 
30  men,  who  were  not  yet  in  besides 
a  hundred  of  the  savages  from  the 
River  who  are  in  the  Forte.  The 
English  requested  some  of  the  Min- 
quas which  they  declined,  and  now 
the  English  seem  to  favor  the  Senecas 
so  that  it  is  said  they  had  resolved 
to  send  some  of  the  men  to  meet  the 
Senecas  and  conclude  with  them  a 
treaty  of  peace  and  as  the  savages  on 
the  river  will  not  always  remain  at 
the  fort  this  may  occasion  disturb- 
ance on  the  river  during  the  summer. 
This  was  intended  for  Wm.  Beekman 
to  communicate  with  him  news  of 
these  parts.  "A.  Hudde." 

1063 — Maryland  Again  Helps  the  Sus- 
quehannocks with  Powder  and 
Supplies. 

In  Vol.  3,  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
486,  under  date  July  28,  it  is  set  out: 
These  are  in  the  name  of  the  Hon. 
Proprietary  of  Maryland  to  will  and 
require  you  to  go  to  the  house  of 
Jacob  Clawson  and  Symon  Carpenter, 
and  there  see  delivered  to  Capt.  Civ- 
ility and  the  rest  of  the  Susquehan- 
nock  Indians  2  barrels  of  powder — 2 
hundred  weight  lead;  and  after  you 
are  to  go  to  the  house  of  Nathaniel 
Ufley  along  with  said  Indians  and 
there  press  any  one  of  the  three  guns 
and  let  it  be  delivered  to  said  Indians 
of  which  guns  said  Indians  are  to  have 
the  choice — all  which  particular 
being  for  public  use,  and  this  your 
authority."  In  Vol.  1,  p.  505,  Mary- 
land Archives,  it  is  said:  "The  assess- 
ment to  pay  diet  for  the  expedition 
to  Susquehannocks  was  6,380  pounds 
tobacco."  And  in  Vol.  1,  Maryland 
Archives,  pp.  471  and  472,  five  Sus- 
quehannock  chiefs  being  asked  say 
their  enemies  in  all  the  forts  are 
about  1,460  men;  and  that  they,  the 
Susquehannocks,  are  now  about  700 
fighting  men. 


1663— Maryland  Shows  Further  Inter- 
est in  the  Susquehannocks. 

Finally  Maryland  shows  iurther  her 
alliance  with  the  Susquehannocks 
by  sending  for  them  to  treat  again 
which  is  set  forth  in  Vol.  3  Md.  Arch. 
487  as  follows:  "At  a  council  held  at 
Gold-smith's  for  pursuing  any  foreign 
enemy.  Instructions,  etc:  You  are 
forthwith  to  send  to  the  Susquehan- 
nock  Indians,  to  give  them  notice  that 
they  immediately  come  down  to  treat 
with  you  and  the  rest  of  the  commis- 
sioners about  the  articles  of  peace 
lately  confirmed  by  the  Governor  to- 
gether with  their  consent  and  ex- 
pectation strictly  to  insist  upon  the 
article  namely  that  they  shall  not 
approach  any  English  plantation  but 
according  to  the  tenor  of  the  said 
Article  of  Peace,  by  stopping  a  cer- 
tain  distance   away   and   helloeing." 

Later  we  will  notice  certain  small 
victories  by  the  Susquehannocks 
against  the  Mohawks  and  the  Sen- 
ecas, etc. 

1663— Fatal  Susquehannock  Fort   Ex- 
pedition Humbles  the   Iroquois. 

The  result  of  the  Susquehannocks' 
slaughter  of  the  Iroquois  in  1662  had 
a  very  pacifying  effect  on  them  for 
a  time.  This  is  told  in  Vol.  49  of 
the  Jesuit  Relations  p.  137  as  follows: 
"This  year  a  great  embassy  of  Iro- 
quois met  the  Jesuit  fathers, — the 
Algonquins  and  Hurons,  the  greatest 
ever  known  especially  since  the  War 
which  was  now  in  progress  between 
the  Iroquois,  the  Hurons,  etc.  The 
Iroquois  proclaimed  that  they  wished 
to  unite  all  the  nations  of  the  earth 
and  hurl  the  hatchet  so  far  into  the 
depth  of  the  earth  that  it  will  never 
again  be  seen  in  the  future.  They 
wished  to  place  an  entirely  new  sun 
in  the  heavens,  level  all  the  mountains 
and  remove  all  the  falls  in  the  rivers 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


57 


and  wished  peace.  They  declared 
they  are  coming,  men  women  and 
children  to  deliver  themselves  into 
the  hands  of  the  French.  But  the  Iro- 
quois as  we  know  from  5  years'  ex- 
perience are  haughty  and  crafty  and 
they  never  ask  peace  unless  they 
have  a  scheme. 

It  seems  that  they  ask  this  so  that 
the  French  will  live  among  them  (p. 
141)  and  surround  their  villages  with 
palisades  as  they  fear  the  Andastes  or 
Susquehannocks,  the  savages  of  New 
Sweden  who  are  better  able  than  any 
other  to  exterminate  the  Iroquois  and 
they  (the  Iroquois  dare  not  longer 
go  and  ask  munitions  of  war  from  the 
Dutch.  They  even  begged  for  black 
gowns  to  go  and  convert  the  Hurons. 
Then  they  came  with  a  white  flag  la- 
ter, but  we  were  not  deceived." 
1664 — The  Seneca  -  Susquehannock 
War   Opens. 

The  Iroquois  having  been  badly 
frightened  by  the  Susquehannocks, 
as  we  have  already  shown,  in  the  ex- 
pedition of  1662,  the  Senecas  now 
sallied  forth  to  retaliate  upon  theSus- 
quehannocks.  The  Senecas  were  al- 
lied with  the  Iroquois.  They  prac- 
ticed a  guerilla  warfare.  It  began 
about  1664  and  continued  until  1675. 
We  shall  here  treat  only  of  the  be- 
ginning of  it.  Its  later  stages  ten 
years  onward  brought  on  Col.  Ninian 
Baell's  expedition  against  them  from 
Maryland  in  1675.  In  Johnson's  His. 
of  Cecil  Co.,  p.  61,  under  date  of  1664 
he  says,  "Notice  was  sent  to  the  Sus- 
quehannocks to  come  and  treat  with 
the  commissioners  of  Baltimore 
County,  because  at  this  time  the  Sus- 
quehannocks were  greatly  intimidat- 
ed by  the  Senecas."  This  was  Mary- 
land's first  offer  to  help  the  Susque- 
hannocks against  the  Senecas.  In 
Lyle's  History  of  Lancaster  County, 
it  is  stated  p.  19,  that  the  Senecas 
crossed  the  Susquehanna  many  miles 


above  the  fort  of  the  Susquehannocks 
and  robbed  and  killed  some  of  the 
whites.  In  June,  1664  one  of  the 
Senecas  was  captured  and  40  of  the 
Susquehannocks  who  were  present  at 
his  trial  wanted  him  burned  as  a 
punishment  for  his  cruelty.  In  the 
same  year  100  Seneca  warriors  came 
to  the  Chesapeake  and  killed  several 
Maryland  settlers  and  some  Susque- 
hannocks they  caught  hunting.  And 
in  the  summer  of  that  year  Maryland 
declared  war  on  the  Senecas;  and  the 
Senecas  the  next  year  went  out  on  the 
warpath  in  full  force  against  the 
Susquehannocks.  This  was  in  1665, 
Lyle'  p.  19.  About  this  time  the 
Marylanders  and  Susquehannocks 
combined  and  made  several  expedi- 
tions against  the  Senecas;  as  the  Sen- 
ecas now  determined  to  eterminate 
both  the  Susquehannocks  and  the 
Marylanders.  At  this  point  we  will 
leave  the  Seneca  War  for  the  present 
and  take  it  up  again  at  its  crucial 
stage  several  years  later,  in  chrono- 
logical order.  Before  leaving  the 
subject  of  the  Seneca's  invasion  into 
the  Susquehanna  country  we  must 
note  two  more  matters.  The  first  is 
Robert  Carr's  account  dated  October 
13,  1664  in  a  letter  to  Col.  Nichols,  on 
the  subject  of  the  Senecas  coming 
down  to  southeastern  Pennsylvania 
in  Vol.  5  sec.  ser.  of  Pa.  Arch.,  p. 
549.  He  says  p.  550,  among  other 
things,  "The  cause  of  my  not  send- 
ing all  this  time  to  give  notice  of 
our  success  (He  is  writing  from  the 
Delaware)  was  the  falling  off  of  ye  In- 
dians from  their  former  civility,  they 
abusing  messengers  that  travel  by 
land  since  our  travel  here  though  no 
ways  incensed  by  us,  but  exasperated 
by  the  Dutch  and  their  own  inclina- 
tions that  80-  of  them  came  from  the 
other  side  (near  Susquehanna)  where 
they  inhabit  and  are  so  strong  that 
no  Christian  yet  dare  venture  to 
plant   on   that   side   which   belongs   to 


58 


ANNALS    OF   THE    SUSQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


the  Duke  of  York.  They  stayed  3 
nights  and  pretended  they  came  to  set- 
tle. We  beg  your  endeavors  to  assist 
us  in  reconciling  the  Senecas,  they 
coming  and  doing  violence  to  ye  hea- 
then and  Christians  and  leave  these 
Indians  to  be  blamed  for  it.  In  less 
than  6  weeks  several  murders  have 
been  committed  and  one  by  these 
people  (Senecas)  upon  ye  Dutch  and 
Swedes.  This  shows  the  incursions 
of  the  Senecas. 

Mombert  says  p.  123  that  in  1664 
New  Netherlands  fell  under  the  Duke 
of  York  and  the  English  now  having 
authority  over  the  Dutch  a  firm  al- 
liance was  formed  between  the  In- 
dians and  the  English.  And  now 
freely  supplied  with  ammunition  by 
the  English  in  New  York,  the  five 
nations  make  vigorous  war  against 
the  Susquehannocks  and  the  tribes  on 
the    south    generally. 

1664  — The     Susquehannocks'     Other 
Fort   at   Octararo. 


surpasses  everything  grown  in 
Europe  and  especially  says  that  furs 
of  all  sorts  may  be  had  of  the  natives 
very  reasonably  and  great  profit  to 
be  derived  from  traffic  with  them  who 
are  naturally  a  mild  people  and  cap- 
able of  being  drawn  out  of  blind 
ignorance  to  the  saving  light  of 
Jesus  Christ.  Alsop's  description  of 
Susquehannocks  we  will  take  up  in  a 
future  item. 

1664 — Progress  of  the  Seneca-Susque- 
hannock  War. 

Lyle's  History  p.  9  says,  "The  Sus- 
quehannocks were  now  at  War  with 
the  Senecas,  one  of  the  Six  Nations, 
who  opposed  the  Susquehannas  and 
robbed  and  killed  some  of  the  white 
settlers.  In  June,  1664,  one  of  the 
Senecas  was  captured;  and  forty  Sus- 
quehannocks who  were  present  at  his 
trial  wanted  him  burned  as  a  punish- 
|  men  for  his  cruelty.  In  June,  1664, 
about    100    Senecas  came  to  the  Chesa- 


peak   and   killed   several   Marylanders 

s    and  some  Susquehannocks  whom  they 

caught      hunting.       In      June    of    that 

year     the     Maryland   colony   declared 


says  A.  L.  Guss  in  his  work  on  In 
dian  History  of  the  lower  Susque 
hanna,    the    Susquehannocks    had      a    war  on  the  Senecas,  who  went  on  the 


fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  Octararo  as 


war  path  against  the  Susquehannocks 


some  of  the  towns   located  by   Smith    the    next   year      The    Marvlanders    as 
on  his  map  cannot  be  located  where    allies    of    the      Susquehannocks      sent 
he  places  them   (p.  5).     Mr.  Guss  also 
states    that    they      (Susquehannocks) 


had  a  town  on  the  Bolus  river  which 
is  now  the  Patapsco  entering  the  Bay 
at  Baltimore.  Also  p.  5.  He  also 
says  page  11,  that  the  Susquehannock 
tribes  warred  on  the  Delawares  too. 
Scharf    in    his    History    of    Maryland, 


several  expeditions  against  the  Sen- 
ecas, who  threatened  to  exterminate 
both  the  Susquehannocks  and  the 
Marylanders." 

1664— Incidents  of  the  Susquehannock 
Iroquois  War. 
In    June    1664,    a    Seneca    was    cap- 


page  94  tells  of  the  fierceness  of  the    tured    by    the      Susquehannocks      and 


Susquehannocks  at  this  time,  but 
most  of  it  we  have  had  from  other 
writers    more   nearly    first   hand. 

Under  practically  this  same  date,  a 
glowing  description  of  southeastern 
Pennsylvania  is  set  forth  in  Vol.  5, 
Second  series  of  Pa.  Arch.,  p.  447.  It 
sets  forth  how  every     growing     crop 


the  whites,  and  on  the  7th  he  was 
examined  before  Council.  The  same 
is  reported  as  follows  in  Vol.  3, 
Maryland  Archives,  p.  498:  "Exami- 
nation of  an  Indian  prisoner,  a 
Seneca.— Yesterday  when  the  prison- 
er was  here  there  were  forty  of  the 
Susquehannocks  and  two  of  Civility's 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


59 


uncles  (Civility  was  a  chief  of  the 
Susquehannocks)  who  made  show  of 
much  joy  at  his  being  taken,  for  they 
very  well  knew  him  and  were  sen- 
sible of  his  warlike  exploits  and  would 
have  persuaded  us  to  have  burnt  him 
but  we  certified  it  was  not  our  man- 
ner to  torture  prisoners;  but  that 
happily  he  might  be  sent  home  to  his 
country  for  the  good  of  us  all.  But 
we  cannot  find  that  the  prisoner  al- 
leged anything  in  his  behalf  and  we 
suggest  he  take  a  present  to  his  own 
country.  Verily  too  if  such  a  thing 
were  done  Civility,  in  the  behalf  of 
the  Susquehannocks,  would  also  go 
and  that  thereby  a  peace  might  be 
procured.  And  if  Civility  go  with  Claw- 
son  to  the  Seneca  country  the  Sus- 
quehannocks, we  know,  would  will- 
ingly embrace  the  opportunity  of  a 
treaty."  This  is  from  a  letter  signed 
by  Theo.  Stockett,  Sam'l  Goldsmith 
and  Franc  Wright. 

This  Seneca  gave  the  following  nar- 
ration, viz.:  "That  he  came  to  the 
house  of  Mr.  G.  M.  Ball,  not  with  in- 
tent to  kill  any  Christians,  but  had 
brought  a  present  for  the  Christians 
of  forty  beavers  and  several  belts  of 
peace  for  the  Susquehannocks;  that 
they  desire  peace  and  friendship  (the 
Senecas)  and  that  the  boy  taken  and 
the  men  killed  at  the  mill  it  was  the 
Cinneka  Indians,  that  did  both.  He 
says  if  he  had  been  taken  by  the 
Susquehannocks  he  should  not  have 
been  put  to  death  by  them,  and  that 
all  the  joints  of  Lis  body  and  bones 
are  belts  of  peace.  He  was  asked 
how  many  troop  the  Senecas  had 
coming  out  and  he  said  200;  and  ask- 
ed why  so  many  were  come  if  for 
peace,  and  he  said  nothing  but  that 
their  fort  did  not  desire  war  with  the 
Christians,  and  the  troops  were  come 
for  revenge  of  the  death  of  his  son 
and  five  Indians  more  that  were 
burnt  by  the  Susquehannocks.  When 
they    came    to    Ball's    plantation    they 


gave  the  sign  and  word  and  left  their 
guns  behind  in  the  field."  See  Vol. 
3,   Maryland   Archives,   p.   499. 

Evans  and  Ellis'  history  tells  about 
this  same  incident  and  other  related 
matter,  p.  12,  as  follows:  "At  this 
period  the  Susquehannocks  were  at 
war  with  the  Senecas,  who  crossed 
the  river  many  miles  above  the  Fort 
and  penetrated  to  the  head  of  the 
Bay,  where  they  robbed  settlers. 
Several  inhabitants  were  killed  and 
in  June,  1664,  one  of  the  Senecas  was 
captured  and  at  his  trial  forty  of  the 
Susquehannocks  were  present,  among 
whom  were  two  of  Captain  Civility's 
uncles.  They  wanted  the  Seneca 
burned  as  they  kenw  his  bloodthirsty 
character." 

1664 — A   Report  that  the   Susquehan- 
nocks Have  Defeated  the  Mohawks. 

I  find  it  set  forth  in  Vol.  50,  Jesuit 
Relations,  p.  205,  that  "The  Mohawks 
took  flight  on  hearing  the  noise  of 
guns  and  drums.  They  learned  from 
some  old  men  who  had  remained  be- 
hind that  quite  recently  news  had 
come  that  the  army  of  the  Annieronta 
(Indian  Governor)  had  been  defeated 
by  the  Andastae  (Susquehannocks). 
Thus  we  see  that  the  Susquehannocks 
though  they  had  many  reverses  up  to 
this  time  (1664)  were  yet  a  terror 
to  other  tribes.  Both  their  terrible 
name  and  reputation  of  yore  and 
their  exquisite  cruelty  to  their  cap- 
tives helped  them  to  continue  to  be 
dreaded. 

1664  —Maryland  Again  Co-Operates 
with  the  Susquehannocks. 
In  Vol.  1,  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
511,  we  find.  "The  Upper  House  show- 
eth  to  the  Lieutenant  General  that 
Francis  White  is  by  ye  order  of  ye 
House  gone  on  special  service  for 
the  province  to  the  Susquehannock 
Fort,  that  your  honors  may  hear  the 
more  true  and  certain  intelligence  of 
the  enemies,  whereon  upon  considera- 


60 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


tion  had  of  the  results  of  the  defense 
of  the  Province  against  the  incursion 
of  the  Indians,  it  is  ordered  that  the 
original  articles  of  treaty  with  the 
Susquehannocks  be  brought  into  the 
House  and  considered  tomorrow." 
From  this  we  see  that  not  only  the 
Susquehannocks  but  also  the  whites 
were  in  immediate  fear  of  the  incur- 
sion of  the  Five  Nations  into  Mary- 
land and  southern  Pennsylvania.  The 
Susquehannocks  were  considered  the 
barrier  between  the  whites  and  the 
savages  from  the  north.  In  spite  of 
all,  a  few  years  later  the  hordes  of 
the  north  did  come  down  and  force 
the  Susquehannocks  into  Maryland 
even  to  the  Potomac;  and  Penn  found 
when  he  came  that  the  Susquehan- 
nocks were  tenants  only,  and  that  he 
had  to  deal  for  land  with  the  Five 
nations  of  New  York  who  by  that 
time  owned  all  the  Susquehanna 
country.  Evans  and  Ellis  in  their 
history  of  Lancaster  county,  p.  12, 
tell  of  the  movements  which  made  it 
necessary  for  Maryland  to  act  as 
above  as  follows:  "In  1664  the  Sen- 
ecas  again  came  to  Chesapeake  and 
killed  several  settlers  and  some  Sus- 
quehannocks whom  they  caught 
hunting.  There  were  100  warriors  in 
this  raid.  In  June  of  the  same  year 
the  Marylanders  declared  war  against 
the  Senecas  and  put  Colonel  Lewis 
Stockett   in    command. 

1664.  In  September  of  this  year  the 
Assembly  of  Maryland  took  into  con- 
sideration the  Articles  of  Peace  with 
the  Susquehannock  Indians  of  July 
5,  1652,  and  also  the  Articles  of  May 
24,  1661,  and  both  were  ordered  to 
be  communicated  to  the  other  branch- 
es of  the  government  for  renewal, 
etc."  Vol.  1,  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
522. 

1664 — Maryland  Makes  a  New  Treaty 
of  Peace  with   the   Susquehannocks 
and   Formally   Declares  War  with  the 
Senecas  of  the  Five  Nations. 


"Act  to  perpetuate  certain  articles 
made  with  the  Susquehannocks — To 
the  end  that  peace  and  amity  with  the 
Susquehannock  Indians  according  to 
certain  articles  made  with  that  nation 
may  be  kept  and  continued — be  it 
enacted  by  his  Lordship  proprietor 
and  the  assent  of  the  General  Assem- 
bly, that  the  Governor  and  the  Coun- 
cil of  the  province  have  full  power 
to  lay  a  tax  not  exceeding  6,000 
|  pounds  of  tobacco  per  month  to  be 
employed  for  hyring  (hiring)  such 
and  so  many  volunteers  as  can  be 
got  upon  any  emerging  occasion  as 
the  Governor  and  Council  should 
think  fit  toward  the  ay  ding  (aiding) 
and  assisting  the  Susquehannock  In- 
dians when  desired  by  them,  for  con- 
tinuing the  said  articles  and  preserv- 
ing peace  and  amity  with  them  afore- 
said. And  further  that  6,000  pounds 
per  month  of  tobacco  shall  be  levied 
or  raysed  when  the  volunteers  be  up- 
on the  service. 

And  further  be  it  enacted  by  the  au- 
thority aforesaid  that  the  Lieutenant 
Governor  of  the  province  be  empow- 
ered by  virtue  of  this  Act  to  purchase 
so  many  good  fixed  muskets,  ammu- 
nition, swords  and  belts  for  the  use 
of  the  public  as  soon  as  he  can  pro- 
cure them,  for  which  he  shall  be  al- 
lowed this  present  year  out  of  the 
general  levy  by  public  assessment. 
4,000  pounds  of  tobacco  and  caske. 

And  further  be  it  enacted  by  the 
authority  aforesaid  that  in  the  inter- 
im— that  is  to  say  till  the  swords  and 
muskets  be  purchased  and  bought,  if 
necessity  require  —  the  Lieutenant 
General  shall  have  power  to  press  so 
many  muskets  and  swords  as  shall 
be  necessary  in  any  part  of  the  prov- 
ince for  the  intents,  uses  and  pur- 
poses of  Act;  and  that  those  musk- 
ets, swords  and  belts  first  mentioned 
be  kept  as  part  of  the  magazine  of 
this    province.     This   Act   to   continue 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


61 


for  three  years  or  to  the  end  of  the 
next  General  Assembly."  See  Mary- 
land Archives,  Vol.  1,  p.  539. 
1664 — Maryland  Again  Stands  by  the 
Susquehannocks  Against  the 
Senecas. 
About  the  same  time  Maryland 
passed  the  following  Act:  "At  a 
council  held  June  27th,  1664,  the 
Council  taking  into  consideration  the 
protection  of  the  province  against  the 
Senecas  who  lately  killed  some  Eng- 
lish in  Ann  Arundel  county  and  en- 
tered St.  Mary's  and  ordered  war 
there.  Now  war  is  to  be  proclaimed 
against  the  Senecas  and  a  reward  of 
a  hundred  arm's  length  of  Roan  Oke 
to  be  given  to  any  one  who  kills  a 
Seneca.  That  all  the  Kings  of  Friend 
Indians  be  sent  word  and  all  to  get 
ready  to  go  against  the  Senecas — that 
all  officers  are  to  send  intelligence 
from  time  to  time  to  the  Governor 
and  Council  that  they  keep  in  corres- 
pondence; and  whereas  there  is  a 
Seneca  prisoner  in  Patapsco  who  al- 
lges  he  came  to  seek  peace  and 
brought  a  present  intended  for  us 
and  the  Susquehannocks — It  is  or- 
dered that  the  Indian  be  sent  down  ! 
to  St.  Mary's  and  kept  in  irons  and 
a  letter  be  written  to  Stuyvesant  to 
give  notice  to  the  Senecas  trading  at 
Fort  Orange  that  we  have  such  a 
prisoner,  whom  we  shall  keep  alive 
till  we  see  if  they  want  peace  or  war 
and  if  they  do  not  desire  peace  we 
will  put  him  to  death;  and  that  Col 
Clawson  gave  notice  to  the  Susque- 
hannocks of  our  intentions  and  to 
ask  them  if  they  will  join  us  or  not." 
Vol.  3,  Maryland  Archives,  p.  502. 
Stuyvesant  was  Governor  of  New 
York  at  this  time. 

1664— Oneidas    Co-Operate     with     the 
Senecas. 

Maryland  Archives,  Vol.  3,  p.  501, 
says:  "It  was  claimed  sixty  Oneidas 
were  come  for  war  on  the  north  side 


of  the  Potomac  to  kill  the  English 
and  Indians.  There  were  100  more 
gone  to  the  head  of  Chesapeake  bay 
to  kill  the  English  and  Susquehan- 
nocks, and  so  they  tortured  two  of 
those  Susquehannocks." 
1666 — Susquehannocks     Kill    Iroquois 

and  Carry  Grief  to  Their  Nation. 

The  tears  and  grief  caused  by  Sus- 
quehannock  prowess  is  told  in  Vol.  51, 
Jesuit  Relations,  p.  243,  to  this  pur- 
port. Presents  were  given  by  the 
ambassador  from  the  Iroquois  of  On- 
nontae,  accompanied  by  the  following 
speech:  "I  boast  of  having  ransomed 
twenty-six  captives  for  the  French 
from  those  who  would  have  burned 
them.  But  you  have  done  more  for 
us.  I  hope  in  the  clemency  of  the 
French.  I  hope  also  to  wipe  from 
your  faces  the  tears  that  Father  Gar- 
ner told  us  had  been  shed  by  you  in 
consequence  of  the  death  of  our 
people  who  were  killed  by  the  An- 
daste    (Susquhannocks)." 

To  understand  this  speech  you 
must  remember  that  the  Five  Nations 
(called  by  that  name  sometimes,  and 
sometimes  called  the  Iroquois,  be- 
cause the  Iroquois  were  the  strongest 
of  the  five  constituent  nations)  were 
composed  of  five  different  tribes  or 
nations  of  which  the  great  head  was 
the  Iroquois  tribe  proper,  and  the 
great  chief  of  the  Iroquois  was  the 
Emperor  of  the  whole  and  from  him 
the  ambassador  who  made  the  above 
speech  came  to  console  the  subordi- 
nate tribes  who  had  suffered  loss  of 
men  from  the  ravages  of  the  Susque- 
hannocks in  the  great  war.  DePon- 
ceau  in  his  translation  of  Campan- 
ius  gives  this  interesting  statement 
of  the  rise  of  the  two  leading  forces 
of  the  Susquehannock-Iroquois  War, 
that  is,  the  Iroquois  and  the  Susque- 
hannocks— "The  Iroquois,  at  first  in- 
ferior to  the  Algonquins,  were  driven 
out  of  the  valley  of  the  St.  Lawrence 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


into  the  lake  region  of  New  York, 
where  by  greater  cultivation,  valor 
and  union  they  became  superior  to 
the  Algonquins  of  Canada  and  New 
York  as  the  Susquehannocks  did  over 
the  tribes  in  New  Jersey,  Maryland 
and  Virginia."  See  DePenceau's 
Camp.,  p.  158. 

1666 — Susquehannocks  Presented  to 
the  Kins  of  France. 
In  Vol.  51,  Jesuit  Relations,  p.  173, 
one  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers  writes: 
"Monsieur  De  Salieres,  colonel  of  a 
French  regiment,  who  after  growing 
gray  in  the  armies  of  France,  where 
he  made  himself  very  well  known, 
came  over  here  to  take  part  in  the 
glory  of  subjecting  the  Iroquois.  Of 
those  savages  he  has  taken  with  him 
five  of  each  different  tribe  and  even 
from  that  of  the  Andastae  (Susque- 
hannocks) to  present  them  to  the 
King." 

George  AIsop's  Account  of  the  Sus- 
quehannocks, about  1666. 
Scharf,  in  Vol.  1,  p.  86,  of  his  His- 
tory of  Maryland,  quotes  Alsop  as 
saying:  "Those  Indians  that  I  have 
conversed  with,  here  in  this  province 
of  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  are 
called  Susquehannocks  being  a  people 
looked  upon  by  the  Christian  inhabi- 
tants as  the  most  noble  and  heroic 
nation  of  Indians  that  dwell  upon  the 
continent  of  America;  also  are  so  al- 
lowed and  looked  upon  by  the  rest 
of  the  Indians,  by  a  submissive  and 
tributary  acknowledgment;  being  a 
people  cast  into  a  mold  of  a  most 
large  and  warlike  deportment,  the 
men  being  for  the  most  part  seven 
feet  in  latitude  and  in  magnitude  and 
bulk  suitable  to  so  high  a  pitch — their 
voyce  large  and  hollow  as  ascending 
out  of  a  cave — their  gait  and  behavior 
straight,  stately  and  majestic,  tread- 
ing on  the  earth  with  as  much  pride, 
contempt  and  disdain  to  so  sordid  a 
center   as  can  be  imagined     from     a 


centure  drawn  from  the  same  mould 
of  earth. 

These  Susquehannock  Indians  are 
for  the  most  part  great  warriors  and 
seldom  sleep  one  summer  in  the  quiet 
arms  of  a  peaceable  rest,  but  will 
keep,  by  their  present  power,  as  well 
as  by  their  former  conquests,  the 
several  nations  of  Indians  around 
them  in  a  peaceable  obedience  and 
subjection. 

"When  they  desire  to  go  on  a  de- 
sign that  will  and  does  require  con- 
sideration some  six  of  them  get  into 
a  corner  and  sit  in  Juncto;  and  if 
thought  fit,  their  business  is  made 
popular  and  immediately  put  into  ac- 
tion; if  not,  they  make  a  full  stop 
to  it  and  are  silently  reserved. 

"The  warlike  equipage  they  put 
themselves  in  when  they  prepare  for 
Belona's  march  is  with  their  faces, 
arms  and  breasts  confusedly  paint- 
ed, their  hair  greased  with  bear's 
oyl,  and  stuck  thick  with  swan  fea- 
thers, with  a  wreath  or  diadem  of 
black  and  white  beads  a  small  hat- 
chet instead  of  a  scimiter  stuck  in 
their  girt  behind  them,  and  either 
with  a  gun  or  bow  and  arrows.  In 
this  posture  and  dress  they  march 
out  from  their  fort  or  dwelling  to 
the  number  of  forty  in  a  troop,  sing- 
ing or  rather  howling  out  the  decades 
or  warlike  exploits  of  their  ances- 
tors ranging  the  wide  woods,  until 
their  fury  has  met  with  an  enemy 
worthy  of  their  revenge.  What  pris- 
oners fall  into  their  hands  by  the  des- 
tiny of  war  they  treat  very  civilly 
while  they  remain  with  them  abroad; 
but  when  the  once  return  homewards 
they  then  begin  to  dress  them  in  the 
habit  of  death,  putting  on  their  heads 
and  arms  wreaths  of  beads,  grasp- 
ing their  hair  with  fat — some  going 
before  and  the  rest  behind,  at  equal 
distance  from  the  prisoner,  bellowing 
in  a  strange  and  confused  manner, 
which   is   a  true   presage   of   destruc- 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


63 


tion   to  their  then   conquered   enemy. 

"In  this  manner  they  continued  until 
they  have  brought  them  to  their  Ber- 
ken  city  where  they  deliver  them  to 
their  tormentors,  who  in  cruelty  will 
execute  them  without  judgment  of 
law  or  benefit  of  clergy.  The  com- 
mon and  usual  death  of  their  pris- 
oners is  to  bind  them  to  stakes,  mak- 
ing a  fire  some  distance  from  them — 
then  one  with  a  sharp  knife  or  flint 
cuts  the  cutus  or  outside  skin  of  the 
brow  so  deep  until  their  nails  or  tal- 
ons can  fasten  themselves  firm  and 
secure,  and  then  with  a  rigid  jerk 
disrobe  the  head  of  skin  and  hair  at 
one  pull,  leaving  the  skull  bare,  and 
immediately  apply  hot  embers  on  the 
skull. 

"While  they  are  at  this  several 
others  are  preparing  pieces  of  iron 
and  barrels  of  old  guns  which  they 
make  red  hot  to  sear  each  part  and 
lineament  of  their  bodies  which  they 
perform  and  act  in  a  most  cruel 
manner.  And  others  will  cut  off 
flesh  of  the  victim  and  eat  it  raw  be- 
fore his  eyes.  And  yet  this  never 
makes  them  bring  the  victim  to  re- 
pent. 

"Now  after  this  cruelty  has  brought 
the  life  to  an  end  they  immediately 
fall  to  butchering  them  into  many 
parts  and  distribute  it  among  the 
sons  of  war  to  entomb  their  de- 
ceased victims  in  no  other  sepulchre 
than    their    bodies. 

When  any  depart  this  life  they  set 
him  upright  upon  his  breech,  in  a 
hole  dug  5  feet  long  and  ZY2  feet  deep 
and  cover  it  with  the  bark  of  trees 
archwise,  his  face  due  west,  leaving 
a  hole  a  half  foot  square  open.  They 
dress  him  as  a  warrior,  and  give 
him  some  bows  and  arrows  and  tar- 
gets, a  kettle  of  broth  and  corn  be- 
fore him.  His  relations  follow  him 
to  the  grave  clad  in  bear  skins  with 
the  tail  on  the  ground.  They  bury 
all  within  the  wall  or  pallisado.  Their 


houses  are  low  and  long,  built  with 
bark. 

They  are  situated  at  and  above  the 
head  of  Chesapeak  on  a  river  called 
by  their  own  name  Susquehannock. 
where  they  remain  most  of  the  sum- 
mer. About  November  they  go  to 
remote  places  in  the  woods  to  kill 
deer,  bear  and  elk.  There  they  build 
cottages  they  call  wigwams  and  stay 
three  months  to  get  food. 

"The  women  are  the  butchers,  the 
cooks  and  the  tillers  of  soil.  The  men 
think  this  below  their  honor.  The  men 
kill  the  beasts  and  the  women  are 
the  pack  horses  to  fetch  it  on  their 
backs;  and  they  dress  the  kids  and 
get  them  ready  for  market. 

"I  have  never  observed  the  women 
to  taunt  or  boss  the  men.  The  wives 
and  men  b.oth  are  constant  to  their 
marriage.  Their  marriages  are  short 
and  authentic.  WThen  resolved  upon 
the  women  send  the  intended  husband 
a  kettle  of  boiled  venison  or  bear 
meat;  and  he  returns  in  lieu  beaver 
or  otter  skins  and  the  nuptial  is  con- 
cluded  without   other   ceremony." 

"They  paint  upon  their  faces  one 
stroke  of  red,  another  of  green,  an- 
other of  white  and  another  of  black 
so  that  when  they  have  accomplished 
the  equippage  of  their  countenance 
in  this  trim,  they  are  the  only  hiero- 
glyphics and  representatives  of  fur- 
ies. Their  skins  are  naturally  white 
but  altered  from  their  original  by 
the  several  dyeings  of  roots  and 
barks  they  prepare  to  metamorphise 
their  hides  into  a  dark  cinnamon 
brown.  Their  hair  is  long  black  and 
harsh,  but  they  pull  it  up  by  the 
root.  Several  of  them  wear  divers 
impressions  on  their  breasts  and 
arms,  as  the  picture  of  the  devil, 
bears,  tigers  and  panthers  which  are 
imprinted  on  their  several  lineaments 
with  much  difficulty  and  pain,  with 
an  irrevocable  purpose  of  its  abiding 
there.     And   this   they   count   a  badge 


♦14 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS    AND 


of    heroic    valor    and    the    only    orna- 
ment due  to  their  heroes. 

"All  that  I  could  ever  observe  in 
them  as  to  their  government  is  that 
he  that  is  most  cruelly  valorous  is 
accounted  the  most  noble.  There  is 
very  seldom  any  creeping  into  court- 
ly gallantry.  He  that  fights  best  car- 
ries it  here. 

"As  for  their  religion,  together  with 
their  rights  and  ceremonies,  they  are 
so  absurd  and  ridiculous,  that  it  is 
almost  a  sin  to  name  them.  They 
own  not  other  Deity  than  the  Devil 
(solid  or  profound)  but  with  a  kind 
of  wild  imagery  and  imaginary  con- 
jecture, they  suppose  from  their 
groundless  conceits  that  the  world 
had  a  Maker,  but  where  he  is  that 
made  it,  or  whether  he  be  living  to 
this  day  they  know  not.  The  Devil, 
is  all  the  God  they  own  or  worship; 
and  that  more  out  of  a  slavish  fear 
than  any  real  reverence  to  his  in- 
fernal or  diabolical  greatness,  he 
forcing  them  to  their  obedience  by 
his  rough  and  rigid  dealing  with 
them  often  appearng  visibly  among 
them  to  their  terror,  bastinadoeing 
them,  with  cruel  menaces  even  unto 
death  and  burning  their  fields  of  corn 
and  houses  that  the  relation  there- 
of makes  them  tremble  themselves 
when  they  tell  of  it. 

"Once  in  four  years  they  sacrifice 
a  child  to  him  in  an  acknowledgment 
of  their  firm  obedience  to  all  his  de- 
vilish powers  and  his  hellish  com- 
mands. The  priests  to  whom  they 
apply  themselves  in  matters  of  im- 
portance and  greatest  distress  are 
like  those  that  attend  upon  the  Or- 
acle at  Delphos  who  by  their  magic 
spells  could  command  a  pro  or  con 
from  the  Devil  when  they  pleased. 
These  Indians  oftimes  raise  great 
tempests  when  they  have  any 
weighty  matter  or  design  in  hand 
and  by  blustering  storms  inquire  of 
their    infernal    God — the      Devil — how 


matters    shall    go    with    them    either 
in  public  or  private. 

"They  are  situated  a  hundred  miles 
and  odd  from  the  Christian  planta- 
tions of  Maryland,  at  the  head  of  the 
river  that  runs  into  the  Bay  of 
Chesapeake  called  by  their  own 
name  (Susquehannock)  where  they 
inhabit  most  of  the  summer  time, 
and  seldom  remove  far  from  it  un- 
less it  be  to  subdue  any  foreign  re- 
bellion. The  skins  they  catch  are 
brought  down  to  the  English  (in 
Maryland)  several  times  in  the  year, 
to  truck  and  dispose  of  them  for 
coarse  blankets,  guns,  powder,  and 
lead,  beads,  small  looking  glasses, 
knives  and  razors.  The  women  never 
by  look  or  action  predominate  over 
the  men.  Did  they  not  alter  their 
bodies  by  their  dyeings,  paintings 
and  cutting  theselves,  marring  those 
excellencies  that  nature  bestowed  up- 
on them,  there  would  be  as  amiable 
beauties  amongst  them  as  any  Alex- 
andria could  afford  when  Mark  An- 
tony and  Cleopatra  dwelt  there  to- 
gether. 

"Their  bodies  are  clothed  with  no 
armor  to  defend  them  from  the  nip- 
ping frost  of  a  benumbing  winter  or 
the  penetrating  and  scorching  in- 
fluence of  the  sun  in  a  hot  summer 
than  what  nature  gave  them,  when 
they  were  born.  They  go,  men,  wo- 
men and  children  all  naked,  except 
occasionally."  This  is  the  history 
given    by    Alsop. 

In  Dr.  Shea's  notes  to  the  treatise 
p.  117  to  p.  124  inclusive  he  gives 
much  valuable  history  (aside  from 
the  text)  relative  to  the  Susquehan- 
nocks. 

In  note  46  he  speaks  of  the  names 
by  which  the  Susquehannocks  are 
known  and  says,  "The  French  in 
Canada — Champlain  and  the  Jesuit 
Relations,  Gendron's  Particularites 
du  Pays  des  Hurons  p.  7  makes  fre- 
quent  allusions    to   the   Gandastogues 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


♦;: 


(more  briefly  Andastes)  a  tribe 
friendly  to  their  allies,  the  Hurons, 
and  sturdy  enemies  to  the  Iroquois. 
My  researches  led  me  to  identify  the 
Susquehannocks,  Minquas,  Andastes 
or  Gandastogues  and  Conestogoes  as 
being  all  the  same  tribe — the  first 
name  being  given  them  by  Virginia — 
the  second  by  the  Algonquins  on  De- 
laware; while  Gandastogues  as  the 
French  or  Conestoga  as  the  English 
wrote  it  meaning  it  was  their  own 
tribal  name  meaning  cabin-pole  (na- 
tio  perticarum)  from  Andaste,  a 
cabin-pole." 

Dr.  Shea  also  says  in  note  53,  page 
123  that  Alsop's  view  of  the  religion 
of  the  Susquehannocks  is  wrong — 
that  they  believed  in  a  good  Deity. 

The  above  is  a  new  derivation  of 
"Conestoga"  to  me,  and  the  method  of 
tracing  it  makes  it  a  very  early  one. 
It  seems  a  very  probable  one.  We  all 
know,  however,  of  a  quite  different 
meaning  being  attached  to  our  River 
Conestoga.  Which  is  the  parent  de- 
rivation   others    must    decide. 

Alsop  was  in  Maryland  from  about 
1659  to  1655,  and  he  wrote  the  his- 
tory as  soon  as  he  went  back  to  Eng- 
land. 

1666 — Susquehannocks      Make      Over- 
tures—Peace with  Susquehannocks. 

In  Vol.  3,  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
549,  we  find  the  following:  "At  a 
Council  held  at  St.  John's  on  the  29th 
June,  1666,  came  Wastahanda,  Hari- 
gnera  and  Gosweing-Werackqua,  the 
warre  captains  of  the  Susquehannock 
Indians  and  desired  continuance  of 
their  league  with  the  right  honorable 
proprietor  and  protesting  that  they 
were  always  ready  to  have  delivered 
Wanahodena  up  to  the  justice  of  his 
lordship  for  murdering  the  men  at 
the  mill  in  Baltimore  county  and  de- 
siring that  the  villiany  of  one  man 
may  not  be  imputed  to  the  whole 
nation    and    requesting    assistance    of 


the  government,  now  at  this  time 
having  lost  considerable  number  of 
men  in  ranging  at  the  head  of  Pat- 
apsco  and  the  other  rivers  so  to 
secure  the  English  plantations  from 
the  Senecas;  and  remonstrating  that 
the  Senecas  are  resolved  to  storm 
the  Susquehannocks'  Fort  in  August 
next;  and  that  afterwards  the  Sene- 
cas intend  to  fall  upon  the  English 
in  the   province. 

Whereupon  was  begun  a  further 
treaty  of  peace  with  the  Susquehan- 
nocks, which  was  concluded  as  fol- 
loweth : 

Articles  of  peace  and  amity  con- 
cluded upon  by  the  Hon.  Charles 
Calvert,  Esq.,  governor  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Maryland,  on  behalf  of  the 
honorable  proprietor  of  said  province 
on  one  part,  and  Wastahanda,  Hari- 
gnera  and  Gosweing- Werakqua, 
war  Captains  of  the  Susquehan- 
nock nations,  this  29th  day  of  June, 
1666,  of  the  other  party: 

That  the  Susquehanna  Indians 
shall  deliver  Wanahodena,  that  kill- 
ed the  Englishman  at  the  mill  if 
ever  he  return  out  of  captivity  from 
the  Senecas,  and  for  the  future  that 
they  shall  apprehend,  secure  and  de- 
liver up  to  the  governor  of  this  pro- 
vince for  the  time  being  any  Indian 
whatsoever  that  shall  kill  any 
Englishman,  and  that  as  soon  as 
they  shall  come  to  know  of  it,  and 
be  it  within  their  power  to  appre- 
hend and  that  without  demand  made 
by    the   English. 

Secondly:  That  every  Indian  that 
shall  hereafter  kill  any  hogg  and 
cattle  of  the  English,  and  shall  there- 
of be  convicted  shall  pay  for  every 
hog  50  fathoms  of  peake  and  for 
every  head  of  any  other  cattle  100 
fathoms  of  peake  for  satisfaction  to 
the  owners  of  every  such  beast. 

Thirdly:  That  all  former  crimes 
committed  by  any  Indians  of  the  Su- 


86 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHNNOCKS     4ND 


quehannock  nation  shall  be  forgot 
and  buried  in  oblivion,  except  mur- 
der of  any  English  not  yet  discov- 
ered. 

Fourthly:  That  the  King  of  Poto- 
mac and  his  two  sons  be  by  some  of 
the  Susquo^annock  Indians  deliver- 
ed up  prisoners  to  Major  Samuel 
Goldsmith   with  all   convenient  speed. 

In  witness  whereof  the  hands  and 
seals  are   set  29th   June,   1666." 

No  comment  need  be  offered  upon 
this  except  to  say  that  the  Senecas 
are  now  pressing  so  hard  upon  the 
Susquehannocks  that  they  turn  to 
Maryland  for  help.  They  report  to 
the  government  the  impending  fate  to 
the  old  Susquehannock  Fort.  The 
treaty  is  the  result. 
1667 — The  Susquehannocks  Beg  Fur- 
ther  Help  from   Maryland. 

At   a   council    at   St.   Mary's   August 
24,   1667,   of   Baltimore   County,   being 
sent    by    the    Susquehannocks    to    the  | 
governor    and   council    was    called   in,  I 
who    declared    that    the    said    Indians  j 
did    request    assistance    and    ammuni- 
tion   from    the    council    sufficient    to 
go    against    any    Indian    enemies    and 
likewise   declared   enemies   of  the   in- 
habitants   of   this   province    according 
to   one   of   the   Articles   of   Agreement 
made      between      the    Susquehannock 
Indians   and    the      English    of     Mary- 
land:— 

It  was  ordered  that  so  many  men 
be  pressed  as  the  Susquehannocks 
shall  require  to  their  aide  and  assist- 
ance and  that  they  be  sent  up  forth 
with.  Also  that  a  quantity  of  powder 
be  delivered  unto  Mr.  Francis 
Wright  and  the  said  Indians  to  be 
supplied  out  of  the  same  as  the 
said  Wright  shall  see  requisite  and 
convenient. 

The  governor  and  council  both  fur- 
ther determined  to  go  up  into  Balti- 
more County  and  there  to  give  the 
Susquehannocks   a  meeting  about  the 


15th  of  September  next  to  wit,  with 
the  said  Indians  about  the  peace  and 
safety  of  this  province  how  to  pro- 
ceed with  the  Susquehannock  assist- 
ance against  any  Indians  now  held 
and  declared  enemies  to  this  pro- 
vince. 

Commission  issued  to  captain  Lieu- 
tenant Smith  dated  Sept.  7,  1667  and 
to  Daniel  Jenifer.  See  Vol.  5,  Mary- 
land   Archives,    p.    13. 

1667— Method   of   Raising   Men   to 
Help  Susquehannocks. 

In  Vol.  5,  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
21,  we  find,  "At  a  council  February 
6,  at  Matapenny,  was  taken  into  con- 
sideration the  speedy  rising  of  a 
certain  and  considerable  number  of 
men  to  make  a  march  against  the 
Indian  enemies  with  all  expedition 
possible,  for  which  end  it  is  order- 
ed, that  every  tenth  person  in  every 
respective  county  be  raised  to  go 
on  the  present  march  namely,  in  all 
410  men  out  of  which  number  of 
men  particular  warrants  issue  to  Col. 
William  Evans  to  raise  out  of  his 
company  twenty-three  men;  Col. John 
Zarboe  to  raise  out  of  his  company 
twenty-three  men;  Daniel  Jenifer  to 
raise  out  of  his  company  twenty- 
three  men;  Major  Thomas  Brook  to 
raise  out  of  Patuxent  River  province 
forty-nine  men  and  from  the  Cliffs 
forty  men;  Capt.  Wm.  Boreman  to 
raise  out  of  his  company  fifty-three 
men;  Wm.  Burges  to  raise  62  men; 
Maj.  Thomas  Ingram  out  of  Kent 
14  men;  in  all  287  men  specially 
raised.  Evans  &  Ellis  History,  p. 
12,  tells  about  this  same  project  and 
concludes  by  saying,  "When  Mary- 
land agreed  to  send  some  troops  up 
to  assist  the  Susquehannocks  as 
usual  they  did  not  go  but  left  the 
Susquehannocks  to  carry  on  the  war 
single  handed.  Matters  grew  worse 
and  worse  until  the  Marylanders  be- 
came greatly  alarmed  for  their  own 
safety    and    they    renewed    the    effort 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


67 


to  raise  troops  and  go  and  help  the 
Susquehannocks." 

1667 — The   Susquehannocks   Keep   the 
French  and  Iroquois  in  Alarm. 

In  Vol.  52,  Jesuit  Relations,  p.  155, 
under  date  of  1667,  we  read  from 
the  writings  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers  of 
Canada:  "We  are  in  the  midst  of 
continual  alarm  that  the  Loups  and 
the         Andaste  (Susquehannocks) 

cause."  This  again  attests  the  fact 
that  the  Susquehannocks  carried 
with  them  an  unusual  amount  of 
fear-producing  quality. 
1667— The  Onondagoes  Also  Fear  the 
Mighty   Susquehannocks. 

In  Vol.  52,  Jesuit  Relations,  p.  155, 
it  is  said:  "In  the  country  of  Onon- 
dago,  or  nation  of  mainland,  one  day 
there  was  held  a  notable  council  on 
the  dream  of  a  sick  old  man.  He  had 
seen  in  his  sleep  in  dream  a  man 
only  one  cubit  in  height  and  that 
this  being  showed  him  some  drops  of 
blood,  falling  fom  the  sky  and  some 
fell  from  men  who  had  fingers  and 
noses  cut.  Finally  he  said  the  little 
man  told  him  that  the  people  were 
treated  that  way  in  heaven  and  that 
all  those  who  should  go  there  would 
fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Andastae 
(Susquehannocks).  In  this  they  evi- 
dently unintentionally  pay  one  com- 
pliment to  the  Susquehannocks  they 
did  not  intend  to— that  is,  they  seem- 
ed to  think  they  were  all  in  heaven, 
which  is  a  much  better  opinion  than 
we  usually  have  of  our  dead  enemies. 
The  main  thing  about  the  strange 
superstition  that  the  Onondagoes 
seem  to  think  the  Susquehannocks 
will  be  as  warlike  and  predominat- 
ing in  the  next  world  as  in  the  pre- 
sent   one. 

1667— The    Iroquois    Pray    to    Their 
Gods    to    Help    Them    in    \Tar 
Against  the  Susquehannocks. 

From  Vol.  52  of  Jesuit  Relations  p. 


197,  I  quote  the  following:  "A 
branch  of  the  Iroquois  nation  most 
remote  from  the  French,  called  the 
Upper  Iroquois,  live  here.  They 
pray  to  their  Gods  and  also  to  the 
real  God  on  the  subject  of  war,  but 
the  French  missionaries  are  preach- 
ing peace  to  them;  and  peace  will 
be  strengthened  betwen  the  Iroquois 
and  Outaoucs;  the  more  so  at  this 
time,  when  the  Iroquois  have  the  na- 
tion of  the  Loups  and  that  of  the 
Susquehannocks  on  their  hands  and 
fear  more  than  ever  the  arms  of 
France.  These  Loups  are  the  Wolf 
tribe  of  the  Algonquins."  So  it 
seems  by  this  that  these  savages 
counted  prayers  to  their  gods  all- 
sufficient,  except  on  the  great  Iro- 
quois-Susquehannock  war.  for  which 
they  prayed  for  help  from  the  Great 
Spirit  alone. 

1667   —  The    Iroquois-Susquehannoek 

War  Makes  an  Opening  to  Bring 

the  Gospel  to  the  Iroquois. 

In  Vol.  52,  Jesuit  Relations,  p.  203, 
is  stated:  "Never  did  the  Gospel  have 
a  more  auspicious  opening  in  this 
country,  and  the  only  thing  lacking 
is  workers.  The  Iroquois  will  be  de- 
lighted to  continue  peace  with  the 
Outaoucs,  having  on  their  hands  the 
war  with  the  Loups  and  that  with 
the  Susquehannocks." 
1668— Some     Susquehannocks    Go    to 

the   Jesuit  Fathers   for   Religious 
Instruction. 

The  Jesuit  Fathers  say  in  Vol.  63 
of  Jesuit  Fathers,  p.  153,  under  date 
of  1668:  The  wars  of  the  French  and 
Iroquois  having  passed  we  now  see 
fulfilled  the  prophecies  of  Isaiah.  The 
savages  are  becoming  Christians.  A 
mission  was  erected — a  shed  of 
boards.  They  come  every  year  to 
worship,  like  what  happened  at  Jeru- 
salem when  the  church  was  formed. 
In  the  companies  of  savages  there 
were  men  of  different  languages — one 


(IS 


AXXALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHAXXOCKS    AXD 


of  the  Chat  nation,  one  of  the  Hu- 
rons,  some  were  Iroquois,  and  some 
of  the  Andastogoe  (Susquehannocks) 
even  from  their  far  country."  There 
were  likely  not  many  of  the  Susque- 
hannocks, however,  as  that  nation 
was  still  at  war  with  the  Iroquois. 
1669— Cruel  Torture  of  Two  Susque- 
hannocks bv  Onoiidaproes  and 
and  Others. 
The  following  cruelty  is  set  forth 
as  having  been  committed  the  year 
1669:  "Xov.  27th  two  elders  from 
Onnontago  bring  news  of  the  return 
of  the  warriors  with  nine  Andasto- 
gue  (Susquehannock)  captives  that 
were  surprised  while  hunting.  Two 
of  them  were  given  to  Onnierout  (the 
Indian  Governor) — a  young  man  of  20 
and  a  woman.  This  woman  was  bap- 
tized at  Onnondague  by  Father  Millet. 
The  30th  they  began  to  burn  her 
over  a  slow  fire  and  prolonged  her 
torture  for  the  space  of  two  days  and 
two  nights  because  he  for  whom  she 
was  given  in  exchange  was  burned 
at  Andastogue  (Susquehanna)  for 
that  length  of  time.  Feb.  1st  the 
priest  instructed  the  young  man  who 
was  taken  prisoner,  and  he  listen- 
ed willingly  as  he  was  condemned 
to  be  burned.  He  baptized  him.  On 
the  following  morning  says  the 
priest,  I  went  back  and  found  him 
very  well  prepared  for  God.  They 
finished  burning  him  and  I  saw  him 
render  up  his  soul  to  God.  I  was 
told  that  he  called  for  me  the  pre- 
vious evening  in  the  midst  of  the 
flames;  but  he  was  refused  the  con- 
solation I  might  have  given  him." 
See  Vol.  53,  Jesuit  Relations,  pp.  253 
and  255.  These  tales  of  cruelty  seem 
incredible  at  this  time.  Another 
striking  thing  is  that  the  civilized 
people — the  Jesuits  who  were  among 
the  Iroquois  and  Onondagoes— 
should  have  allowed  this  torture  to 
be  inflicted. 


1669— The     Susquehannocks   Still  the 
Terror  of  the  Iroquois  Tribes. 

To  show  what  a  specter  the  Sus- 
quehannocks were  to  other  tribes 
and  how  the  supersition  of  the  other 
tribes  was  centered  upon  real  and 
imaginary  horrors  connected  with 
the  Susquehannocks  I  cite  the  follow- 
ing under  date  of  1669:  "A  girl  of 
sixteen  (Indian  girl  of  the  northern 
tribes,  Iroquois,  etc.)  having  gone  in- 
to the  woods  and  spent  two  nights 
there,  her  relations  were  in  anxiety. 
The  jugglers  were  called  to  learn 
from  them  what  had  become  of  her. 
They  put  sorcery  into  operation  to 
learn  news  of  her.  The  first  thing 
they  did  was  to  leap  and  dance  and 
shake  their  limbs  and  get  full  of 
perspiration.  Then  they  beat  with 
sticks  a  tortoise  drum,  they  sing  and 
shout  and  consult  and  question  their 
demon  who  never  answers.  Then 
they  boldly  declare  that  she  had  been 
killed  by  three  Susquehannocks  who 
had  scalped  her,  cutting  the  scalp  the 
size  of  a  small  circle,  which  they 
traced  with  their  fingers  on  a  piece 
of  bark,  and  that  she  had  died  pre- 
cisely at  sunrise.  Her  relations  and 
all  the  village  became  filled  with 
weeping.  But  scarcely  had  the  jug- 
glers left  the  cabin  when  the  girl 
came  in  well  and  alive."  This  is 
taken  from  Vol.  53,  of  the  Jesuit  Re- 
lations, pp.  291  and  293,  and  shows 
well  how  the  Susquehannocks  were 
regarded  by  the  savages  of  the  north. 
1669 — Susquehannocks  Borrow  Eng- 
lish Boats. 

In  Vol.  2,  Maryland  Archives,  pp. 
196,  and  197,  it  is  stated  that  "The 
Kings  of  the  Eastern  shore  ask  per- 
mission and  a  boat  to  go  up  to  the 
Susquehannocks,  because  canoes  are 
so  dangerous  and  the  same  is  allow- 
ed  by   council." 

1670— Piscataway  Emperor   Visits  the 
Susquehaiinocks. 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


G9 


In  Vol.  5,  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
65,  it  is  stated,  "The  Piscataways  by 
petition  desire  to  revive  the  peace 
between  the  Piscataways  and  the  Eng- 
lish and  they  state  that  their  emperor 
is  now  with  the  Susquehannocks 
making  advancements  toward  peace 
also." 

1670 — More     Sorcery     Involving     the 
Susquehannocks. 

From  the  Mission  at  St.  Francis 
Xavier  at  Onnierout,  which  is  the 
second  nation  of  Iroquois  as  you  go 
toward  their  great  lake,  Ontario.  Jan. 
10,  1670,  the  Fathers  write:  "The 
Devil,  seeing  the  fruits  of  our  ins- 
tructions and  spiritual  teachings,  has 
incited  a  woman  of  this  village  (Iro- 
quois) to  interrupt  them.  It  ap- 
pears that  she  has  seen  the  great 
god  of  the  Iroquois,  who  has  reveal- 
ed to  her,  she  says,  that  the  Susque- 
hannocks will  come  to  beseige  this 
village  in  the  spring  and  that  one 
of  their  most  powerful  enemies,  Hoch- 
itagete  (The  Susquehannock  Great 
Chief),  will  be  captured  and  burned 
by  the  Oniedas  (allied  with  the  Iro- 
quois). She  asserts  that  the  voice 
of  that  Susquehannock  was  heard; 
that  from  the  bottom  of  a  kettle  he 
uttered  wailing  cries,  like  the  cries 
of  those  who  are  being  burned.  This 
woman,  mad  or  possessed,  is  believ- 
ed in  all  she  says.  Every  day  there 
is  a  gathering  at  her  house,  where 
there  is  nothing  but  dancing,  singing 
and  feasting."  See  this  in  Vol.  53, 
Jesuit  Relations,  p.  253. 
1070 — Susquehannocks  Go  to  the  Jes- 
uits  for   Religious   Instruction. 

In  Vol.  55,  of  the  Jesuit  Relations, 
p.  33,  may  be  found  the  following: 
"Xavier  des  Praiz  had  a  residence 
sixty  leagues  from  Quebec,  and  near 
Montreal.  This  is  a  resting  place  for 
missionaries  both  from  the  Iroquois 
and  the  Upper  Algonquins.  The 
savages    resort    hither    from    all    sec- 


tions for  the  sacraments.  I  notice 
an  admirable  respect  for  the  pas- 
tors; and  among  these  savages  a 
charity  and  union  exceeding  all  for- 
mer conception,  especially  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  they  are  all  people  gath- 
ered from  different  countries — Hu- 
rons,  members  from  the  neutral  na- 
tion, Iroquois,  people  from  the  Andas- 
togue  (Susquehannocks),  from  New 
Sweden,  etc.,  and  all  of  the  different 
Iroquois  nations,  either  natives  of 
that  country  or  dwellers  there  as 
prisoners  of  war"  The  activity  of 
the  Jesuits  thus  is  amply  attested, 
and  their  influence  widespread,  since 
it  was  able  to  reach  our  Indians  on 
the  Susquehanna  river. 
1670 — Susquehanna  Fort  and  Its 
Locality  at  This  Date — Mary- 
land Map. 

A  map  dated  1670  in  the  Maryland 
Building  at  the  Jamestown  Exposi- 
tion gives  the  following:  "The  great 
Susquehanna  runs  up  northerly  200 
miles  to  the  Senecas  with  divers 
branches  on  both  sides — to  the  east 
and  to  the  west — full  of  falls  and 
isles  until  about  ten  or  twelve  miles 
above  the  Susquehanna  Fort,  and 
then  it  runs  clear.  Downwards  it  is 
not  navigable  but  with  great  danger. 
But  it  is  navigable  with  Indian 
canoes.  The  present  Indian  Fort  is 
on  the  west  side  opposite  the  mouth 
of  a  creek  called  Oustego,  (which  is 
now  the  Conestoga) ;  the  next  creek 
below  that  on  the  east  is  named 
Oquandry  (Pequea),  the  next  Ork- 
tara,  and  the  next  Northeast  creek. 
1671— Treaty  Between  the  English 
and  Indians  of  Southeastern 
Pennsylvania. 

Pages  390  to  392  of  Hazard's  An- 
nals of  Pennsylvania,  will  be  found 
a  treaty  between  Deputy  Governor 
Lovelace  and  the  southeastern  In- 
dians of  Pennsylvania  in  which  it  is 
set    out    concerning    the      Susquehan- 


70 


ANNALS    OF   THE    SUSQUEHANNOCK    AND 


nocks  at  p.  392  as  follows:  "That  the 
officers  and  magistrates  at  Delaware 
be  hereby  empowered  and  authorized 
to  treat  with  the  neighbor  Indians 
of  the  Susquehanna  or  others  to  join 
together  against  the  murderers  of 
this  section  and  such  as  shall  harbor 
them  or  take  their  part  if  occasion 
shall  require  and  to  promise  such 
reward  as  they  shall  think  fit  pro- 
vided it  be  done  with  great  privacy 
and  caution  so  that  no  sudden  jea- 
lousies be  given  to  the  persons  in- 
tended to  be  presented  to  their  con- 
federates." 

1671 — Map  of    Pennsylvania    and    the 
Susquehannocks  at  This  Date. 

In  the  History  Building  at  the  Ex- 
position under  date  of  1671  there  was 
a  map  of  southeastern  Pennsylvania 
including  Chesapeake  bay  and  Sus- 
quehanna river,  and  on  it  Smith's 
Falls  are  marked  about  ten  miles 
from  the  mouth  of  the  river;  and 
next  above  it  on  the  east  side  a 
short  distance  above  the  mouth  of 
Conestoga  creek  "Susquehannough" 
town,  and  on  the  west  the  town  of 
Attock;  and  about  fifty  miles  up  the 
river  the  town  marked  "Minquas," 
and  200  miles  farther  the  Senecas. 
1671  —  The  Susquehannock  Boys 
Fi$ht  and  Defeat  a  Party  of 
Cayuga  s. 

In  Vol.  56.  Jesuit  Relations,  p.  57, 
this  account  is  given:  "On  Ascension 
Day  this  year  twenty  Tsonnontouans 
(Senecas)  and  forty  of  the  haughtiest 
of  the  Cayuga  young  men  set  out 
from  this  (Cayuga)  village  to  go  and 
strike  a  blow  in  the  fields  of  the  An- 
dastogue  (Susquehannocks),  4  days' 
journey  from  hence.  They  were  attack- 
ed by  sixty  Andastogue  (Susquehan- 
nock) boys,  15  or  16  years  old,  and 
put  to  flight  with  the  loss  of  two  of 
their  number.  These  young  victors, 
learning  that  the  band  had  gone  by 
canoe,     promptly     took     canoes     and 


!  pursued    them    with    such    speed    that 
'  they  overtook  and  routed  them,  eight 
I  of  our   men   being     killed     in      their 
I  canoes,  while  15  or  16  returned  bad- 
ly wounded  by  arrows  and  knives  or 
half    killed    by    hachet    strokes.     The 
j  battle  field  remained  in  possession  of 
[the    Andastogue  (Susquehannock)  boys 
with  a  loss,  it  is  said,  of  15  or  16  of 
!  them.     God  preserves  the  Andastogue 
(Susquehannocks),     who     count     but 
300  warriors;    and   favors   their   arms 
in  order  to  humble  the  Iroquois  and 
I  maintain  the  peace  of    our    mission." 
:\  A     similar     account     of  this   is   also 
i  found   in    "Relations    de    la    Neuville 
|  France"    for    the    year    1672,    p.    24,    a 
j  French    work     which      account      says 
1  that  the  forty  Cayugas  went  by  water 
j  and   the    twenty    Senecas    by    land    to 
j  attack  the  Susquehannocks;   and  that 
j  the  oldest  of  the  sixty  Susquehannock 
!  boys  who  met  and  defeated  them  was 
|  not  over  sixteen  years. 

This  interesting  note  throws   much 
:  light  upon  the  warlike  nature  of  the 
I  Susquehannocks,       and     shows     how 
j  early  their  boys  were  proficient  with 
j  all  the  weapons   of  war.       The     first 
I  attack  must  have  occurred  in  Manor 
j  township,    and    the    second    attack    on 
j  the    river   itself   in      canoes      perhaps 
near    Harrisburg.     There    can    be    no 
doubt    of    who    won    the    victory,    be- 
cause  the  Jesuit  Fathers   believed   in 
the    prowess    of    the    Iroquois    tribes. 
An    interesting   fact   is    that   the    Sus- 
quehannock   men      were      not      about 
their    grounds.     They    were    likely    off 
fighting    the    Iroquois    in    the    general 
war. 

1671— A   Tax  to  Furnish  the  Susque- 
hannocks  Powder. 

In  Vol.  2,  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
339,  it  is  stated  that,  "Five  Thousand 
pounds  of  tobacco  be  levied  for  the 
purpose  of  furnishing  and  providing 
powder  for  the  use  of  the  Susquehan- 
nocks  for   their   defense. 


OTHER    LANCASTER   COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


71 


All  these  items  show  that  at  this 
time  the  Marylanders  and  the  Sus- 
quehannocks  were  firm  friends,  and 
were  mutually  interested  in  resisting 
the  Senecas.  How  sadly  the  situation 
changed  in  three  years  we  shall  soon 
see. 

1672— The  Iroquois  Try  to  Gain  Al- 
lies to  Help  Fight  Susquehannocks. 
In  Vol.  57,  Jesuit  Relations,  pp.  23 
and  25,  it  is  stated  from  a  letter  from 
Father  Brugas  to  the  Governor  from 
the  largest  Mohawk  village  that  "The 
Seneca  Iroquois  have  brought  twenty 
peace  presents  to  the  savages  of  that 
neighborhood.  The  Iroquois  obey 
the  Governor  as  their  common  father 
and  they  say  they  have  only  gifts  of 
peace.  There  is  no  doubt  that  they 
are  only  using  the  bait  either  for  the 
sake  of  their  commerce  at  the  solici- 
tation of  the  Dutch  or  to  beguile  the 
Ottawas  into  a  renewal  of  war  if  they 
succeed  with  the  Susquehannocks, 
who  are  the  only  enemy  that  the  Iro- 
quois now  have  on  hand."  Thus  it 
is  evident  the  Iroquois-Susquehan- 
nock  war  was  still  going  on  as  this 
account  says  it  was. 
1072 — Three  Susquehannocks  Captur- 
ed in  War  and  Burned  to  Death. 
From  Vol.  58,  Jesuit  Relations,  p. 
227,  it  is  stated:  "Three  Andastae 
(Susquehannocks)  were  captured  in 
war.  The  Jesuit  Father  instructed 
them  before  they  were  burned.  Sev- 
eral from  the  same  country  escaped 
after  some  months  of  captivity;  and 
they  told  of  the  great  charity  that 
those  who  wore  the  black  gowns  had 
for  them  as  well  as  for  the  Iroquois 
and  for  all  the  people."  The  great 
Iroquois-Susquehannock  war  is  now 
nearing  its  close,  having  been  waged 
since  about  1652.  Three  years  more 
will  see  the  Susquehannocks  entire- 
ly 'defeated  and  driven  to  their  new 
home  on  the  Potomac,  more  than  a 
hundred   miles  from  their  old  one  on 


Susquehanna  river.  What  we  have  al- 
ready written  shows  the  amount  of 
cruelty,  butchery,  slaughter  and  hor- 
rid retaliation  which  characterized 
the  warfare  of  these  savages,  a  great 
deal  of  which  occurred  right  here  in 
what   is   now   our   county. 

1672— More  Susquehannocks  Tortured 
—Cruelty  of  Indian  Torture. 

The  Jesuit  Fathers  tell  us,  "Two 
Andastogues  (Susquehannocks)  were 
captured  by  the  Iroquois.  They  re- 
ceived baptism  immediately  before 
the  red  hot  irons  were  applied  to 
them.  One  of  them  who  was  burned 
during  the  night  in  the  cabin  from 
his  feet  to  his  knees  prayed  again  to 
God  with  me  on  the  following  day 
while  tied  to  the  stake.  The  patience 
of  these  poor  victims  is  admirable; 
but  one  cannot  contemplate  without 
a  feeling  of  horror  the  sight  of  their 
roasting  flesh  and  of  men  who  de- 
vour it  like  famished  dogs.  One  day 
when  I  was  passing  near  the  spot 
where  the  body  of  one  of  these  roast- 
ed victims  was  being  cut  to  pieces  I 
could  not  help  drawing  near  and  in- 
veighing against  such  brutality.  I  saw 
one  of  these  cannibals  who  asked  for 
knife  wherewith  to  cut  off  an  arm. 
I  opposed  him  and  threatened  him 
that  God  would  punish  him.  He  re- 
lated as  his  reason  for  doing  so  that 
he  was  invited  to  a  feast  commanded 
by  a  dream  at  which  they  were  to 
|  eat  nothing  but  human  flesh  to  be 
I  brought  by  those  who  wanted  to  eat 
|  it.  Two  days  afterwards  God  per- 
!  mitted  that  his  wife  should  fall  into 
|  the  hands  of  the  Andastogue  (Sus- 
quehannocks) who  revenged  them- 
selves upon  her  person  for  the  cruel- 
ty of  her  husband.  See  Vol.  57,  Jes. 
Rel.    pp.    169   and   171. 

1672— Iroquois  Fear  a  Susquehannock 
Invasion   and  Invoke   Their  Jugglers. 

One  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers  gives  us 
this   relation:   "I  had  the  affliction  to 


72 


ANNALS   OF   THE    SUSQUEHANNOCKS    AND 


see  a  noted  juggler  die  in  his  in- 
fidelity; but  his  presumption  and 
pride  rendered  him  unworthy  of 
grace  and  baptism.  He  was  held  in 
unusual  veneration  among  the  Iro- 
quois and  so  his  shade  still  seems 
baleful  to  Christianity.  An  elder  re- 
cently convoked  the  tribe  and  an- 
nounced to  it  that  this  juggler  had 
appeared  to  him  in  a  dream  and  re- 
garding him  with  a  terrible  expres- 
sion had  bidden  him  to  bear  word  to 
the  elders  that  they  were  irredeem- 
ably lost;  and  that  the  Susquehan- 
nocks  would  come  the  next  spring 
without  fail  to  beseige  the  village 
and  burn  and  slay  all  who  resisted 
them.  If  however  they  wished  to 
avoid  these  disasters  they  must  be- 
move  the  dead  juggler's  body  from 
the  spot  where  it  was  buried  and 
carry  it  out  along  the  road  leading 
to  the  Susquehannock  country.  He 
said  that  then  there  would  be  no  fur- 
ther cause  for  alarm,  since  as  he 
(the  dead  juggler)  had  overcome  the 
common  enemy  of  the  nations  during 
his  lifetime,  he  was  still  pursuing 
him  after  death,  and  his  body  on 
being  transferred  to  the  place  desig- 
nated would  not  fail  to  inspire  terror 
in  the  hearts  of  all  who  should  ven- 
ture to  approach  the  village. 

Though  the  ground  was  covered 
with  snow  they  failed  not  to  execute 
to  the  letter  the  order  they  had  re- 
ceived, bearing  the  dead  body  out 
along  the  road  to  Gandastogue  (Sus- 
quehannock country)  and  there  erect- 
ing to  it  the  finest  mausoleum  to  be 
seen  among  these  barbarians.  After 
all  as  this  knave  was  found  out  to  be 
a  liar  while  alive,  he  proved  no  less 
untrustworthy  after  his  death,  two 
women  having  recently  been  brained 
by  those  very  Susquehannocks  with- 
in fifty  paces  of  the  palisades 
surrounding  the  village."  See  Jes. 
Rel.,  Vol.  56,  p.   35.     The  same  story 


is  told  though  somewhat  briefer  in 
Relations    de    la   Neuville    France   for 

1672  p.  20,  as  follows,  "A  famous  me- 
dicine man  of  Oneida  appeared  after 
death  to  order  his  body  to  be  taken 
up  and  to  be  interred  on  the  trail  to 
the  Susquehannocks  as  the  only 
means  of  saving  that  canton  from 
ruin."  See  also  .Dr.  Shea's  note  No. 
46   to   Alsop's   Maryland. 

1672— The  Great  SusquehannockChief 
Planned  to  be  Captured. 
In  Relations  de  la  Neuville  France, 
1672,  p.  47,  says  that  at  this  time 
the  great  Susquehannock  War  Chief 
Hotchitagete  or  Barefoot  was  much 
feared  by  the  Iroquois  and  a  raving 
woman  and  a  crafty  medicine  man 
deluded  the  Iroquois  with  promises 
to  capture  him  and  execute  him  at 
the  stake."  See  also  year  1670,  p. 
47. 

1673  —  The     Susquehannocks     Giving 
Way  Before  the  Blows  of  the 

Iroquois. 

In  Vol.  59,  of  the  Jes.  Rel.  p.  251 
we  find,  "Since  the  Sonnonlouaies 
(Huron  name  for  Iroquois)  have  ut- 
terly defeated  the  Andaste  (Susque- 
hannocks) their  ancient  and  most  re- 
doubtable foe  their  insolence  knows 
no  bounds,  and  they  talk  of  nothing 
but  renewing  the  War  against  our 
allies  and  even  against  the  French 
and  of  beginning  by  the  destruction  of 
Fort  Colarokoui."  I  do  not  know  what 
place  is  meant  by  the  name  last  given. 
From  this  item  it  seems  pretty  cer- 
tain that  the  Iroquois  completed  the 
subjugation  of  the  Susquehannocks 
about  the  year  1672.  However  not 
content  with  defeating  them,  one  of 
the  tribes  of  the  Iroquois  confeder- 
acy, namely,  the  Senecas,  kept  on 
driving  the  Susquehannocks  south- 
ward until  about  1674  or  1675  they 
had  driven  them  entirely  off  the  Sus- 
quehanna   River,    down    to    the    Poto- 


OTHER   LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


73 


mac  where  they  were  located  when 
the  deplorable  and  unjustifiable 
slaughter  of  five  of  their  chiefs  took 
place  in  an  expedition  led  by  Col. 
John  Washington,  grandfather  of 
George  Washington,  and  Major  Tru- 
man, which  we  shall  notice  at  large 
in  its  turn. 

1673— The   Final   Stages   of   Conquest 
Near  Susquehanna  River. 

Lewis  Evans  in  his  "Analysis"  in 
his  historical  and  political  essays 
printed  by  Ben.  Branklin  1755  page 
14,  says  "the  Susquehannocks  after  a 
great  defeat  by  the  Marylanders  were 
easily  exterminated  by  the  Confeder- 
ates (Iroquois  confederacy).  So  those 
nations  which  are  now  on  Sus- 
quehana  are  only  such  as  the  con- 
federates allotted  that  river,  for,  viz. 
the  Nanticokes  from  the  eastern 
Shore  of  Maryland, — Tuteloes  from 
the  Meherin  River  in  Virginia,  and 
the  Delawares  under  which  we  in- 
clude the  Minnesinks  and  the  Mandes 
or  Salem  Indians."  Thus  the  In- 
dians who  came  to  the  Susquehanna 
River  after  the  ancient  Susquehan- 
nocks were  driven  out  were  of  sev- 
eral tribes  and  have  been  called  beg- 
gar Indians.  Many  of  the  Senecas 
and  indeed  several  Indians  of  two  or 
three  more  of  the  Five  Nations'  tribes 
came  to  the  Susquehanna — and  the 
general  mixture  became  the  Cones- 
togas  later.  However  quite  a  few  of 
the  Susquehannocks  got  back  too, 
later. 

Lewis  Evans,  p.  12,  also  tells  us 
that  "though  they  (the  Five  Nations) 
gave  the  finishing  stroke  to  the  ex- 
termination of  the  Susquehannocks, 
Bell  in  the  service  of  Maryland  at  the 
Fort  whose  remains  are  still  stand- 
ing on  the  east  side  of  the  Susque- 
hanna about  three  miles  below 
Wright's  Ferry,  by  the  defeat  of 
many  hundreds  gave  them  a  blow 
they    (The    Five    Nations)    never    re- 


covered of."     It  is  strange  the  Mary- 
land Archives  make  no  notice  of  this 
great  feat  by  Col.   Bell.     I  believe  it 
was  exaggerated. 
1674  —  Maryland     Acknowledges     the 

Fire  Nations  (Senecas)  Have  Sus- 
jugated  the   Susquehannocks — Makes 

Peace  with  the  Senecas  and  Fears 

as  a  Result  War  with  the  S usque- 

hannocks. 

In  Vol.  2,  of  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
378,  under  the  date  of  1674,  it  is  set 
out:  "In  pursuance  of  a  vote  for 
peace  with  the  Cynicas  (Senecas) 
passed  at  a  conference  of  both 
Houses  which  this  government  made 
with  said  Senecas;  and  for  as  much 
as  the  said  peace  may  bring  on  a  war 
with  the  Susquehannocks,  —  this 
House,  for  the  security  of  the  pro- 
vince, do  vote  that  an  Act  of  Assem- 
bly be  drawn  up  to  empower  the  gov- 
ernor and  council  to  make  a  war  (up- 
on the  Susquehannocks  if  necessary) 
by  an  equal  assessment  upon  the 
persons  and  estate  of  the  said  pro- 
vince." 

We  shall  see  that  a  desultory  war 
between  Maryland  and  Susquehan- 
nocks did  soon  begin,  and  was  kept 
up  three  or  four  years,  as  the  Sus- 
quehannocks felt  very  bitter  toward 
Maryland  for  recognizing  the  Senecas 
as  victors.  The  friendship  of  the 
Susquehannocks  was  now  turned  to 
hatred,  and  they  retaliated  by  way 
of  murders  and  depredations. 

1675  — Attitude    of    Susquehannocks 
and  Iroquois  Now. 

Something  of  the  situation  at  this 
time  is  shown  in  a  letter  dated  Oct. 
21,  1675,  by  Gov.  Ed.  Andros  to  the 
Governor  of  Maryland  found  in  Vol. 
5,  second  series,  Pennsylvania  Arch. 
p.  676,  in  which  he  says  among  other 
things:  "I  now  give  you  an  account 
of  my  engaging  the  Macques  and  Se- 
necas not  anyways  to  injure  any  of 
the  Christians   to  the  eastward,     and 


71 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCK  AND 


particularly  in  parts  southward,  your 
part*,  in  their  warres  with  the  Sus- 
quehannocks;  but  others  apprehend  it 
will  be  difficult  to  restrain  especially 
the  young  men.  I  endeavored  to  be 
informed  relating  to  that  war,  and 
found  the  Susquehannocks  being  re- 
ported by  the  Macques.that  they  might 
be  brought  to  some  peace  again, 
though,  I  still  find  the  Senecas  to  be 
wholly  averse  to  it,  desiring  their 
extermination.  But  hearing  now  of 
Indian  troubles  which  has  occasion- 
ed raising  forces  in  your  parts  I  send 
you  an  express;  and  if  the  trouble 
be  by  the  Macques  or  Senecas,  I  of- 
fer you  my  services.  If  you  think 
good  I  would  desire  some  from  the 
Susquehannocks  to  come  to  me  so 
that  I  may  order  matters  accord- 
ingly." 

According  to  this  the  Susquehan- 
nocks, now  being  beaten  in  war,  the 
Senecas  wish  to  exterminate  them. 
The  trouble  the  New  York  Governor 
refers  to  is  that  of  the  depredations 
now  going  on  about  the  Susquehanna 
river,  done  no  doubt  by  both  the  Sen- 
ecas who  now  hold  the  country,  and 
also  by  the  Susquehannocks,  who 
now  live  further  south,  but  maraude 
into  their  old  country  (many  murders 
being  committed,  and  each  of  these 
two  Indian  tribes  blaming  all  the 
murders  on  the  other). 

To  this  letter  the  governor  of 
Maryland  replied;  and  Dec.  10  of  the 
same  year  the  New  York  governor 
wrote  another  letter  to  the  Maryland 
governor,  among  other  things  saying: 
"I  am  sorry  the  Susquehannocks 
were  concerned  (in  the  depredations) 
having  always  had  the  repute  of 
being  perfect  friends  to  the  Chris- 
tians, particularly  Maryland,  and 
being  offspring  of  the  Macques.though 
by  the  Senecas  engaged  in  war,  and 
the  Indians  to  the  eastward.  All  In- 
dians are  now  enemies  of  us.     There 


only  remains  firm  the  Macques,  and 
by  them  the  Senecas."  Vol.  5,  sec- 
ond series,  Penna.  Archives,  p.  678. 

This  letter  sets  out  the  reputation 
of  the  Susquehannocks  of  being 
friends  of  the  Christians.  While 
they  were  warlike  and  revengful, 
their  honor,  it  seems,  was  to  be  de- 
pended on.  A  new  thought  as  to  them 
is  thrown  out  in  the  statment  that 
they  are  offsprings  of  the  Macques. 
This  brings  to  our  minds  for  compari- 
son what  we  said  in  the  opening 
chapter  of  these  "Annals,"  quoting 
from  Gordon,  that  the  Susquehan- 
nocks came  from  the  Wolf  tribe  of 
the  Lenape. 

1675  —  Susquehanuocks    Driven  From 
the    Susquehanna    River. 
This  subject  I  have  noticed     above 
and  simply  set  it  down  again  for  the 
sake    of   making    it    prominent,    as    it 
ushers  in  the  final  stand  of  the  Sus- 
quehannocks.      See    Scharf's   History 
of  Maryland,   p.   1S9,   and  Lyle's  His- 
tory   of    Lancaster    County,    p.    19.  At 
this    disastrous    period    also   the    Sus- 
quehannocks    joined     themselves     to 
the  Piscataways,  a  weak  tribe   which 
I  twenty   years   before  they   looked   up- 
on   with    contempt.     See    Indian    His- 
tory  of  Lower  Susquehanna  by   Dau- 
phin County  Historical  Society,  p.  42. 
1675— The   Effect  of  the  Fall  of   the 
Susquehannocks. 
In  Vol.  60,  Jesuit  Relations,  p.  173, 
the   following   is   given   as    the   result 
I  of  the  defeat  of  the  Susquehannocks, 
I  upon    the    Iroquois:     "Since    the    Iro- 
quois  have   at   last   succeeded    in    ex- 
terminating the  Andaste    (Susquehan- 
nocks),   who    had    held    out      against 
them   for   over     twenty     years,     they 
have   become   so   insolent     that   they, 
talk  only  of  breakng  the  missionaries' 
heads  by  way  of  beginning  hostilities. 
Drunkenness,  which  prevails  amongst 
them  to  a  horrible  extent,  adds  to  it 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


75 


and    makes    them    brazen    enough    to 
attempt  anything." 

1675  —  The  Susquehannocks'  New 

Home  on  the  Potomac. 

The  Iroquois,  assisted  by  the  other 
tribes  of  the  Five  Nations,  having 
about  1652  begun  the  great  war  on 
the  Susquehannocks  and  carried  it 
along  about  fifteen  years  or  less,  un- 
til about  1664  they  were  dishearten- 
ed by  their  unsuccessful  attempts  on 
Susquehannock  Fort,  with  the  disas- 
trous results  before  noticed;  and 
they  about  that  date  being  supersed- 
ed in  command  by  the  Senecas  as 
leaders  of  the  Five  Nations,  which 
Senecas,  carrying  on  the  war,  assist- 
ed by  the  other  tribes  of  the  Five 
Nations  until  1675,  utterly  defeated 
them  (the  Susquehannocks)  ;  they 
were  now  driven  from  the  Susque- 
hanna river  to  a  deserted  fort  on  the 
Potomac, gradually  having  been  press- 
ed and  driven  southward,  and  their 
numbers  having  dwindled  down  to 
300  by  war  and  small-pox.  This  fate 
was  sad  enough,  but  as  we  shall  show 
in  later  items  a  worse  fate  awaited 
the  remnant  that  were  left.  So  much 
murdering  of  whites  now  occurred  in 
Maryland  and  the  victorious  Senecas 
so  well  succeeded  in  making  the 
people  believe  •  the  Susquehannocks 
were  doing  all  of  it  (while  in  truth  it 
was  done  by  the  crafty  Senecas,  and 
blamed  on  the  Susquehannocks  for 
political  effect),  that  Maryland  decreed 
the  Susquehannocks  must  move 
up  to  the  head  of  the  Potomac,  about 
100  miles  farther  back  into  the  coun- 
try; and  before  the  poor  savages  had 
time  to  do  that  Maryland  and  Vir- 
ginia combined  and  made  a  cowardly 
attack  upon  them,  precipitating  a 
campaign  of  war  and  siege  which 
ended  in  about  two  years  in  dissipat- 
ing them  so  that  those  who  were  not 
killed  were  divided  into  small  parties 
and    were    absorbed    in    other    tribes. 


We    shall    now    proceed    to    this    sad 
chapter. 

1675  —  The  Susquehannocks  Seek 
Peace  and  Protection  in  Their  New 
Home  —  Action  of  the  Government 
of  Maryland. 

The  Susquehannocks,  being  over- 
come by  the  Senecas  and  their  north- 
ern allies,  are  now  further  torment- 
ed and  harassed  by  marauding  part- 
ies of  their  enemies,  and  in  their  des- 
peration they  turn  to  Maryland  for 
a  place  to  live  under  the  protection 
of  that  government.  Their  old  home 
and  lands  are  infested  with  the  vic- 
tors. Volume  2  of  Maryland  Archives 
p.  428  sets  out:  "Some  of  the  great 
men  of  Susquehannough  were  this 
day  admitted  (Feb.  19)  to  the  Upper 
House  and  asked  what  part  of  the 
province  should  be  allotted  for  them 
to  live  upon;  but  before  this  House 
answers,  they  desire  to  know  the 
opinion  of  the  Lower  House." 

In  the  Lower  House,  "The  opinion 
of  this  House  is  that  should  the  Sus- 
quehannock Indians  be  permitted  to 
live  among  the  respective  tribes  of 
friendly  Indians  this  year  it  may 
be  of  dangerous  consequence  to  the 
province : 

(1)  That  their  being  among  them 
may  corrupt  our  Indians  and  mould 
them  so  to  their  own  future  designs, 
as  will  prove  detrimental  to  this  pro- 
vince. 

(2)  This  House  hath  reason  to 
suspect  that  the  design  of  the  Sus- 
quehannocks coming  among  the  Eng- 
lish and  claiming  protection  may  be 
out  of  a  design  purposely  to  discover 
the  strength  of  the  province  and  the 
advantage  they  may  take  for  the  fut- 
ure  and  will   be   dangerous. 

(3)  We  have  reason  to  suspect 
that  the  Susquehannocks  and  Senecas 
have  private  correspondence  together 
notwithstanding  the  seeming  war  be- 


:.; 


ANNALS   OF   THE   SUSQUEHANNOCKS    AND 


tween  them  which  may  be  dangerous  |  bly,  page  462,  of  the  same  volume  of 
to  the  province  should  they  be  per-  j  Maryland  Archives.  "An  act  for  rays- 
mitted  among  our  neighbor  Indians,  ing  a  supply  for  the  governor  and 
(4)  If  they  are  absolute  enemies  j  captain  general  to  defray  the  charges 
of  the  Senecas  yet  it  will  so  exaspe-  |  of  making  peace  with  the  Senecas 
rate  the   Senecas   for  us  to  entertain    and    war   with    the    Susquehannocks." 

Truly    the      Susquehannocks      were 
now  in  a  pitiable  plight.     They  were 


them  that  should  a  war  this  ensuing 

year  happen  between  the  Senecas  and 

them,   the   whole   province     must     in    whipped  by  the   Senecas     and     other 

general     suffer,     and     therefore    this  i  northern    confederates    of    the      Five 


House  is  of  the  opinion  it  will  not  be 
safe  for  the  government  to  appoint  a 
place  for  them  above  the  falls  of 
Potomac  there  being  time  enough  to 
clean  ground  enough  to  plant  corn 
this  year,  which  is  the  only  thing 
they  seem  to  desire  to  live  among 
the  neighbor   Indians  for." 

And  page  429  it  is  stated  "The 
same  day  the  Upper  House  ordered 
that  Harignera,  the  Great  Man  of 
the  Susquehannocks,  should  be  in- 
formed that  when  he  was  at  Mata- 
paine  with  the  governor  he  told  him 
he  would  be  content  if  the  English 
would  let  him  and  the  Susquehan- 
nocks live  at  the  falls  of  the  Poto- 
mac— that  the  governor  has  moved 
the  Assembly  to  let  them  live  above 
the  falls,  and  the  governor  was  wil- 
ling they  should  move  above  the  falls, 
but  not  to  plant  corn  any  nearer  the 
English  as  they  and  the  English 
might  fall  out  and  fight.  In  answer 
after  some  tedious  debate  the  Sus- 
quehannocks signify  to  the  governor 
that  they  would  be  willing  to  condes- 
cend to  move  to  the  head  of  the  Po- 
tomac." 

This  serves  to  show  in  what  an 
attitude  the  Marylanders,  especially 
the  Assembly  held  themselves  toward 


Nations;  they  were  harassed  and 
driven  by  them  on  toward  the  Poto- 
mac; they  were  suspected  by  the 
Marylanders,  and  not  allowed  to  in- 
habit among  other  tribes  of  friendly 
Indians,  for  fear  of  stirring  them  up 
against  the  government;  they  were 
blamed  for  all  the  murders  commit- 
ted by  the  Senecas  and  finally  they 
were  ordered  by  the  government  to 
go  up  the  Potomac,  away  from  the 
English. 

1675 — The  Act  of  Assembly  Declaring 
War  on  the  Susquehannocks. 
The  above  cited  Act  is  as  follows: 
"An  acte  for  Raysing  a  Supply  to 
defray  Charges  of  Making  Peace  with 
the  Cynegoes  (Senecas)  and  Making 
War  with  the  Susquehannocks  and 
Their  Confederates  if  Occasion  Re- 
quires." 

"The  two  Houses  of  Assembly  hav- 
ing received  certain  credible  in- 
formation of  the  many  outrages  and 
murders  committed  upon  the  persons 
and  states  of  divers  good  people  of 
this  province  in  Baltimore  county  by 
the  Susquehannock  Indians  and  other 
their  confederates  by  them  counte- 
nanced and  protected  contrary  to 
the  articles  of  peace  of  your  Lord- 
ship's council  have  agreed  and     con- 


the  Susquehannocks.  All  these  steps  \  cluded  upon  certain  measures,  upon 
tended  toward  one  goal— that  is  to-  j  which  a  war  is  likely  to  ensue  and 
ward  war  on  the  Susquehannocks  by  |  it   being   also   concluded   that   it   may 


Maryland. This  soon  was  the  ripe  fruit 
that  the  condition  bore,  as  is  shown 


be  of  great  benefit  and  advantage  to 
the  interests  of  the  province  to  make 


by   the    following   extract     from     the    peace    with    the    Cynegoes    (Senecas) 
proceedings   cf   the   Maryland   Assem-  'j  for  the  defraying  of  the  expenses  of 


OTHER    LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


77 


such  warre  or  peace  if  it  shall  seem 
necessary  to  the  captain  general  and 
council  to  make  such  warre  or  peace 
do  pray  it  may  be  enacted: 

And  be  it  enacted,  etc.,  that  there 
be  levied  and  raysed  this  present 
year  the  sum  of  fifty  thousand  pounds 
of  tobacco  by  an  equal  assessment 
upon  the  persons  and  estates  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  province  to  be 
paid  to  his  excellency,  Charles  Cal- 
vert, Esq.,  captain  general  of  this 
province  to  be  by  him  disposed  of  as 
he  and  his  council  think  meet,  for 
and  towards  .  the  defraying  of  all 
such  charges  and  expenses  as  shall 
be  laid  out  and  expended  in  and 
about  the  carrying  on  or  making  any 
warre  or  peace  with  the  Susquehan- 
nocks  or  any  of  their  confederates 
or  with  the  Senecas  if  the  council 
and  governor  think  expedient  to 
make  such  warre  or  peace  this  pre- 
sent year."  See  same,  2  Md.  Arch, 
pp.    462    and    463. 

1675  — The  Maryland  Government 
Opens  Hostilities  Upon  the  Susque- 
liannocks. 

In  Vol.  15,  p.  48  of  the  Maryland 
Archives,  it  is  set  out,  "It  is  ordered 
that  a  regiment  of  horse  consisting 
offive  troops  of  fifty  men  in  troop  be 
forthwith  raysed  and  fitted  with  suf- 
ficient horse  and  arms  and  ammuni- 
tition  for  the  expeditions  march 
against  the  barbarous  enemy  and  to 
assist  the  Virginia  forces  now  pre- 
paring to  pursue  their  enemies  the 
Susquehannock  Indians,  and  demand- 
ing delivery  of  those  Indians  which 
lately  committed  the  murders  on  his 
Majesty's  subjects  in  Virginia;  and 
it  is  further  ordered  that  the  said 
Susquehannock  Indians  be  forthwith 
forced  off  from  the  place  where  they 
now  are  to  remove  themselves  to 
the  place  they  assured  the  last  as- 
sembly they  would  go  and  seat  them- 
selves. 


Accordingly  Thos.  Dent  is  dispatch- 
ed away  to  Colonel  Washington  and 
Major  Allerton  with  the  following 
letter: 

"You  are  to  march  to  the  north  side 
of  Piscataway  Creek,  where  you  shall 
advise  upon  the  ways  and  means  to 
prosecute  the  war  against  the  Doegs 
and  the  Susquehannock  Indians  till 
the  murderers  are  delivered  and  all 
passible  satisfaction  obtained  for 
damages  done."  (At  this  time  there 
were  6,610  taxables  in  Maryland). 
See  same  book  and   page. 

About  the  same  time  an  additional 
force  was  raised  to  go  against  the 
Susquehannocks,  which  is  set  forth 
p.  56  of  the  same  book.  "It  is  or- 
dered that  a  party  of  30  men  be  rais- 
ed— 15  out  of  St.  Mary's  and  15  out 
of  St.  Charles  under  Capt.  Douglass 
and  Sly  to  range  the  woods  about 
Piscataway  and  the  Susquehannock 
Fort  to  take  up  all  such  horses  as 
they  shall  find  were  lost  by  the  sol- 
diers in  the  late  expedition  against 
the  Susquehannock  Indians."  And 
page  58  it  is  stated:  "The  governor 
and  council  have  taken  into  consid- 
eration the  disbursements  for  pro- 
visions and  other  charges  relating 
to  the  late  Indian  war  with  the  Sus- 
quehannocks that  the  same  be  levied 
this  year  and  be  taken  into  considera- 
tion." 

Thus  from  these  items  we  see  there 
was  an  expedition  against  the  Sus- 
quehannocks by  Maryland,  and  that 
in  it  many  horses  were  lost  of  the 
250  that  set  out  and  the  expense  of 
the  late  war  was  now  a  subject  of 
governmental   concern   for  Maryland. 

The  particulars  of  this  expedition 
and  the  disreputable  action  of  the 
whites  in  the  same  against  the  de- 
fenseless chiefs  of  the  Susquehan- 
nocks, and  the  impeachment  proceed- 
ings against  the  leaders  of  the  expe- 
dition  by   the     Maryland     authorities 


78 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


we  will  next  take  up  and  in  doing  so 
reveal  a  disgraceful  page  in  colonial 
Indian  policy. 

1675 — Virginia  Asks  Maryland  to  Join 

Her  in  An  Expedition  Against 

the  Susquehannocks. 

On  Sept.  6,  1675  Col.  John  Washing- 
ton, a  great  grandfather  of  George 
Washington,together  with  Isaac  Aller- 
ton  sends  a  letter  to  Maryland  stating, 
that  on  Sunday  the  5th  inst.  orders 
were  received  from  the  governor  of 
Virginia  to  summon  the  militia  on 
the  north  side  of  the  Rappahannock 
and  south  of  the  Potomac,  to  make 
an  inquisition  into  the  murders  and 
spoyl  done  by  the  Indians  and  ascer- 
tain by  what  nations  done  and  to  de- 
mand satisfaction  and  proceed  to  war 
if  needed. 

Wherefore  the  regiment  of  5  troops 
of  50  men  each  as  stated  in  the  last 
item,  were  ordered  raised.  See  15 
Md.  Arch.  48. 

1675 — Maryland     Sends     Instructions 
to  Co-Operate  With  Washington 

Accordingly  Thos.  Dent  was  sent  to 
Col.  Washington  with  these  instruct- 
ions: "Gent.  According  to  the  promise 
made  Capt.  Lee  and  Maj.  Youell  we 
have  this  day  taken  your  letter  into 
consideration  and  for  answer  return 
you  that  we  have  ordered  250  horses 
and  dragoon  to  rendezvous  upon 
Thursday  which  will  be  the  23rd  in- 
stant at  the  head  of  the  Choptico  Bay 
from  whence  they  shall  continue  their 
march  to  the  north  side  of  the  mouth 
of  the  Piscataway  where  they  shall 
await  your  arrival  and  join  with  you 
where  your  commanders  shall  advise 
with  you  upon  the  ways  and  means 
to  prosecute  the  war  against  the 
Doages  and  the  Susquehannock  In- 
dians till  the  murderers  are  delivered 
and  all  possible  satisfaction  obtain- 
ed  from   them  for  damages  done  his 


majesty's  subjects.  Ordered  that  Maj. 
Thomas  Truman  be  commander  of 
the  expedition."     See  15  Md.  Arch.  49. 

1675— The  Mattawomen    Indians    Join 

the  Expedition  and  Help  Maryland 

and  Virginia  Against  Sus- 

quehannocks. 

This  is  set  forth  in  15  Md.  Arch.  57 
as  follows,  "The  Council,  taking  into 
consideration  the  merits  of  the  King 
of  the  Mattawomen,  namely  that  he 
came  first  unto  Major  Truman  volun- 
tarily and  offered  all  his  men  to 
serve  us  against  the  Susquehannocks 
and  his  women  and  children  as 
hostages  and  that  he  continued  all 
the  time  of  the  War  with  the  Eng- 
lish and  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  do 
humbly  desire  the  government  con- 
currence to  an  order  that  the  said 
King  may  be  presented  with  12  match 
coats  as  a  mark  of  gratitude  and 
have  of  value  100  arms  length  Roan- 
oke namely  four  match  coats  for 
every  prisoner  of  the  Susquehannocks 
that  they  have  taken  and  delivered — 
the  said  match  coats  to  be  paid  to 
the  Indian  that  took  the  prisoner." 

From  this  we  see  that  this  tribe 
of  Indians  through  their  King  first  of- 
fered his  warriors  to  assist  the  Mary- 
landers  and  Virginians  in  whipping 
the  Susquehannocks,  and  to  give  as- 
surance that  he  would  not  dessert  in 
battle  and  go  over  to  the  Susquehan- 
nocks, he  gave  the  women  and  chil- 
dren of  his  tribe  as  hostages  into  the 
charge  of  the  English,  who  could 
have  been  enslaved  or  even  slaugh- 
tered if  the  soldiers  proved  recre- 
ant. The  above  also  states  that  he 
did    remain    loyal. 

1675— The  Great,  Shameful  Expediton 
of  Slaughter  and  Dishonor. 

The  expedition  against  the  Susque- 
hannocks, who  were  huddled  in  a 
fort  on  the  Potomac,  about  200  strong 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


including  women  and  children,  began 
about  the  middle  of  September,  and 
continued  n  a  siege  of  about  6  weeks 
ending  the  beginning  of  November.  In 
addition  to  the  march  on  the  Fort, 
as  we  have  above  seen  the  whites 
hired  other  Indians  to  sally  through 
the  woods  and  capture  Susquehan- 
nocks.  The  white  soldiers  also  rang- 
ed the  woods  for  the  same  purpose. 
At  any  rate  about  the  beginning  of 
November  the  Indians  left  their  fort 
one  night  and  struck  southwestwardly 
into  Virginia  and  were  the  leading 
instigators  of  the  Bacon  Rebellion 
all  of  which  we  shall  show  later. 

None  of  the  government  archives 
of  Maryland  state  anything  of  the 
general  result  of  the  expedition,  per- 
haps because  there  was  so  much  dis- 
graceful about  it.  Neither  do  any  other 
public  records  tell  the  particulars  of 
the  struggle.  However  inferentially 
several  things  are  plain.  First  that 
the  war  was  of  considerable  expense 
to  Maryland,  and  that  her  people  con- 
tributed of  their  private  means  to  its 
maintenance.  In  Vol.  15  Md.  Arch. 
56  under  date  of  Oct.  13  it  is  "Ordered 
that  proclamation  be  made  by  the 
several  sheriffs  of  each  respective 
county  that  all  persons  that  have 
been  at  any  charge  or  expense 
for  provisions  or  ammunition 
about  the  late  expedition  against 
the  Susquehannocks  shall  come  to  the 
next  provincial  court  and  deliver  their 
claims  to  the  sheriffs."  This  is  his- 
torical testimony  that  the  expedition 
was  taken,  and  that  it  was  ended  by 
Oct  13  or  nearly  so.  Secondly  in  the 
same  book  p.  58  it  is  set  out  "Where- 
as the  King  of  the  Mattawomen  de- 
sires to  inform  himself  for  the  securi- 
ty of  himself  and  his  people  against 
the  Susquehannocks,  who  are  now  his 
enemies  only  because  he  hath  es- 
poused our  quarrel  against  them,  the 
council  do  request  that  it  be  ordered 


that  he  have  liberty  to  'infort'  him- 
self and  his  people  upon  any  place 
the  governor  shall  see  fit."  Thus 
though  the  Susquehannocks  as  we 
shall  see  were  driven  out  of  their 
fort  on  the  Potomac,  and  voluntarily 
went  into  Virginia,  they  still  feared, 
because  from  their  Virginia  base 
they  continually  sent  parties  into 
their  old  country.  This  request  of 
the  Mattawomen  king  is  dated  1675. 
Thirdly  in  the  same  year  as  shown 
in  15  Md.  Arch.  59,  something  of  the 
cost  of  the  expedition  is  given  us.  It 
is  stated  "The  governor  and  Council 
having  taken  into  consideration  that 
the  disbursements  for  provisions  and 
other  charges  relating  to  the  late  war 
with  the  Susquehannocks  and  that 
the  same  may  be  levied  this  year  and 
having  seen  several  papers  and  ac- 
counts thereto  relating,  but  not  the 
whole  accounts,  do  appoint  to  meet 
Monday;  and  it  is  ordered  that  on 
Monday  all  the  people  exhibit  their 
accounts  or  be  debarred.  It  is  also 
ordered  that  85  pounds  of  tobacco  per 
poll  be  levied  as  tax  and  be  added 
to  the  former  levy  so  that  this  year 
there  be  levied  in  the  whole  165 
pounds  of  tobacco  per  poll."  We 
have  seen  in  a  former  item  that 
there  were  6610  taxables  in  Mary- 
land at  this  time  and  a  tax  of  165 
pounds  of  tobacco  per  head  would  be 
about  1090650  pounds,  of  if  it  were 
worth  10  cents  per  pound  it  was  equi- 
valent to  $109,065.00.  So  the  six 
weeks'  war  was  very  costly,  even  if 
the  whites  did  win. 

Elaborate  particulars  of  the  war 
are  however,  told  by  a  master  hand, 
whose  graphic  description  of  it,  we 
shall  tell  in  the  following  several 
items,  under  the  general  title  of  "The 
Fall    of   the   Susquehannocks." 

1675 — The  Fall  of  the  Susquehannocks 
Cliapter  I  (First  Attack). 

What  I  shall  now  give  is  verbatim 
S.   F.   Streeter,  Esqr's  account  of  the 


80 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


last  days  of  the  Susquehannocks  as 
an  independent  and  powerful  tribe. 
The  account  was  given  in  1857  and 
may  be  found  in  Vol.  1,  of  the  his- 
torical Magazine,  p.  65,  found  in  the 
Historical  Society,  at  Philadelphia. 
As  I  have  said  in  an  earlier  item,  the 
public  records  of  the  Maryland  Arch- 
ives give  only  the  making  up  of  the 
expedition  which  resulted  so  fatal- 
ly for  the  Susquehannocks,  and  the 
march,  and  then  are  silent  as  to  the 
character  of  the  battle.  But  that 
there  was  a  battle  is  evident  from 
the  discussions  in  Council  and  As- 
sembly concerning  the  cost,  the  loss 
of  horses,  and  the  impeachment  of 
Col.  Truman,  for  despicable  conduct 
in  the  flight. 

Streeter  says,  "The  brave  but  un- 
fortunate Susquehannocks,  driven 
from  their  original  seat  (on  Susque- 
hanna) by  the  conquering  Senecas  in 
the  attempt  to  find  a  place  of  refuge 
became  unwillingly  embroiled  by  a 
series  of  untoward  circumstances 
with  the  people  of  Maryland  and  of 
Virginia,  and  in  the  extremity  of 
their  despair  rushed  into  a  conflict 
which  though  brief,  gave  the  finish- 
ing blow  to  their  power  and  com- 
pelled the  few  survivors  of  this  for- 
merly dreaded  tribe  to  seek  a  resting 
place  in  the  wilds  of  the  west  or  to 
incorporate  themselves  with  the  por- 
tions of  the  Powhatan  Confederacy. 

"The  events  connected  with  this 
struggle  between  the  two  races  pos- 
sess for  us  a  double  interest.  First, 
they  relate  to  a  trying  period  in  our 
own  colonial  history;  and  secondly, 
as  they  were  closely  connected  with 
the  occurrences  in  Virginia.which  ar- 
rayed Nathaniel  Bacon  against  the 
established  government  and  aroused 
a  spirit  of  resistance  to  Sir  William 
Berkley,  that  ceased  only  with  the 
death  of  the  unfortunate  leader  and 
the  expatriation  or  execution  of  many 
of   his   supporters,     some     of     whom 


were    among    the    most    talented    and 
influential  men  of  the  province. 

"On  a  Sabbath  morning  in  the 
summer  of  the  year  1675  as  the 
people  of  Stafford,  at  that  time  the 
most  northerly  county  in  Virginia,  on 
the  Potomac,  were  on  their  way  to 
church  they  found  a  herdsman  nam- 
ed Robert  Henn  lying  across  the 
threshold  of  his  house  and  an  Indian 
without  the  door,  both  terribly  gash- 
ed and  mutilated.  The  Indian  was 
quite  dead;  but  Henn  lived  long 
enough  to  declare  that  the  'Doegs' 
were  the  murderers.  A  boy  was  also 
discovered  hidden  under  a  bed  from 
whom  it  was  gathered  that  the  In- 
dians had  made  their  attack  and 
committed  the  murder  about  day- 
break. 

"Col.  Mason  and  Capt.  Brent,  com- 
manders of  the  militia  of  that  county, 
on  hearing  of  the  bloody  dead  im- 
mediately collected  a  force  of  about 
30  men  and  followed  on  trail  of  the 
retreating  Indians.  After  a  pursuit 
of  about  20  miles  up  the  Potomac 
they  crossed  the  river  into  Maryland. 
Landing  at  daybreak  they  discovered 
two  narrow  paths,  one  of  which  was 
followed  by  Mason  with  a  part  of 
the  men;  and  the  other  by  Brent  with 
the  remainder.  After  advancing  a 
short  distance  each  party  discovered 
in  its  front  an  Indian  wigwam,  which 
was   silently   surrounded. 

"Having  stationed  his  men  Capt. 
Brent  advanced  to  the  wigwam  and 
in  a  loud  voice,  in  the  Indian  tongue, 
demanded  a  council  with  the  occu- 
pants. A  chief  came  forward  appar- 
ently much  alarmed,  and  would  have 
fled,  but  Brent,  seizing  him  by  the 
scalp,  told  him  he  had  come  for  the 
murderers  of  Henn.  The  chief  plead- 
ed ignorance  of  the  whole  matter,  and 
managed  to  escape  from  the  grasp  of 
his  captor;  but  as  he  turned  to  flee 
fell   dead   by   a   pistol   shot   from   the 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


81 


hand  of  Brent.  This  was  the  signal 
for  action  on  both  sides.  The  In- 
dians within  delivered  their  fire  from 
the  hut,  and  under  its  frail  cover 
stood  for  a  short  time  the  volleys  of 
the  Virginians,  but  finally  attempted 
to  save  themselves  by  flight  from 
their  murderous  effects.  As  they 
thronged  out  of  the  door  in  a  body, 
however,  the  unerring  rifle  did 
prompt  execution  and  ten  of  their 
number  were  slain.  A  lad  of  eight 
years  of  age,  the  son  of  the  chief 
killed  by  Capt.  Brent,  was  the  only 
one  taken  prisoner.  The  Indians  so 
severely  handled  in  this  encounter 
belonged  to  the  tribe  of  'Doages'  or 
'Doegs.'  Meanwhile  Col.  Mason's 
party  had  also  been  actively  engaged. 
Scarcely  had  his  men  been  arranged 
when  they  were  startled  by  the  din 
of  the  other  assault,  while  the  sud- 
denly awakened  and  panic  stricken 
occupants  of  the  wigwam,  in  their 
extremity,  without  waiting  for  sum- 
mons or  attack,  rushed  to  the  door 
to  make  their  escape.  As  they  pour- 
ed out  they  were  met  by  the  deadly 
fire  of  the  Virginians,  who  supposed 
from  the  noise  and  the  firing  that 
Brent's  men  were  warmly  engaged 
with  a  hostile  party,  and  fourteen  of 
the  Indians  had  already  fallen,  when 
one  of  them  rushed  up  to  Col.  Mason 
through  the  heaviest  of  the  fire  and 
seized  his  arm  and  exclaimed  "Sus-  I 
quehannocks  netoughs"  that  is,  "Sus-  j 
quehannocks  friends,"  and  imme- 
diately fled.  Col.  Mason  at  once 
caused  his  men  to  cease  firing,  since 
those  who  were  the  objects  of  their 
attack  proved  to  belong  to  a  tribe 
recognized  as  friends  of  Virginia. 

"This  tribe  which  had  formerly  oc- 
cupied a  considerable  territory  on 
the  Susquehanna  and  at  the  head  of 
Chesapeake  Bay,  and  which_  was 
spreading  terror  among  the  tribes  of 
the    Patuxent    and   the    eastern    shore 


of  the  Potomac  at  the  time  of  the  ar- 
rival of  the  Maryland  Pilgrims,  had 
in  its  turn  been  made  to  feel  the  hand 
of  the  conqueror.  The  Seneca  In- 
dians, one  of  the  most  numerous  and 
powerful  of  the  Confederacy  of  the 
Five  Nations,  through  whose  terri- 
tory in  western  New  York  the  upper 
waters  of  the  Susquehannocks  flow- 
ed (as  the  governor  and  council  of 
New  York  in  an  address  to  his  Ma- 
jesty, Aug.  6,  1691,  say:  the  Susque- 
hanna river,  is  situate  in  the  middle 
of  the  Seneca  country)  had  pushed 
their  war  parties  down  that  river 
(Susquehanna),  reducing  the  tribes 
on  its  borders  to  submission,  or 
compelling  them  to  seek  new  places 
of  abode  in  more  defensible  positions 
with  other  tribes  or  within  the 
sweep  of  the  strong  and  protecting 
arms  of  the  white  men. 

"The  Susquehannocks,  too  proud,  it 
would  seem,  to  yield  to  those  with 
whom  they  had  long  been  contested 
as  equals,  and  by  holding  the  land 
of  their  fathers  by  suffrage,  to  ac- 
knowledge themselves  reduced;  yet 
too  weak  to  withstand  the  victorious 
and  domineering  Senecas,  had  been 
compelled  to  forsake  the  river  bear- 
ing their  name  and  the  head  of  the 
Bay;  and  had  taken  up  a  position 
near  the  western  borders  of  Mary- 
land below  the  territory  of  the  Pis- 
cataway  Indians." 

(This  is  the  end  of  Chapter  I.  The 
next  item  will  take  up  Chapt-  II  and 
will  be  devoted  to  the  new  location 
of  the  Susquehannock  Indians  and  of 
their  weak  neighboring  and  confed- 
erated tribes. 

167o— Fall     of    the     Susquehannocks. 
Chapter  II  (The  Xew  Fort). 

"This  tribe  (Susquehannocks)  orig- 
inally occupied  lands  lower  down  the 
river  (Potomac)  about  the  Piscata- 
way;  but  the  year  1673  a  tract  at 
the  head  of  the  Potomac  was  assign- 


82 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHAXNOCKS  AND 


ed  them  by  the  Assembly,  somewhat 
above  the  former  location,  and  every 
possible  effort  was  made  to  establish 
themselves  permanently  at  that 
place.  Implements  of  husbandry 
were  presented  to  them  and  a  supply 
of  provisions  for  three  years  guaran- 
teed to  free  them  from  all  apprehen- 
sion on  the  care  of  subsistence  and 
afford  them  full  time  to  make  these 
lands  sufficiently  productive  for  their 
own  support.  This  spot  was  near 
where  Washington  now  stands  (An- 
nals of  Annapolis,  p.  64).  From  this 
legislation  it  is  evident  that  the 
policy  of  the  province  was  to  remove 
the  Indians  toward  the  western 
borders  of  its  territory  and  thus  at 
the  same  time  to  preserve  for  them 
a  home. — to  make  room  for  the 
pioneers  of  civilization  already  press- 
ing upon  that  quarter  and  to  dimin- 
ish as  far  as  possible  the  chances  of 
collision  between  the  two  races.  The 
Piscataways  however,were  an  unwar- 
like  inoffensive  people  and  were  re- 
garded as  firm  friends  to  both  Mary- 
land  and  Virginia. 

"The  Doegs"  as  they  are  styled  in 
the  Maryland  records,  occupied  a 
portion  of  the  territory  between  the 
Piscataway  river  on  the  north  and 
the  great  bend  on  the  Potomac  on  the 
south  now  forming  the  western  part 
of  Charles  and  perhaps  a  small  por- 
tion of  Prince  George  county.  The 
tongue  of  land  formed  by  Mattawo- 
men  Run  as  it  flows  into  the  Poto- 
mas  still  retains  the  name  'Indian 
Point'  and  may  have  been  the  spot  on 
which  the  bloody  scene  which  has 
been  described  was  enacted.  The 
lands  of  the  Doegs  extended  to  the 
Piscataway. 

"The  Susquehannocks  had  lately 
established  themselves  on  the  north 
side  of  that  (Piscataway)  river. 
There  would  seem  therefore  to  have 
been    no    ground   of   suspicion    either, 


in  the  mere  fact  that  parties  from 
both  tribes  were  found  occupying 
wigwams  a  short  distance  below  the 
river  and  near  to  each  other,  as  was 
the  case  with  those  attacked  by 
Mason   and   Brent. 

But  murders  had  been  committed 
in  Virginia;  the  pursuers  had  as 
they  believed  tracked  the  murderers 
until  they  had  suddenly  lallen  upon 
these  parties.  Had  they  found  In- 
dian families  in  the  wigwams  it 
would  have  been  different — but  they 
found  armed  warriors;  and  this  in 
connection  with  the  recent  startling 
raids  and  evils  were  surely  enough 
to  excite  suspicion.  According  to 
the  dying  testimony  of  one  of  the  vic- 
tims the  murderers  were  Doeg,  and 
therefore  of  the  same  tribe  with 
those  which  Capt.  Brent's  party  sur- 
prised on  the  Maryland  side  of  the 
river;  and  this  fact  in  their  appre- 
hensions afforded  a  good  reason  for 
the  assault.  There  is  no  evidence 
that  the  Susquehannocks  were  the 
abbettors  or  ever  the  associates  of 
the  Doegs,  or  chargeable  with  any 
other  fact  or  fault  than  that  of  un- 
fortunately occupying  quarters  in 
the  neighborhood. 

"That  Capt.  Brent's  party  knew 
whom  they  were  assaulting  is  likely 
from  his  parley  with  the  chief  before 
firing  began;  but  that  the  attack  of 
Mason's  men  thus  precipitated  by  the 
noise  of  the  other  engagement,  and 
that  they  were  not  aware  of  whom 
they  assailed  is  evident  from  the  fact 
that  Col.  Mason  the  moment  he  as- 
certained they  were  Susquehannocks, 
recognized  them  as  friends  and  ceas- 
ed hostilities. 

"The  truth  is  the  Virginians  were 
hot  with  passion  and  eager  of  pur- 
suit. Their  friends  had  been  mur- 
dered and  by  Indians;  they  knew 
jthe  perpetrators  and  started  in  pur- 
I  suit;    they   came   up   with   two   bands 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


83 


in  junctos  with  the  very  tribe  charg- 
ed with  the  crime  and  in  the  direct 
line  of  their  retreat;  and  concluding  at 
once  that  these  were  the  assassins, 
without  pausing  to  deliberate,  hasten- 
ed to  avenge  the  slaughter  of  their 
friends.  In  one  of  these  cases  at 
least  the  assailants  were  sadly  pre- 
cipitated. 

"The  murderous  assault  of  Mason's 
party  was  entirely  unprovoked,  if 
we  accept  the  assertion  of  the  Sus- 
quehannocks,  who  charged  the  mur- 
ders upon  the  marauding  parties  of 
the  Senecas  (and  this  is  by  no  means 
improbable.)  "The  Senecas'  war  par- 
ties might  at  that  time  have  penetrat- 
ed Maryland  and  Virginia  as  they  are 
known  to  have  done  within  a  very 
few  years  after,  when  they  committed 
various  murders,  might  naturally  be 
expected  to  arouse  their  savage  pas- 
sions, and  stimulate  them  to  seek 
revenge,  particularly  as  no  attempt 
was  made  by  the  Virginians  to  ex- 
plain the  cause  of  the  attack  or  to 
make  preparation  for  the  grievous  in- 
jury inflicted.  It  may  be  the  savage 
retribution  and  subsequent  conflicts 
followed  too  closely  upon  this  en- 
counter to  allow  an  opportunity  for 
explanation.  Several  murders  were 
soon  afterwards  committed  in  Mary- 
land, and  though  guard  boats  were 
equipped  to  prevent  interruptions 
and  invasions  across  the  Potomac  one 
or  two  persons  were  also  murdered 
in  Stafford  county,  Virginia.  The 
perpetrators  of  these  cruel  acts  were 
not  certainly  known;  but  under  the 
circumstances  suspicion  naturally 
fell    upon    the    Susquehannocks. 

"The  presence  of  this  tribe 
on  their  western  borders  had  al- 
ready exacted  dissatisfaction  among 
the  people  of  Maryland,  especially 
those  whose  plantations  were  situat- 
ed near  the  Piscataway;  and  efforts 
had  been  made  (the  Indians  being  re- 


solutely bent  not  to  forsake  their 
Fort  (Ann  Cotton's  Account  1676,  p.  1) 
|  to  induce  them  to  leave  the  position 
|  they  had  taken.  This  was  on  the 
J  north  side  of  the  Piscataway,  in  a 
strong  Fort  which  had  either  origin- 
ally belonged  to  the  Piscataways  or 
was  built  by  the  province  years  pre- 
vious (In  1644  an  act  was  passed  to 
enable  the  Governor  to  establish  and 
support  a  garrison  at  Piscataway  (see 
Bacon's  Laws)  for  the  protection  of 
the  frontier  settlements,  and  perhaps 
Maryland  has  left  it  unoccupied  dur- 
ing the  time  of  peace,  which  had 
preceded  these  occurrences.  From 
its  strength  and  construction  the 
latter  supposition  seems  most  pro- 
bable. 

'The  walls  of  the  fort  were  high 
banks  of  earth  having  flankers  well 
provided  with  loop  holes  and  encom- 
passed by  a  ditch.  Without  this  was 
a  row  of  tall  trees  from  5  to  8  inches 
in  diameter  set  three  feet  in  the  earth 
and  six  inches  apart  and  wattled  in 
such  a  manner  as  at  the  same  time 
to  protect  those  within  and  afford 
holes  for  shooting  through.  These 
defenses  were  ingenious  and  strong 
and  enabled  the  occupants  to  set  at 
defiance  any  ordinary  beseiging  party 
unless  provided  with  cannon  or  pre- 
pared to  starve  its  defenders  into  a 
surrender.  Here  the  Susquehannocks 
to  the  number  of  100  with  their  old 
men,  women  and  children  established 
themselves, — here  they  were  deter- 
mined to   remain. 

"Remembering  not  only  the  deeds 
of  violence  that  had  been  borne  and 
taking  counsel  of  their  apprehensions 
forgetful  as  it  would  seem,  of  the 
outrages  which  had  stung  the  sav- 
ages into  revengeful  mood,  the  Mary- 
landers  determined  to  organize  an 
expedition  against  them,  and  drive 
them  from  the  province."  All  this 
is  from  Streeter's  account  as  first 
stated. 


84  ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 

l(>'r> — Fall    of    the    Susquehannocks —  I  in  Maryland  and  in  Virginia,  and  that 
(Chapt.  III.     The  March).  he    had    come    to    ascertain    who    had 

"  Doubting,  however,  the  ability  to  i  committed  them.  They  replied  it 
carry  out  promptly  and  effectively  j  was  the  Senecas.  The  Major  then  in- 
their  designs,  and  aware  that  the  Vir-  quired  if  they  would  furnish  some 
ginians,   like   themselves,   had   of   late  I  of  their  young  men  as  guides  in  pur- 


suffered  from  midnight  attacks  and 
murders  which  from  their  share  in 
the  recent  unfortunate  assault  on 
the  Susquehannocks  they  were  dis- 
posed to  distribute  to  them  as  acts 
of  revenge  there  was  proposed  to  the 
Virginian's  a  union  of  forces  and  a 
joint  expedition  for  the  purpose  of 
subduing  their   common  enemy. 

"The  proposition  was  readily  ac- 
cepted and  the  two  provinces  raised 
a  force  of  a  thousand  men  to  march 
against    the    Susquehannocks.        The 


suit,  as  several  of  the  other  tribes 
had  already  done;  but  they  replied 
the  Sencas  had  come  four  days  and 
by  that  time  must  be  near  the  head 
of  the  Tataysco.  To  this  it  was  an- 
swered that  the  horses  of  the  white 
men  were  flee:  and  the  Indian  runners 
swift  and  boln  ought  easily  to  over- 
take the  Senecas.  They  then  consent- 
ed to  furnish  the  guides.  During  the 
conference  Col.  Washington,  Col.  Ma- 
son and  Maj.  Adderton  came  over 
frem    the   Virginia   encampement    and 


Virginia  troops  were  under  command  i  charged  the  chiefs  with  the  murders 
of  Col.  John  Washington,  the  great-  j  that  had  been  committed  on  the  south 
grandfather  of  General  George  Wash-  i  side  of  the  Potomac ;  but  they  positive- 
ington ;  those  of  Maryland  under  j  ly  denied  that  any  of  their  tribe  were 
Major  Thomas  Truman.  On  the  !  guilty.  The  Virginians,  however  far 
morning  of  Sunday  the  26th  !  from  being  convinced  by  this  denial, 
of  September  the  Maryland  forces  j  insisted  that  three  of  the  Susquehan- 
appeared  before  the  Fort,  and  j  nocks  had  been  positively  identified 
the  Virginians  probably  a  little  j as  participants  in  the  outrages 
later.  In  the  obedience  to  instruc-  j  which  had  taken  place, 
tions  from  the  government  to  settle  "The  chiefs  then  presented  to  Ma- 
matters  with  the  Susquehannocks  by  jor  Truman  a  paper  and  a  silver 
negotiations  if  feasible,  Major  Tru-  medal  with  a  black  and  yellow  rib- 
man  sent  to  the  Fort  two  messengers  bon  attached,which  they  said  had  been 
one  of  whom  was  well  acquainted  j  given  to  them  by  former  governors 
with  the  English  language,  to  in- S  of  Maryland;  this  medal  is  exceedingly 
vite  Harignera,  one  of  the  municipal  !  rare  now ;  it  is  of  silver,  about  the 
chiefs,  to  a  conference.  Having  as-  ;  size  and  half  the  thickness  of  a 
ertained  that  Haiignera  was  dead,  j  crown  piece,  with  a  knob  on  the  end 
they  requested  that  the  other  chiefs  j  for  the  insertion  of  a  cord,  so  it  may 
might  be  sent  in  his  stead,  where-  !  De  hanged  about  the  neck)  as  a 
upon  six  of  'heir  leaders  came  forth  pledge  of  protection  and  friendship 
and  met  the  commander  of  Maryland  in  as  long  as  the  sun  and  moon  shall 
the  presence  of  his  principal  officers  endure.  These  tokens  were  received 
and  several  Indians  belonging  to  j  by  Major  Truman  with  assurances 
neighboring  tribes.  Upon  their  de-  j  that  he  was  satisfied  the  Senecas  had 
manding  the  reason  of  all  that  hostile  i  been  the  aggressors  in  the  late  out- 
array  Major  Truman  informed  them  j  rages  and  that  they  need  have  no 
through  the  interpreters,  that  grave  apprehension  for  the  safety  of  them- 
outrages    had    been    committed      both  I  selves  or  their     wives     and     children. 


OTHER   LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


8.', 


The  officers,  as  it  was  near  evening, 
then  retired  to  their  respective  en- 
campments and  the  Indians  went 
back  to  the  Fort." 

"Early  the  next  morning  Capt.  John 
Allen,  a  well  known  leader  of  rang- 
ers in  Maryland  service,  was  ordered 
to  proceed  with  a  file  of  men  to  the 
house  of  Randolph  Hansom,  one  of 
the  victims  of  the  recent  outrages,  to 
ascertain  if  it  had  been  plundered 
by  the  Indians  and  to  bring  any  am- 
munition that  may  have  been  left  on 
the  premises.  Capt.  Allen  promptly 
discharged  this  duty  and  returned 
with  him  the  bodies  of  those  murder- 
ed   at    Hansom's   house." 

"During  his  absence  the  Susquehan- 
nock  chiefs  had  come  out  of  the  Fort 
probably  by  appointment,  on  the  pre- 
ceeding  evening  for  the  purpose  of 
renewing  their  conference  with  the 
Maryland  and  Virginia  officers.  They 
were  again  charged  by  the  latter  more 
vehemently  than  before  with  having 
been  concerned  in  the  outrages  in 
Virginia;  but  the  allegation  was 
again  met  with  an  absolute  and  in- 
dignant denial.  Upon  this  the  chiefs 
were  placed  in  custody  of  the  Mary- 
land and  Virginia  troops,  and  the  of- 
ficers retired  to  another  part  of  the 
field  to  deliberate  and  decide  what 
course  to  pursue." 

"Unfortunately  for  the  prisoners, 
in  the  midst  of  the  deliberations, 
Captain  Allen  and  his  detachment 
made  their  appearance  bringing  with 
them  the  slaughtered  bodies — the 
bloody  evidence  of  savage  barbarity 
and  hate. The  whole  camp  was  arous- 
ed; Maryland  and  Virginia  alike  burn- 
ed with  indignation  and  thirsted  for 
revenge.  The  council  of  officers 
was  broken  v.p  and  the  feelings  which 
had  been  stirred  up  by  sight  of  their 
murdered  countrymen  found  vent  in 
an  almost  unanimous  demand  for  the 
death    of    those    now    in    their    hands 


who  were  strongly  suspected  of  being 
the  guilty  parties  in  this  case  and 
who  had  been  so  strenuously  de- 
nounced by  the  Virginians  as  the 
known  murderers   of  their   people." 

"Before,  they  might  have  listened 
to  the  voice  of  reason  and  justice; 
but  now  they  thought  only  of  the  in- 
juries that  had  been  inflicted  by  sav- 
age hands  and  loudly  called  for  ven- 
geance on  those  unfortunate  repre- 
sentatives of  the  race  whose  confi- 
dence in  the  efficiency  of  our  tokens 
of  the  past  and  the  sanctity  of  their 
present  pledges  had  placed  in  their 
power.  They  forgot  that  those  men 
had  responded  to  s?  professedly  peace- 
ful summons.  They  had  come  out 
with  the  emblems  of  friendship  in 
their  hands;  that  they  had  received 
assurance  of  confidence  and  prom- 
ises of  protection;  and  hurried  away 
by  the  fury  of  the  moment,  commit- 
ted a  deed,  which  as  it  violated  the 
laws  of  God  and  of  man  brought  up- 
on them  the  condemnation  of  their 
own  contemporaries  as  it  must  have 
done  of  their  own  consciences  in  af- 
ter moments  of  coolness  and  reflec- 
tion." 

"Major  Truman  struggled  against 
the  excitement  and  pleaded  for  delay 
but  in  vain.  The  Virginia  officers, 
confident  of  getting  immediate  pos- 
session of  the  Fort  and  professing  to 
others  that  they  were  only  a  few 
hours  anticipating,  the  fate  of  the 
prisoners  and  perhaps  depending  in 
part  on  the  effect  of  so  terrible  a 
blow  insisted  on  the  immediate  execu- 
tion of  the  chiefs.  Only  one  of  them, 
for  what  reason  we  do  not  know,  was 
spared;  the  remainder,  five  in  num- 
ber were  bound,  led  forth  from  the 
place  of  their  detention  and,  to  use 
the  plain  phrase  of  our  authority 
were  'knocked  on  the  head.'  So  died 
the  chiefs  of  the  Susquehannocks. 
not  with   arms,  but  with  the   pledges 


86 


f 
ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


of  the  white  man's  protection  in  their 
hands;  not  in  open  field  and  with  a 
fair  fight,  but  entrapped  by  treachery, 
and  encompassed  by  their  enemies; 
not  the  death  of  warriors,  but  of 
dumb  cattle.  They  died  an  ignomin- 
ious death,  yet  their  executioners,  by 
their  act  covered  themselves  with  a 
thousand  fold  deeper  disgrace  and 
shame. 

"It  is  but  just  to  the  rank  and  file 
of  the  Maryland  troops,  to  say  that 
though  one  authority  speaks  of  the 
'unanimous  consent'  of  the  Virginians 
and  the  eager  impetuosity  of  the 
whole  field  as  well  Maryland  as  Vir- 
ginia, upon  the  sight  of  the  Chris- 
tians murdered  at  Hanson;  another, 
alluding  to  the  uphappy  act,  states 
that  Truman's  first  command  for  the 
killing  of  those  Indians  was  not 
obeyed  and  he  had  some  difficulty  to 
get  any  men  to  obey  him  therein.  And 
after  they  were  put  to  death  no  man 
would  own  to  have  had  a  hand  in  it; 
but  rather  seemed  to  abhor  the  act." 

"If  the  Virginians  were  moved  to 
take  the  lives  of  these  chiefs  by  the 
expectation  that  they  would  surren- 
der the  fort,  or  hasten  it,  they  greatly 
miscalculated.  When  those  who  had 
remained  behind  learned  of  what  had 
been  done;  hate  and  desperation  con- 
tended for  the  mastery  in  their  hearts. 
The  blood  of  their  slaughtered  leaders 
called  for  vengeance.  The  proved 
faithlessness  of  those  who  threaten- 
ed their  slaughter,  forbade  them  to 
hope.  They  shut  themselves  up  with- 
in the  palisades,  strengthened  their 
defenses,  and  prepared  for  a  desper- 
ate resistance.  Whenever  and  wher- 
ever the  besiegers  prepared  or  at- 
tempted an  assault,  they  were  ready 
to  meet  them.  Whenever  a  proposal 
was  made  for  a  conference  or  a  sur- 
render their  reply  was,  "Where  are 
our  chiefs?" 


1675— Fall  of  the  Susquehannocks 
Chap.  IV.     (The  Seige). 

"The  Susquehannocks  had  been  too 
suddenly  attacked  to  allow  them  to 
lay  in  supplies  to  stand  a  long  siege, 
even  if  their  mode  of  warfare  had  en- 
couraged or  their  resources  had  al- 
lowed such  a  proceeding;  and  as  the 
besieging  forces  cut  them  off  from 
the  surrounding  country,  they  soon 
suffered  for  want  of  provisions.  Not 
daunted  by  the  prospect  of  starvation 
they  made  frequent  and  fierce  sallies 
to  the  severe  annoyance  and  loss  of 
the  besiegers,  and  at  last  in  their 
extremity  resorted  to  the  expedient 
of  capturing  and  feeding  upon  the 
horses  which  belonged  to  their  assail- 
ants. These  do  not  appear  to  have 
been  opposed  with  much  vigor  either 
because  the  first  rash  step  had  so 
damped  the  ardor  of  the  men  or  be- 
cause it  was  the  policy  of  the  com- 
mander to  starve  rather  than  force 
the  Indians  to  surrender.  The  fort 
also  was  too  strong  to  be  stormed. 
Its  situation  on  low  ground  precluded 
the  possbility  of  undermining  the 
foundations  and  palisades  even  if 
the  watchfulness  of  the  dependers  had 
permitted  their  approach;  and  they 
had  no  cannon  with  them  to  batter  it 
down.  So  that  they  were  compelled 
in  fact  to  wait  the  time  when  famine 
would  have  weakened  the  enemy  so 
as  to  render  them  an  easy  prey. 

"But  the  Susquehannocks  had  no 
idea  of  such  a  termination  of  the 
struggle.  After  six  weeks  of  heroic 
defense  during  which  time  they  had 
inflicted  much  injury  on  their  ene- 
mies, but  with  litle  loss  to  them- 
selves, they  yielded,  not  to  the  prow- 
ess of  the  besiegers,  but  to  the  want 
of  food,  and  prepared  not  to  surrend- 
er but  to  evacuate  the  fort. 

1675 — Fall  of  the  Susquehannocks 
Chap.  V.     (Evacuation). 

It  certainly  gives  a  strong  color  of 
probability  to  the  charge     of     neglect 


OTHER  LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


87 


of  duty,  on  the  part  of  the  investing 
troops,  that  the  Susquehannocks  af- 
ter destroying  everything  within  the 
fort  that  could  be  of  use  to  the  as- 
sailants, and  leaving  behind  only  a 
few  decrepit  old  men,  marched  out 
under  cover  of  the  night  75  strong, 
with  their  women  and  children,  pass- 
ed through  the  lines  of  the  besieging 
forces  undiscovered  and  on  their  way 
killed  ten  of  the  guards  whom  they 
found   asleep. 

"The  next  morning  the  united 
forces  discovered  that  the  prey  had 
escaped  and  followed  in  pursuit;  but 
either  could  not  or  would  not  over- 
take these  desperate  fighters,  and 
fugitives  for  fear  of  ambuscade.  Both 
detachments  it  would  seem  were 
heartily  tired  of  the  enterprise  from 
which  neither  officers  nor  men  were 
likely  to  receive  honor  or  profit.  We 
may  therefore  infer  both  parties 
readily  relinquished  pursuit;  and 
after  detailing  sufficient  force  to  oc- 
cupy the  fort  and  range  through  the 
adjoining  country  returned  to  their 
respective  provinces,  not  merely  will- 
ing but  desirous  that  their  exploits 
during  the  expedition  should  pass  in- 
to oblivion. 

1675 — Fall  of  Susquehannocks 
Chap.  TL     (Retreat). 

"Not  so  the  Susquehannocks.  They 
left  the  last  place  of  refuge  on  the 
soil  of  Maryland  with  a  stinging  sense 
of  injury,  a  recollection  of  solemn  ob- 
ligation slighted  and  of  murder  yet 
unavenged.  The  voices  of  their 
slaughtered  chiefs  called  upon  them 
for  the  sacrifice  of  blood  and  as  they 
took  the  leave  of  the  territory 
of  their  enemies  and  crossing  the  Po- 
tomac directed  their  route  over  the 
head  of  the  Rappahannock,  York  and 
James  rivers,  the  tomahawk  fell  upon 
settler  after  settler.  Sixty  victims 
were  sacrificed  to  atone  for  the 
slaughter  of  the  heads  of  their  tribe. 


One  of  the  sufferers  at  the  head  of 
the  James  river  was  a  valued  over- 
seer on  a  plantation  of  Nathaniel 
Bacon;  and  it  was  the  murder  of  this 
man,  in  connection  with  the  distract- 
ed state  of  the  country  which  caused 
Bacon's  application  for  a  commission 
to  go  against  the  Indians,  a  part  of 
whom  were  Susquehannocks.  His 
subsequent  difficulty  with  Gov.  Berk- 
ley, his  rebellion,  and  his  untimely 
death  are  familiar  to  all  readers  of 
the    colonial    history    of    Virginia. 

"  The  Susquehannocks  believing 
they  have  now  sacrificed  victims 
enough  to  redeem  their  own  honor 
and  to  appease  the  angry  spirits  of 
their  murdered  chiefs  are  willing  to 
enter  into  negotiations  with  Virginia. 
They  sent  to  the  governor  a  remon- 
strance drawn  up  by  an  English  in- 
terpreter of  the  following  purport: 

(1)  They  ask  why  he  (Virginia's 
governor)  a  professed  friend,  has 
taken  up  arms  in  behalf  of  Maryland, 
their   avowed   enemies? 

(2)  They  express  their  regret  to 
find  that  the  Virginians  from  friends 
have  become  such  violent  enemies  as 
to  pursue  them  even  into  another 
province. 

(3)  They  complain  that  their  chiefs 
sent  out  to  treat  for  peace  were  not 
only  murdered  but  the  act  was  coun- 
tenanced by  the  governor. 

(4)  They  declare  that  seeing  no 
other  way  of  satisfaction  they  have 
killed  ten  of  the  common  English  for 
each  one  of  their  chiefs  to  make  up 
for  the  disrotation  arising  out  of 
the  difference  of  rank. 

(5)  They  propose  if  the  Virginians 
will  make  them  compensation  for  the 
damages  they  have  sustained  by  the 
attack  upon  them  and  withdraw  all 
aid  from  Maryland  to  renew  the  an- 
cient league  of  friendship;  otherwise 
they  and  those  in  league  with  them 
will  continue  the  war  so  unfairly  be- 
gun and  fight  it  out  till  the  last  man 

has  fallen. 


NS 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


"This  message  to  Governor  Berkley  j 
notwithstanding  its  lofty  tone  made 
no  impression  and  elicited  no  reply,  | 
and  the  Susquehannocks  were  left 
to  fulfill  their  terrible  threat,  which 
they  did  to  the  letter.  They  succeed- 
ed in  enlisting  in  their  cause  several 
tribes  before  friendly  to  the  Virgin- 
ians and  their  allies,  and  then  address- 
ed themselves  with  savage  earnest- 
ness to  their  bloody  work.  So  sud- 
den were  their  attacks  and  so  awful 
the  inhumanities  of  which  they  were 
guilty  that  the  frontier  plantations 
were  deserted;  and  it  would  seem 
that  even  Jamestown  itself  was  not 
safe  from  their  attack.  (It  will  be 
remembered  that  Jamestown  was 
burnt   during   Bacon's    rebellion). 

"A  line  of  forts  was  established 
along  the  frontier  to  prevent  their 
incursions;  but  like  most  similar  in- 
tempts  of  the  colonists,  owing  to  their 
distance  from  each  other,  the  want  of 
sufficient  garrison  they  failed  entirely 
to  afford  protection.  Bands  of  sav- 
age marauders  watched  their  oppor- 
tunity, passed  between  the  forts,  ef- 
.  fected  their  murderous  objects,  re- 
passed the  lines  and  were  beyond 
pursuit  before  the  garrison  could  be 
alarmed  and  despatched  to  the  point 
of  assault. 

"Yet  these  were  after  all  the  last 
desperate  efforts  of  a  despairing 
people.  Few  in  numbers  themselves, 
and  leagued  with  feeble  tribes  they 
could  only  hope  to  inflict  the  utmost 
injury  upon  their  adversaries  with 
the  certainty  of  finally  perishing  as 
individuals  and  as  a  people  in  the 
contest.  Had  not  Virginia  herself 
been  crippled  by  a  civil  controversary 
they  would  have  been  crushed  at 
once;  but  even  as  it  was  in  the 
midst  of  all  its  distraction  and  its 
differences  with  the  government, 
Bacon  found  time  to  avenge  those  of 
his  friends  and  of  the  province  who 
had   fallen  beneath   the   assaults,   and 


reassured    the    desponding     colonists. 
He    swept   the    country    of   the      tribe 
with  whom  the  Susquehannocks     had 
leagued       themselves,     burned     their 
towns,   put   a   large   number     to     the 
sword    and   dispersed   the    remainder 
The    Indians   fled  before  him,   several 
tribes    perished    and    those    who    sur- 
vived were  so  reduced  as     to     never 
again  be  able  to  make  a  stand. 
Ann   Cotton's   Account,   Written   1676. 
A  very  plain  an     apparently     Illit- 
erate outline   account  of  the  end     of 
the     Susquehannocks      as   a   tribe,    is 
that  known  as  Ann  Cotton's  account, 
written  the  year  after     the     happen- 
ings.    It   is    in   the    form    of   a   letter 
and  appears  in  Force's  Facts,  Vol.  1, 
No.  9.     It  is  brief  and     as     follows:  ' 
The    Susquehannocks    &    Marylanders 
of   friends   being   ingaged   enimyes,   & 
that     the      Indians   being      resolutely 
bent   not   to    forsake    there   forts;      it 
came  to  this  pointe,  yet  the  Maryland- 
ers were  obliged    (finding  themselves 
too  weak  to  do  the  worke  themselves) 
aide   of  ye  Virginians   put   under   the 
conduct   of   one   Colonell   Washington 
(him  whom  you  have  sometimes  seen 
at  your  house)   who  being  joined     by 
the    Marylanders    invests   the    Indians 
in    the    forts   with    a   negligent   siege, 
upon  which  the  enemy  made  small  sal- 
leys  with  as  many  loss  to  the  beseig- 
ers,  and  at  last  gave  them  the  oppor- 
tunity  to  desert  the   forte,  after  that 
the  English  had   (contrary  to  ye  law 
of   arms)    beat   out   the    brains    of     6 
grate  men  sent  out  to  treat  a  peace; 
an    action    of    ill    consequence,    as    it 
proved  after.     For  the  Indians  having 
in  the  darke  slipped  through  the  lea- 
gure  and  in  their  passage  knocked  10 
of  the   beseigers   on   the   head,   which 
they  found  fast     asleep     leaving     the 
rest  to  prosecute  the  siege  (as  Scorg- 
ing's    wife    brooding    the    eggs    which 
the  fox  has  sucked)   they  resolved  to 
lmploy  their  liberty  in  avenging  their 
commissioners'     blood        which     they 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


S9 


speedly    effected   in   the   death   of     60  I 
inniscent     soules,     and   then   send   in 
their  remonstrance  to  the  governor  in  j 
justification  of  the  fact  with  this  ex-  | 
postulation   annext,   demanding     what 
it  was  moved  the  Virginian  governor 
to  take  up  arms    against    them,    his 
professed  friends,  in     the    behalfe     of 
Marylanders,   their    avowed    enimyes." 

1675 — Fall    of     the     Susquehannocks. 
Chap.  VII.  (Slaughter  in  Virginia). 

"Among  those  who  were  made  to 
feel  the  avenging  arm  of  Bacon  was 
the  homeless  remnant  of  the  Susque- 
hannocks.  His  residence  was  on 
the  James  river  at  a  point  called 
'Curies'  in  Henrico  county; and  as  has 
been  mentioned  his  favorite  overseer 
had  been  murdered  by  those  savages. 
The  confidence  the  frontier  settlers 
had  in  his  courage  and  ability  made 
them  anxious  to  obtain  him  as  leader 
against  their  enemies.  He  was  will- 
ing to  take  command  of  an  expedition 
but  he  had  no  commission  from  the 
Governor,  for  raising  military  forces. 
After  many  difficulties  a  commission 
was  promised  him  and  he  commenced 
his  preparations  but  in  the  midst  of 
them  ascertained  the  Governor  had 
acted  the  part  of  a  hypocrite  and  did 
not  intend  to  fulfill  his  promise." 

"Roused  by  the  discourteous  and 
distrustful  procedure,  Bacon  at  once 
armed  his  servants  and  called  togeth- 
er the  frontier  settlers  nnd  placing 
himself  in  command  went  into  the 
forest  to  pursue  and  punish  the  Sus- 
quehannocks.  Advancing  to  a  village 
occupied  by  a  tribe  of  the  Occonegies 
he  was  received  by  them  in  a  friendly 
manner  and  informed  in  regard  to 
the  place  where  the  Susquehannocks 
had  fortified  themselves  and  perpared 
for  a  desperate  resistance  in  case  of 
an  attack.  He  pushed  forward  with- 
out delay  and  found  them  strongly 
posted  in  a  rude  fort;  but  this  did 
not  deter  him.  He  led  his  men  to 
the  assault  and  after  a  fierce  struggle 


succeeded  in  forcing  his  way  into  the 
fort  and  put  70  of  the  defendants  to 
the  sword.  See  ("Strange  News  from 
Virginia, — London,  1677,"  a  report  of 
the  affair  in  a  London  paper).  A 
few  of  the  original  tribe  may  have 
survived  but  the  information  we 
possess  relative  to  the  diminished 
number  of  the  tribe  at  that  period 
justifies  the  conclusion  that  this 
severe  blow  completed  their  extinc- 
tion." 

1675 — Fall    of    the    Susquehannocks — 

Chap.  VIII,    (Extinction  as 

a  Tribe). 

So  disappeared  the  stout  Susque- 
hannocks from  the  page  of  aborigi- 
nal history.  They  met  the  first  white 
man  who  set  foot  on  their  soil  with 
firm  and  unyielding  front.  They  re- 
sisted for  years  the  attempted  nego- 
tiations and  encroachments  on  their 
territory;  yet  pressed,  hard  pressed, 
at  least  by  powerful  enemies  of  their 
own  race,  they  yielded  to  necessity 
and  accepted  his  proffered  friendship; 
for  a  quarter  of  a  century  they  held 
the  sacred  pledges  of  Lord  Baltimore, 
and  kept  the  peace;  during  which 
time,  driven  by  the  Senecas  from 
their  homes  they  were  forced  into  a 
position  which  brought  upon  them  the 
hostility  of  the  people  of  Maryland; 
they  accepted  proposals  for  negotia- 
tions, only  to  find  their  leaders  en- 
trapped and  put  to  death;  they  de- 
fended themselves  bravely  in  their 
strongholds  and  rather  than  surrend- 
er they  retreated  to  another  terri- 
tory, and  thereafter  sending  to  the 
authorities  with  a  proud  and  unshak- 
en spirit  the  choice  between  the  hand 
of  friendship  and  the  tomahawk,  ac- 
cepted the  latter  alternative  as  that 
alone  was  left  to  them.  Then  came 
the  deadly  struggle  in  the  crisis  of 
which  though  individuals  survived 
and  were  incorporated  into  other 
tribes,  as  a  distinct  people  they  per- 
ished in  a  manner  most  glorious  to 
their    vengeance,    in  the  blaze  of  the 


90 


ANNALS    OP   THE    SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


burning  mansions,  the  ruin  of  culti- 
vated estates,  with  the  shriek  and  the 
supplication  of  the  murdered  white 
man  ringing  in  their  ears  and  their 
hands  red   wth  human  blood." 

"Yet  the  act  which  in  the  com- 
mencement of  their  difficulties  drove 
them  to  extremities  and  which  was  in 
fact  the  cause  of  thei^  destruction, 
was  not  allowed  to  pass  unrebuked." 

1(>7G — Fall    of    the    Susquehannocks — 

Chap.  IX.     (Attainder  of 

Major  Truman). 

"After  the  return  of  his  detachment 
to   Virginia,   Colonel    Washington     on 
the  5th  day  of  January,  1676  took  his 
seat  as  a  member  of  the  Assembly.  In 
his  opening  address  on  that  occasion, 
Governor  Berkley  alluded  to  the  late 
Indian  disturbances  and  in  reference 
to   the    chiefs    who   had   been    put   to 
death  at  Piscataway,  used  the  follow- 
ing emphatic  language:    "If  they  had 
killed  my  grand-father  and  my  grand- 
mother, my  father  and  mother  and  all 
my   friends,  yet  if  they  had  come  to 
treat  in  peace,  they   should  have  gone 
in   peace."      His  opinion  of  the   deed 
therefore  is  sufficiently  evident;     but 
whether  the   mass  of  the   people,  im- 
bittered  as  their  feelings  were  by  the 
recollections   of   recent     Indian     out- 
rages, would  have  joined  him  in  the 
condemnation    may    be    doubted.     The 
pressure   of   events,   however   and   the 
necessity    for    self-protection      within 
and  without  soon  absorbed  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Governor  and  Legislature 
and   the   people;    and   the   life   or  the 
death  of    a    few    savages    became    a 
minor  consideration." 

"In  Maryland  the  case  was  differ- 
ent. The  detachment  of  Major  Tru- 
man having  returned  with  the  excep- 
tion   of   one    company    under   Captain 

John    Allen    to    guard      the     frontier, 
the  murder     of     the     Susquehannock 

chiefs    became    the    subject    of    public 

discussion    and    legal    inquiry. 


On  May  16,  1676  Major  Truman 
was  arrested  by  order  of  the  Legisla- 
ture then  in  session  to  answer  the 
charge  of  impeachment  brought 
against  him  by  the  lower  House, 
chr.r?ing  him  with  having  broken  his 
commission  and  instructions,  in  that 
he  received  as  friends  six  Indians 
sent  out  by  the  Susquehannocks  as 
Ambassadors  to  treat  with  him  and 
after  giving  them  asurance  that  there 
was  no  intention  of  using  force 
against  them  and  that  no  damage 
should  be  done  to  them,  their  wives 
or  their  children,  did  without  calling 
a  Council  of  Mary  land  officers,  in  a 
barbarous  and  cruel  manner  cause 
five  of  the  said  Indians  to  be  killed 
and  murdered  contrary  to  the  law  of 
God  and  of  Nations." 

Depositions  having  been  taken  and 
witnesses    examined    for    and    against 
the  accused,  he  declared  through  Mr. 
BenjaminCrozier  his    counsel    assigned 
him  that,  "He  confessed  his  fault  and 
did   in  no  way   intend  to   stand   upon 
his   justification,"   but   humbly   prayed 
permission  to  read  a  paper  which  he 
hoped  would  somewhat  extenuate  the 
force  of  the  charge  brought     against 
him   so   that   they   should   not   appear 
so   grievous    as   in   the   said   impeach- 
ment they  were  set  forth  to  be."  This 
petition    was      granted.       What      was 
the    nature    of    the    justification      the 
record  does  not  show;     but     that     it 
was  enough  to  vindicate  him  appears 
from  the  fact  that  after  a  full  hear- 
ing  he    was    foutfd    guilty    by    unani- 
mous decision  of  the  Upper  House  of 
having   "commanded   five   of  the   Sus- 
quehannock Indians  that  came  out  to 
treat  with  them   to  be   put  to   death, 
contrary   to   the   law   of   Nations    and 
in   violation   of  the   second  Article   of 
his  instructions  by  which  he  was  or- 
dered to  entertain  any  treaty  with  the 
said   Susquehannocks." 

"The   duty   now   devolved   upon   the 
Lower  House  of  drawing  a  bill  of  At- 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


91 


tainder  against  Major  Truman,but  al-  j 
though  it  was  upon  its  (the  Lower 
House)  own  impeachment  that  he  had 
been  tried  and  found  guilty,  influenced 
as  it  appears  by  attenuating  circum- 
stances afterwards  brought  forward, 
that  body  prepared  a  bill  which 
while  entitled  an  Act  of  attainder,  only 
proposed  a  fine  instead  of  the  penalty 
of  death.  The  Upper  House  return- 
ed the  bill,  remonstrating  that  it 
corresponded  neither  to  the  impeach- 
ment nor  to  the  crime  of  which  the 
accused  had  been  found  guilty  and 
insisting  that  it  was  due  to  the  Gov- 
ernment to  vindicate  it  from  the 
shame  and  wickedness  of  countenanc- 
ing such  a  deed  and  urging  that 
if  crimes  so  heinous  deserve  no  severer 
punishment  than  they  inflicted  by  the 
Act,  offenses  of  a  lower  nature  would 
not  require  any.  Not  only  would  no 
satisfaction  be  given  to  the  heathens 
with  whom  the  public  faith  had  bro- 
ken but  no  confidence  would  be 
placed  on  any  treaty  which  in  that 
dangerous  juncture  of  affairs  might 
be  offered  to  the  Indians  unless  such 
offense  were  not  only  publicly  dis- 
owned but  also  punished  without  sev- 
erity which  it  deserved. 

The  Lower  House  in  reply  after  re- 
capitulating the  extenuating  circum- 
stances in  the  case  stating  its  opin- 
on  thst  the  offense  was  not  premed- 
itated or  out  cf  design  to  prejudice 
the  Province  but  merely  out  of  ignor- 
ance and  to  prevent  a  mutiny  of  the 
whole  army  refused  to  modify  its 
former  bill,  whereupon  the  Upper 
House  admitting  that  the  crime  was 
not  maliciously  perpetrated,  denied 
that  the  facts  charged  as  true  were 
any  extenuation;  and  declaring 
anew  its  abhorrence  of  the  Act  re- 
minded the  Lower  House  that  by  its 
refusal  to  draw  up  a  bill  of  Attaind- 
er in  full,  it  must  make  itself  re- 
sponsible  for  the   consequences     that 


might  ensue  to  the  people  of  the  Pro- 
vince. The  Lower  House  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  take  the  responsibilty.  Un- 
fortunately the  journals  for  this  per- 
iod are  lost  and  we  are  left  in  ignor- 
ance of  what  the  conclusion  of  the 
controversy  was.  A  petition  to  his 
Lordship  in  behalf  of  Truman  is 
mentioned  in  the  records  of  the 
Lower  House  for  Tune  12.  1676.  Per- 
haps this  was  for  his  pardon  and  for 
this  reason,  (it  may  be)  the  subject  is 
no  more  alluded  to  in  the  journals 
which  remain." 

"Whatever   may   have   been   the  "de- 
cision   of   his    Lordship,   Charles   Cal- 
vert, or  of  the  Legislature     and     the 
people  of  that  day,  there  can  be  little 
hesitation   at  the   present  in  deciding 
that  the  execution  of  men  who  came 
out  as  agents  to  treat  for  peace  with 
pledges  of  peace  in  their  hands,  un- 
armed   and    trusting    to    repeated    as- 
surances of  safety,  was  a  violation  of 
the    laws   of   God,   of  Nations    and   of 
man — a   cruel    unjustifiable     murder." 
This   is   a  detailed  history     of     the 
battle,    retreat    and    execution    of    the 
Susquehannocks     in     the     Fall     and 
Winters    of    1675    and    3  676    given    by 
Mr.   Streeter  in  his     Admiral     Paper, 
entitled,  "The  Fall  of  the  Susquehan- 
nocks"   which   may    be    found    in   the 
Historical   Society  at  Philadelphia  as 
I  have  stated  above. 
1676  —  Proceedings     Against     Major 
Truman  for  Slaughterng  the 
Susquehannock  Chiefs. 
In  Vol.  2  of  Md.  Archs.,   page  475, 
under   the    date   of   May    16,   the   fol- 
lowing  proceedings     in     the     Lower 
House  were  had:   "Ordered  that  Cap- 
tain  John   Alden     and     Dr.     Charles 
Gregory  do  with  all  expedition  make 
their   appearance     before     the     right 
honorable,  the  Proprietary     and     his 
Honorable   Council,     sitting     in     As- 
sembly  to   testify   the   truth   of  their 
knowledge,  touching  the  late  barbar- 


92 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


ous  and  inhuman  murder  of  five  Sus- 
quehannock  Indians;  and  that  the 
said  Captain  Allen  give  strict  com- 
mand to  his  Lieutenant  to  continue 
ranging   the   woods,   in   his   absence." 

1676  —  Ninian    Baell    Called  as  a 
Witness. 

In  the  same  Volume  of  the  Md. 
Archives,  page  476  it  was  "ordered 
Ninan  Biell  do  with  all  expedition 
make  his  appearance  before  the  right 
Honorable,  the  Lord  Proprietary  and 
his  Council  now  sitting,  to  testify  the 
truth  of  his  knowledge,  touching  the 
barberous  and  inhuman  murder  of 
five  Susquehanna  Indians." 

1676— Questions    Decided   on   to    Pro- 
pound  Against   Major   Truman. 

In  the  same  book  and  at  the  same 
page  it  is  recorded  under  the  date  of 
May  16,  that  the  following  interroga- 
tories, concerning  the  late  expedition 
against  the  Susquehannock  Indians 
should  be  propounded  to  John 
Shankes  and  other  witnesses  to  be 
examined: 

"(2)  Whether  the  said  Major  Tru- 
man with  the  forces  at  his  command 
was  at  the  North  side  of  the  Pisca- 
taway  Creek  and  did  these  expect  and 
meet  the  Virginians?" 

"(2)  Whether  the  said  Major  Tru- 
man consulted  with  his  officers  and 
those  of  Virginia  or  held  any  dis- 
course or  treaty  with  those  Susque- 
hannock Indans  which  came  out  of 
the  Forte:  also  whether  it  was  with 
the  knowledge  of  any  of  his  officers 
that  he  treated  and  endeavored  to 
make  the  Susquehannocks  believe  he 
intended  no  harm  or  disturbance  to 
them,  and  what  officers  or  others  he 
knows  were  present  when  orders 
were  given  by  the  Major  for  putting 
those   great  men  to  death?" 

"(3)  Whether  he  knows  at  any 
time  the  officers  of  Virginia  did  de- 
sire or  put  Major  Truman  upon  any 


design,  pressing  him  to  employ  his 
soldiers  about  or  upon  any  service 
during  the  siege;  and  if  Major  Tru- 
man did  any  time  execute  anything 
at  their  request  by  reciving  instruc- 
tions and  directions  from  them?" 

"(4)  Whether  did  Major  Truman 
bid  the  Susquehannocks  not  to  fear 
him  or  tell  them  that  he  came  only 
to  seek  the  Senecas  and  that  he 
would  lodge  that  night  hard  by  them, 
ther  wives  and  children  not  to  be 
afraid;  or  that  any  other  expression 
to- that  effect  was  made  by  him?" 

"(5)  What  former  articles  of  Peace 
or  amity  did  the  Susquehannocks 
ever    produce    to    Major    Truman?" 

"(6)  Did  the  Susquehannocks  ever 
show  a  medall  (medal)  of  silver, 
with  a  black  and  yellow   ribbon?" 

"(4)  Did  they  show  said  ribbon 
and  medal  as  a  pledge  of  amity 
given  them  by  the  former  ■  Governor 
of  this  Province  and  was  the  said 
medal  given  to  Major  Truman  or  to 
any  other  Englishmen,  or  was  it 
carried  back  again  into  the  Forte? 
(Note: — When  they  gave  it  up  war 
was   meant). 

"(8)  Did  Major  Truman  stay  on 
the  North  side  of  the  Piscataway 
Creek  till  the  Virginians  came  thith- 
er or  did  he  there  treat  with  them, 
concerning  the  management  of  the 
war    against    the    Susuesannocks? " 

"(9)  Did  the  Susuehannocks  ever 
offer  any  treaty  of  Peace  or  desire  to 
continue  friendship ;  and  whether  did 
Major  Truman  ever  demand  satisfac- 
tion from  them  for  any  injustice  done 
or  tell  them  they  were  the  persons 
which  we  suspected  had  injured  us?" 

At  the  same  time  it  was  "ordered 
that  for  the  more  expeditious  return 
of  the  examinations  of  John  Shankes 
to  the  several  interrogatories  on  the 
murder  of  the  Susquehannocks,  that 
Mr.  Russell  is  hereby  empowered  to 
presse    boat    and    hands      and      other 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN  TRIBES 


93 


necessaries  to  the  said  expedition."  I 
This  shows  that  Shankes  was  at  i 
some  distance,  and,  at  this  time 
and  these  interrogatories  for  him  to 
answer  were  being  sent  to  him: — 
See  this  in  Vol.  2  of  Md.  Archives,  p. 
477. 

1676 — Answer  of  the  Witness  Against 
Major  Truman  for  Killing 
the  Susquehannock 
Chiefs. 
•  Under  the  date  of  May  19  in  Vol. 
2  of  the  Md.  Archives  at  Page  481, 
the  answer  to  these  interrogatories 
are  set  forth  as  follows:  "The  an- 
swer of  John  Shankes  to  said  inter- 
rogatories: —  This  deponent  saith 
that  he  was  with  the  Maryland  forces 
being  at  the  fort  of  the  Susquehan- 
nocks  on  the  Sabbath  day.  He  was 
sent  up  to  the  Fort  to  desire  one  of 
the  great  men  by  name,  Harignera,  to 
come  and  speak  with  Major  Truman, 
and  the  said  Harignera  being  dead 
this  deponent  desired  some  other 
great  men  to  come  and  speak  with 
the  said  Major:  upon  which  message 
of  his,  there  came  out  3  or  4  of  them 
and  this  deponent  was  commanded  by 
the  said  Major  Truman  to  tell  them 
of  the  great  injuries  that  had  been 
done  to  the  country  and  that  he 
came  to  know  who  they  were  that 
had  done  it.  And  the  great  men  re- 
plied that  it  was  the  Senecas;  and 
this  deponent  saith  that  there  being 
present  other  Indians  from  other 
towns,  the  Major  desired  some  of 
their  young  men  to  assist  as  pilots 
as  well  as  the  neighboring  Indians 
had  done  to  join  in  the  pursuit 
against  the  Senecas.  And  the  said 
Indians  replied  that  the  Senecas  had 
been  gone  four  days  at  this  time  they 
might  be  at  the  head  of  the  Patapsco 
River;  to  which  Major  Truman  re- 
turned that  he  had  good  horses  and 
as  they  were  good  footmen  and  they 
they   should   go   with  him,     and     the 


said  Indians  replied  that  they  would. 

This  deponent  further  saith  that  in 
the  morning  following,  the  Susque- 
hannock great  men  being  at  the 
place  of  meeting  before  the  Mary- 
landers  and  Virginians  more  highly 
than  before  taxed  them  of  the  in- 
juries done  by  them  in  Maryland  and 
Virginia;  and  they  utterly  denied  the 
same.  Thereupon  this  deponent  was 
commanded  to  declare  to  them  that 
they  should  be  bound;  and  this  de- 
ponent saith  further  that  there  was 
an  old  paper  and  medal  showed  by 
these  Indians  and  they  did  say  in  the 
very  first  day,  in  the  evening  thereof, 
that  the  same  wras  a  pledge  of  peace 
given  and  left  with  them  by  the  for- 
mer Governor  as  a  token  of  amity 
and  friendship  as  long  as  the  Sun  and 
Moon  should  last.  And  this  deponent 
saith  that  to  the  best  of  his  remem- 
brance all  the  Virginian  officers  were 
present  when  the  Indians  were 
bound;  and  this  deponent  saith  that 
the  first  night  of  meeting  with  the 
said  Susquehannocks,  he  was  ordered 
to  declare  to  them  that  Major  Tru- 
man did  believe  the  Senecas  had  done 
the  mischief,  and  not  they  and  that 
he  was  well  satisfied  therein. 
1676— Testimony  of  Captain  Allen, 
Another  Witness  Against 
Truman. 

This  testimony  is  reported  also  in 
Vol.  2  of  the  Md.  Archives,  Page  482 
and  it  is  as  follows:— Touching  the 
!  murder  of  the  Susquehannock  In- 
;  dians  Captain  John  Allen  being 
|  sworn  and  affirmed  and  examined 
|  saith.  that  about  the  25th  or  26th  of 
j  September  on  Sunday  morning,  the 
!  Maryland  forces  appeared  before  the 
j  Forte  under  command  of  Major  Tru- 
I  man,  who  sending  Hugh  French  and 
I  another  to  the  Forte,  there  came  out 
|  two  or  three  of  the  Indians  and  more 
I  afterwards  to  the  number  of  30  or  40 


94 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


and  the  Major  examined  them  con- 
cerning the  mischief  that  was  done  to 
Mr.  Hanson  and  others  and  if 
they  knew  what  Indians  they  were 
that  did  it,  and  they  told  him  it  was 
the  Senecas,  during  which  discourse 
with  the  Major  there  came  over 
Colonel  Washington,  Colonel  Mason 
and  Major  Alderton ;  and  they  likewise 
taxed  them  with  the  murders  done  on 
their  side  (in  Virginia)  by  them;  but 
they  made  the  same  reply  as  to 
Major  Truman  that  it  was  none  of 
them.  So  when  they  found  that  they 
could  get  nothing  out  of  them,  then 
they  made  it  appear  that  three  of  the 
said  Susquehannocks  were  those  that 
did  the  murder  on  the  other  side. 

On  Monday  morning  early  the 
Major  commanded  Mr.  Good  and  two 
or  three  ranks  of  men,  whereof  him- 
self was  one,  to  go  to  the  house  of 
Mr,  Randolph  Hanson  to  see  if  the 
Indians  had  plundered  it,  and  if  they 
found  any  ammunition  to  bring  it 
away  .which  accordingly  they  did  and 
after  the  return  to  the  forte,  the  de- 
ponent saw  six  Indians  guarded  with 
the  Marylanders  and  Virginians  and 
the  Major  with  the  Virginia  officers, 
sitting  upon  a  tree  some  distance 
from  them  and  after  some  while  they 
all  arose  and  came  toward  the  In- 
ians  and  caused  them  to  be  bound; 
and  after  some  time  they  talked  again 
and  the  Virginia  officers  would  have 
knocked  them  on  the  head  in  the 
Place  presently;  and  particularly 
Colonel  Washington  said.'Why  should 
we  keep  them  any  longer;  let  us 
knock  them  on  the  head.  We  shall 
get  the  Forte  today.'  But  the  depon- 
ent saith  that  Major  Truman  did  not 
admit  of  it  but  was  overswayed  by 
the  Virginia  officers;  and  after  fur- 
ther discourse  the  Indians  were  car- 
ried out  from  the  place  where  they 
were  bound  and  they  knocked  them 
on  the  head." 


!  1676— The   Articles    of    Impeachment 
Against  Major  Truman. 

The  witnesses  having  given  the 
j  above  testimony,  the  Lower  House 
now  considered  they  had  sufficient 
j  reason  to  prefer  Articles  of  Impeach- 
I  ment  against  Major  Truman.  These 
j  articles  are  found  in  Vol.  2  of  Md. 
Archives,  Page  485. 
!  "May  20th,  Articles  of  Impeachment 
|  in  the  Lower  House: — We,  your 
Lordship's  most  humble,  true,  faith- 
ful and  obedient  people,  the  Burgess- 
es and  Delegates  in  your  Lower 
House  in  Assembly  being  constrained 
by  necessity  for  our  fidelity  and  con- 
science in  vindication  of  the  Honor 
of  God,  of  the  Honor  and  welfare  of 
your  Lordship  and  this  Province,  do 
complain  and  shew  that  the  said 
Major  Thomas  Truman,  late  Com- 
mander-in-chief upon  an  expedition 
against  the  Indians  at  the  Susque- 
hanna Forte,  hath  by  many  and  sun- 
dry ways  and  means  committed 
divers  and  sundry  enormous  crimes 
and  offenses  to  the  dishonor  of  Al- 
mighty God,  against  the  laws  of 
Nations,  contrary  to  your  Lordship's 
commission  and  instructions  and  to 
the  great  endangering  of  our  Lord- 
ship's peace  and  the  good  and  safety 
of  your  Lordship's  Province,  accord- 
ing to  the  Articles  hereafter  men- 
tioned, that  is  to  say: 

We  find  upon  the  reading  your 
Lordship's  commission  and  instruc- 
tions and  affidavits,  which  we  herein 
send  to  your  Lordship  and  to  the  Up- 
per House  of  Assembly  and  which  we 
humbly    submit   to     your     Lordship's 

examinations    and    serious    considera- 
tion." 

"(1)  That  the  said  Major  Truman 
hath  broken  his  commission  and  in- 
structions in  this— that  the  said  Ma- 
jor Thomas  Truman  having  received 
6  Indians  sent  out  by  the  Susque- 
hannocks  as   ambassadors     to     treat 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


Vo 


with  him;  on  Sunday,  after  the  ar- 
rival of  the  Maryland  forces;  and 
received  their  paper  and  medal  by 
which  we  find  they  were  received  as 
friends  and  in  amity  with  us  and  had 
liberty  of  going  back  to  the  fort  and 
were  assured  that  no  intention  of 
force  was  to  be  used  against  them; 
and  that  no  damage  should  be  done 
to  them,  their  wives  or  children;  and 
that  they  did  that  night  go  into  the 
Forte;  and  the  next  morning  did  re- 
turn again  with  the  like  number,  only 
an  Indian  changed;  and  supposed  to 
come  on  purpose  to  treat  and  not  in 
any  hostile  manner;  yet  the  said  Ma- 
jor Thomas  Truman,  without  calling 
any  Council  of  Warre  of  your  Lord- 
ship's officers  under  his  command  as 
he  ought  to  have  done,  did  in  a  bar- 
barous and  cruel  manner  cause  five 
of  the  said  Indians  to  be  killed  and 
murdered,  contrary  to  the  laws  of 
God  and  Nations  and  contrary  to 
your  Lordship's  commission  and  in- 
structions": 

"(2)  That  the  said  Major  Truman 
ought,  according  to  your  Lordship's 
instructions,  to  have  acquainted  your 
Lordship  before  he  caused  the  said 
Indians  to  be  executed,  for  our  Lord- 
ship's advice  and  directions,  in  the 
case  which  we   do  not  find  he  did": 

"(3)  That  he  hath  broken  your 
Lordship's  instructions  in  this  alsoe, 
that  if  the  Virginia  officers  did  advise 
and  consent  to  the  killing  of  said  In- 
dians, that  he  did  not  in  an  open 
Council  of  Warre  cause  the  same 
judicially  to  be  entered,  in  writing  by 
his  clerk  or  Secretary  and  such  the 
desire  and  consent  of  the  Virginians 
for  the  doing  thereof,  to  be  signed 
under  their  hands  and  to  be  kept  for 
justification  of  himself  and  the  people 
of  this  Province." 

"Therefore  for  that  by  the  said  Ar- 
ticle it  appears  that  the  said  Major 
Thomas  Truman  hath  broken  his 
commission  and  instructions  in  mur- 


dering the  said  Indians,  to  the  dis- 
honor of  God  and  of  your  Lordship 
and  this  Province.  They  humbly 
pray  that  your  Lordship  and  the  Up- 
per House  of  Assembly  will  take  such 
action  with  the  said  Major  Thomas 
Truman  as  may  be  just  and  reason- 
able in  terror  of  others  to  beware  in 
the  future;  and  your  Lordship's  most 
humble  and  obedient  servants  as  in 
duty  bound  shall  daily  pray  for  your 
i  Lordship's  long  and  happy  dominion 
over  us,  etc." 

1676 — Appearance  and  Answer  of  Ma- 
jor Thomas  Truman. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Maryland  Archives 
at  Page  494,  Truman's  answer  to  his 
impeachment      appears     as      follows: 
"Saturday,      May      27th,     the      Upper 
House    met    in    the    afternoon.     Major 
Thomas    Truman   having     on     notice 
given  him   on   Thursday   last  to   pre- 
pare  for   his      trial      this     afternoon, 
being  called  did  make  his  appearance 
and    the     Articles     of      Impeachment 
against    the    said      Thomas      Truman 
!  being  and   after  this  the   several   de- 
j  positions    annexed   thereto,   which   al- 
;  so  were  sworn  to  by  the  deponents  in 
j  the  presence  and  the  hearing  of  Ma- 
jor   Thomas    Truman,    Mr.    Keneline 
|  Chisledyne,    his    Lordship's    Attorney- 
!  General,    Colonel      William      Berages, 
!  Mr,     Robert     Cailvile     and     Mr.     W. 
j  Stephens,    according    to    a    preceding 
I  order   of  the   Lower  House   did  man- 
i  age  the   said   Impeachment  and    urge 
the     several     evidences     against     the 
i  said  Major  Truman.       And   the     said 
Major   by   Mr.    Benjamin   Crozier,   his 
counsel   assigned  to  him,  did  confess 
!  and   declare   that  the   said  Major   did 
i  no  way  intend  to  stand  upon  his  jus- 
!  tification.     After    the    confession    and 
I  declarations    the    said    Major    by    his 
|  said  cousel  did     humbly     pray     that 
j  this   House   would   admit  the   reading 
I  of  a  certain  paper  which  the  said  Ma- 


96 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


jor  hoped  would  somewhat  extenuate 
and  mitigate  the  crimes  before  by 
him  confessed,  so  that  they  .should 
not  appear  so  grievous  and  enor- 
mous as  in  the  said  impeachment 
they  were  held  forth  to  be.  And  the  j 
said  Major  Thomas  Truman  by  his  I 
said  counsel  was  permitted  to  make  ; 
a  defense,  whereupon  and  upon  full  j 
hearing  on  both  sides  and  after  read- 
ing of  the  said  Major's  commission 
and  instructions  from  his  Lordship 
and  counsel,  it  was  put  to  the  ques- 
tion whether  Major  Truman  be 
guilty  of  impeachment  exhibited 
against  him,  which  the  Lower  House 
voted  nemine  contradicione  (unani- 
mously) that  the  said  Major  Thomas 
Truman  is  guilty  of  the  first  Article 
of  Impeachment  for  commanding  five 
of  the  said  Susquehannocks  that  came 
out  of  the  Forte  to  treat  with  him  to 
be  put  to  death,  contrary  to  the  law 
of  Nations;  and  the  second  Article 
of  his  Instructions  by  which  he  was 
ordered  to  entertain  any  treaty  with 
the   said    Susquehannocks." 

"Upon  which  vote  it  was  ordered 
that  a  messenger  be  sent  from  this 
House  to  the  Lower  House  to  desire 
them  to  draw  up  a  Bill  of  Attainder 
against   Major   Thomas   Truman." 

1076 — Bill    of   Attainder   Against   Ma- 
jor Thomas  Truman. 

In  the  second  Vol.  of  the  Md.  Arch, 
page  500  it  is  set  forth,  "May  31st,  the 
Lower  House  sent  up  a  Bill  of  At- 
tainder against  Truman,"  which  did 
not  please  the  Upper  House  as  the 
following  items  now  show. 

The  Act  of  Assembly  formulating 
the  Bill  of  Attainder  is  lost.  It  does 
not  appear  in  any  of  the  Archives 
and  therefore,  the  contents  of  it,  we 
can  not  give,  however  it  will  be 
gathered  from  what  now  follows  that 
the  penalty  prescribed  in  it  was  that 
Truman  should  be  fined  simply  there- 


in but  not  be  put  to  death. 
1676— The    Upper    House    Now    Con- 
sider the  Bill  of  Attainder  and 
the  Punishment  of  Tru- 
man. 

In  the  same  book  and  page  last 
cited,  the  action  by  the  Upper  House 
upon  the  punishment  of  Truman  is 
set  out  as  follows: 

"Then  was  taken  into  consideration 
the    Bill    of    Attainder    against    Major 
Thomas    Truman    sent    up    from    the 
Lower   House  yesterday;      and     upon 
serious      consideration      and      debate 
thereupon   this    House    do   judge   that 
the  Act  drawn  up  against  Major  Tru- 
man does  in  no  way  answer  or  justify 
|  the   said  impeachment  upon  which  it 
!  was    grounded,    for   that   in    said    im- 
i  peachment    the    said    Truman    stands 
I  charged  of  crimes  committed  against 
i  the  laws  of  God  and  of  Nations,  this 
[  Province  as  also  against  the  commis- 
|  sion  and  instructions  given  him,  viz. : 
for  the  barbarous   cruelty  in   causing 
!  to  be  put  to  death  and  murdered  the 
|  five     Indians — of     which     he     being 
!  found    guilty,    the      punishment     per- 
;  scrdibed  in  the  said  Act  of  Attainder 
I  does   no   way    agree    nor    answer   the 
I  nature    of      the      offense.       It  •  being 
greatly    dishonorable    as   well    as    un- 
safe   and    dangerous    to    lay    any    fine 
in  such  cases  and  where  such  horrid 
crimes  have  been  committed." 

That  the  Lower  House  of  Assembly 
having  laid  the  Impeachment  so  high 
and  no  higher  than  the  nature  of  the 
crime  well  deserved  it  will  be  much 
wondered  at  by  those  who  shall  hear 
and  view  our  proceedings  with  so 
slender  and  slight  a  punishment 
being  no  more  than  what  crimes  of 
a  more  inferior  nature  might  have 
deserved;  that  by  the  Act  of  Attainder 
the  Government  will  not  sufficiently 
be  cleared  nor  have  it  made  appear 
to  the  world  how  much  the  wicked- 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


97 


ness  of  that  action  is     detested     and  I 
dishonored  by   us,   nor   in     any     sort ; 
will    the    Lower    House    of    Assembly  | 
make   out  that   great   sense  which  in  j 
their    Impeachment    they      have      ex-  | 
pressed  to  have  of  that     action,     and  j 
which   may   much   concern   the   inter-  | 
est  and  safety  of  the  Government.  It 
will   not  give  any   satisfaction  to  the 
heathen   with   whom   the   public   faith 
hath  been  broken;   and  until  such  ac- 
tions are  not  in  a  more  public  man- 
ner dishonored  that  the   Indians  may 
take    notice    thereof,    it    is    not   to    be 
expected  that  any  faith  or  credit  will 
be   given   to   any   treaties,     we     shall 
have   with   them   in     this     dangerous 
juncture   of   affairs;    and   the   country 
will   stand  in  need  of,  and  on  which 
seems    in    some    measure    depend,    as 
the    Lower   House   of   Assembly   were 
of    the    opinion    when    they    sent    the 
paper  in  answer  to     captain     Allen's 
longer  ranging. 

"And  so  all  authority  will  become 
ridiculous  and  contemptible.  In  fine 
by  this  Act  the  Lower  House  of  As- 
sembly  will   have   owned   the    actions 

of    the    said    Truman    more    than    (as 

i 
they   ought  to  have     done)      detested 

and   abhorred   them,   and     so     render 

the   Government  odious  to  all   people 

that   shall   become     acquainted     with 

the   prceedings." 

From  all   this   it     is     evident     that 

what    the    Lower    House    did    was    to 

attaint  Truman   so  that  his  property 

should   be     forfeited     and     that     his 

blood   should   be    corrupted,   that   any 

future     property     that     he     acquires 

could  not  pass  to  his  children  at  his 

death   but   go     to     the     Province     of 

Maryland.     This    they    considered      a 

grievous   punishment   and  they   added 

to  it  simply  a  fine.  The  Upper  House 

felt  that  the  offense  was  too  greivous 

and  of  too  dangerous   a  character  to 

the    Province   to    let   Truman    off     so 

easily,    and    they    demanded    that    he 


should  either  suffer  death  or  a  long 
term  of  inprisonment  and  did  not 
agree  to  join  in  the  bill  passed  by  the 
Lower  House  in  order  that  it  might 
become  law;  so  the  proceedings  were 
broken. 

1676-The  Lower  House  Further  Con- 
tend   in    Truman's    Favor. 

The  Lower  House's  answer  may  be 
found  in  Vol.  2  of  the  Maryland  Ar- 
chives, page  501,  dated  June  2nd,  as 
follows: — "This  paper  being  read  in 
the  Lower  House  and  the  debate  re- 
sumed in  this  House  touching  the 
said  Bill  of  Attainder,  it  was  voted 
nem.  con.  (unanimously)  that  the  said 
Major  Truman  for  his  crime  does  not 
deserve  death  in  regard  that  several 
circumstances  that  appeared  at  his 
hearing  or  trial  do  extenuate  his 
crime  very  much  as  the  unanimous 
consent  of  the  Virginians  and  the 
general  impetuosity  of  the  whole 
field,  as  well  Marylanders  as  Vir- 
ginians upon  the  sight  of  Christians 
murdered  at  Mr.  Hanson's,  and  the 
very  Indians  that  were  there,  (Susque- 
hannocks)  killed  being  proved  to  be 
the  murderers  both  of  them  and 
several  other  Christians  and  in  re- 
gard also  that  it  apears  to  this 
House  that  the  said  crime  was  not 
maliciously  perpetrated  or  out  of  any 
design  to  prejudice  the  Province  but 
merely  out  of  ignorance  and  in  pre- 
vent a  mutiny  of  the  whole  army,  as 
well  Virginia  as  Maryland.  Where- 
fore this  House  do  not  think  fit  to 
recede  from  their  former  vote." 

1676-Final  Reply  of  the  Upper  House, 

Insisting  on  Severe  Punishment 

for  Major  Truman. 

The  Upper  House  adhered  to  its  de- 
mand that  Truman  should  be  severe- 
ly punished  and  in  Vol.  2  of  the  Md. 
Archives,  Page  503,  under  the  date  of 
June  3rd,  it  is  set  forth  in  answer 
by  the  Upper  House  to  the  Lower 
House,  read  on  June  2nd,  touching  the 


98 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Bill  entitled  An  Act  of  Attainder,  etc.,  ; 
"His  Lordship  and  this  House  do  cpn-  \ 
ceive  it  not  safe  for  them  to  vote  the 
killing  of  the  five  Indian  or  Susque- 
hannock  Ambassadors  not.  murder; 
for  to  them  and  all  the  world  it  does  ! 
and  will  certainly  appear  the  great- 
est murder  that  hath  ever  been  com- 
mitted. The  unanimous  consent  of 
the  Virginians,  if  true  does  in  no  way 
alter  the  nature  of  the  crime;  nor 
since  the  said  Truman  had  instruc- 
tions plain  enough  to  have  made  him 
abominated  and  abhorred  so  black 
an  action  can  as  little  serve  for  an 
extenuation  thereof.  And  whereas, 
in  the  said  paper  for  a  further  exten- 
uation it  is  signified  that  the  Major 
to  prevent  a  mutiny  pf  the  whole 
army  was  compelled  and  drawn  to 
that  action,  this  House  are  of  an- 
other opinion,  for  at  the  said  Tru- 
man's trial  it  did  so  plainly  appear 
that  his  first  commands  for  killing 
those  Indians  were  not  obeyed  and 
that  he  had  some  difficulty  to  get 
his  men  to  obey  him  therein.  And 
that  after  they  were  put  to  death  not 
a  man  owned  to  have  had  a  hand  in 
it  but  seemed  rather  to  abhor  the  act 
and  until  now  hath  been  termed  by 
all  persons  (those  that  were  in  its 
execution  only  excepted)  the  most 
execrable  of  murders. 

"That  the  crime  was  not  malicious- 
ly perpetrated  as  to  authority,  this 
House  doth  believe;  but  that  it  was 
done  treacherously  and  that  in  it  a 
great  and  unheard  of  wickedness  was 
committed,  can  not  be  denied  by  the 
Lower  House;  and  whether  by  that 
action  the  province  will  not  be  pre- 
judiced and  many  English  be  murder- 
ed, his  Lordship  and  this  House  leave 
to  the  future  consideration  of  the 
Lower  House, — no  way  pressing  them 
to  recede  from  their  so  positive  vote, 
only  desiring  them  that  they  will  take 
notice  that  what  is  now   undone  lies 


at  their  doors  and  not  with  us,  who 
are  positive  of  this,  that  his  Lord- 
ship's Upper  House  dare  not  and 
therefore  resolve  not  to  proceed  up- 
on an  act  which  only  bears  the  title 
of  an  Act  of  Attainder." 

In  this  the  Upper  House  plainly 
say  to  the  Lower  House  that  if  the 
Lower  House  insist  on  so  light  a 
punishment  for  so  grievous  a  crime 
that  the  Upper  House  absolutely  re- 
fuse to  join  in  the  Act  or  allow  it  to 
become  a  law  and  that  the  Lower 
House  may  do  as  they  choose  and  the 
Upper  House  will  throw  all  the  re- 
sponsibility for  its  effeot  on  the  Pro- 
vince at  the  doors  of  the  Lower 
House. 

The  result  of  all  this  was  that  Ma- 
jor Truman  remained  some  time  in 
jail  and  as  no  law  was  passed  to  fix 
his  punishment,  eventually  he  was  let 
go;   and  that  was  the  end  of  it. 

1676— A.  L.  Guss's  View  of  the  Sus- 

quehannocks  and  Their  Position 

During  This  Struggle. 

Among  the  effects  of  the  late  Sam- 
uel Evans  of  Columbia,  was  found  a 
|  letter   dated   March    16,    1883,   written 
|  to   him   by   Prof.   A.   L.   Guss   whom    I 
I  have   before   mentioned    and   in    it   he 
says,        "The      Susquehannocks      that 
visited   Smith  in     1608  were     beyond 
Iroquois.     I  do  not  mean  of  the  Five 
I  Nations  but  of  that  stock,  and  spoke 
I  a  dialect  of  that  language  they  bore 
j  the    same     relation      to      the      'River 
I  Indians'  on  the  Delaware  that  the  Mo- 
I  hawks   did   to   the   Hudson   River    In- 
dians.    I    have    no    doubt    that    prior 
to   Smith's   days  and  afterwards  they 
were    confederated    with    other    tribes 
on   the     Upper     Susquehanna     River 
and  branches  in  manner     similar     to 
|  the  Five  Nations.     The  Minquas  who 
I  captured  the  three  Dutchmen  in  1616 
j  lived  on  the  Susquehanna  River  about 
J  Tioga   and   there  were   brought  down 
i  by  them  by  the  river  to  the  mouth  of 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


ad 


the  Schuylkill  where  Hendrickson 
ransomed  them — Vol.  2,  Pa.  Archives 
Page  11.  When  Champlain  in  1614 
made  his  expedition  on  the  Ononda- 
goes'  Fort  these  Minquas  were  called 
Carantowns  and  were  a  powerful  foe 
just  at  the  gates  of  the  confederates. 
When  in  1640  the  Dutch  began  to 
arm  'The  Five  Mohawk  Nations'  with 
guns  and  furnish  them  ammunition, 
they  soon  wrought  a  great  change  in 
the  several  tribes  of  -the  valleys  of 
the  Upper  Susquehanna.  The  Five 
Nations  had  two  wars  with  the  Min- 
quas, first  1662-3  and  second  in 
1675-6  'The  second  time  we  were 
at  war  with  them  we  carried  them 
all  off' — See  Treaty  at  Lancaster, 
1744.  The  assertion  of  writers  that 
prior  to  1600  in  a  ten  years'  war  the 
Susquehannocks  nearly  obliterated 
the  Mohawks  is  a  great  mistake.  The 
Jesuit  writers  said  the  "Andastes"  and 
the  word  then  was  not  identical  with 
Smith's  Susquehannocks.  The  fact 
is  the  Susquehannocks  were  des- 
cended most  nearly  from  the  Mo- 
hawks, and  the  Mohawks  took  no 
part  in  their  subjugation  in  1676,  nor 
did  they  even  attend  the  Treaty  in 
Lancaster  in  1744.,  when  payment 
was  demanded  for  the  'Conquest 
Lands.'  It  was  the  Senecas  and 
Cayugas  who  "passionately  desired 
it,"  that  is,  their  subjugation.  This 
throws  great  light  on  the  Susque- 
hanna land  question.  When  the  arm: 
ed  Five  Nations'  people  came  to  war 
with  the  Susquehannocks,  alias  Min- 
quays,  alias  Conestoga,  they  found 
them  partly  armed  by  the  Swedes 
and  the  Marylanders  and  able  to  hold 
their  own;  and  in  fact  in  1662-1663 
they  gave  the  Western  confederates 
by  far  the  worst  of  the  conflict.  But 
decimated  by  small  pox  and  de- 
serted by  Maryland,  they  at  last 
had  to  succumb.  The  English  had 
to  adopt  the  Dutch  tactics.  (See 
Second    Series    of    Pa.    Arch.,   Vol.    5, 


I  pp.   538   to   541).     They   pledged  them- 
j  selves  not  to  hate  the  Ondiakes   (An- 
j  dastes)    with    whom    they    were    then 
|  still  at  war  and  the  Five  Nations  af- 
jterwards    made    the    English    promise 
accomodation,    that    is    protection      in 
case   they   got   worsted   in   their   fight 
with   the   'Three   Nations   above   men- 
tioned.'    This    proves    how    tremend- 
ously they  feared   even  this   remnant 
of   the   Andastes,    for   they    'proposed' 
these   articles   and  the     English     felt 
friendly  to  the  Minquas  but  dared  'to 
promise    them    nothing,    it    not    being 
proper    as    not    in    our    power',     (See 
Sec.    Series   of   Pa.  Arch.,  Vol.   5,   pp. 
676-678-681-682-686      and      687.        The 
remnant    became      a     tributary     out- 
post." 

I  cite  this  letter  from  Mr.  Guss  be- 
cause of  his  acknowledged  learning 
and  because  it  gives  an  additional 
view  of.  this  discussion  of  the  tribal 
power  of  the  Susquehannocks  in 
1676. 

1676— Maryland     Gives     Presents     to 
the  Indians,  who  Helped  to  De- 
feat the  Susquehannocks. 

In  the  Second  Maryland  Archives, 
p.  489,  it  is  set  down  that  the  House 
"voted  that  corn,  powder,  shot  and 
match-coats  be  purchased  and  forth- 
with be  delivered  to  the  friendly  In- 
dians by  way  of  gratification  for  the 
services  done  by  the  said  Indians  in 
the  late  war  against  the  Susquehan- 
nocks and  that  the  match-coats  dis- 
tributed to  the  number  and  in  the 
manner  following,  viz.:  to  the  Pisca- 
taways,  80 — to  the  Chopticos,  30 — to 
the  Mattawoman,  30 — to  the  Man- 
gern,  10 — in  all  150.  The  powder,  45 
-pounds — the  shot  150  pounds  and  the 
corn    100    barrels." 

Susquehannocks  Desire    Peace    Again 

With  Maryland. 

In  the  15th  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
120,   we   find   the   following   overtures 


100 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


made  by  the  Susquehannocks  and  I  it  is  stated  in  a  letter  that  "word  was 
suspiciously  received  by  Maryland.  |  received  from  the  head  of  the  bay,that 
This  was  toward  the  end  of  July  or  j  the  Susquehannock  Indians  have  gone 
the  beginning  of  August  and  on  that  j  back  to  their  old  Fort  about  60  miles 
subject     the     following     appears,     as  j  above  Palmer's  Island  and  have  been 


showing  the  Views  of  Council.  "At 
a  Council  held  Sunday,  August  6:  — 
Letters  from  Nathaniel  Stiles  and 
Jonathan  Sibly  which  bring  intelli- 
gence     of      some    Susquehannock    In- 


there  so  long  that  they  have  corn  fit 
to  roast."  In  the  same  letter  it  is 
stated  that  "a  peace  was  made  last 
summer  between  the  Susquehannocks 
and  the   Senecas  so     that     they     are 


dians  being  at  the  head  of  the  bay  I  now  at  ease  and  out  Qf  our  reach." 
(Chesapeake)  and  more  upon  their  j  This  ai)parently  fixes  the  time  when 
march  thither  and  of  their  desires  j  the  Susquehannocks  again  got  back 
and  designs  of  peace  with  us  and  their  j  on  the  River  and  when  they  began 
intentions  for  (to  go  to)  St.  Mary's  j  to  be  friendly  with  the  Senecas  again, 
for  the  purpose  of  protection  (were  | 
read)  from  which  news  we  believe  it 
is   probable  from   their     conditon     in 


Virginia,  fom  whence  it  is  supposed 
they  come  (that)  they  wthout  doubt 
were  in  the  incendaries  of  the  mis- 
chief which  makes  them  desperate  by 


I 1676 — New    Light    Upon   the    Location 
of  the  Susquehannock  Fort. 

In  Vol.  15  of  the  Md.  Archives,  p. 
122,  it  is  stated  that  the  Susquehan- 
nock Indians  have  returned  to  their 
old   fort   "about    60   miles   above    Pal- 


either  the  neighbornig  Indians   being    mer's    Island 


Palmer's     Island     is 


likely  to  do  them  no  good  by  war.  This  ]  practically  a  few  miles  below  the 
occasioned  these  Susquehannocks  to  j  mouth  of  the  Susquehanna  River, 
leave  them  and  return  to  their  own  j  According  to  the  Pennsylvania  rail- 
fields  and  habitations;  and  51ke-  road  map  Columbia  is  43 V2  miles 
wise  that  they  have  made  peace  with  !  from  perryville.  Now  if  Palmer's 
their  old  enemyes  (the  Senecas),  their    island    is    15   miles    below    the   mouth 


prentensions    for    peace    is    a    matter 
of   weighty    consideration. 

It  is  probable  that  these  Susque- 
hannocks have  not  only  blown  the 
coals  but  made  the  fire  and  the  flame 
of  troubles  that  now  burns  in  the 
breast     and     in     the     bowels    of 


of  the  Susquehanna  River,  this  would 
bring  a  point  of  60  miles  above  Pal- 
mer's Island  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Columbia,  a  couple  of  miles  below 
which  has  generally  been  accepted 
as  the  location  of  the  old  Fort.  How-: 


neighbors,  the  Virginians,  to  our  great  I  ever'    !t   depends   on     how      near     60 
sorrow    and    grief.       To   make      peace  '  miles    mentioned    in    the   letter    is   the 


with  these  Susquehannocks  is  a  mat- 
ter dubious  and  worthy  of  good 
consultation  and  requires  correspon- 
dence with  Virginia.  But  it  may  be 
In  no  ways  inconsistent  to  treat  with 


accurate    number   of   miles. 
1676  —  Edmund     Andros     Encourages 
the    Susquehannocks    to    Reurn 
to  Pennsylvania. 

In    1674    James,    Duke    of   York   re- 


these    Susquehannocks    and    to    send  I  ceived  from  his  brother;  the   King  of 
them  and  Jacob  Young  as  protection: 
And   for   a   meeting   at   Mr.    Mertves's 


is  ordered." 

1676— Susquehannocks     Make    Partial 
Peace  Again  With  the  Senecas. 

In  Vol.  15  of  the  Md.  Arch.,  p.  122, 


England,  among  other  lands,  a  grant 
of  the  territory  from  the  Connecti- 
cut River  to  the  Delaware  River;  and 
on  July  1,  1674  he  gave  a  commission 
to  Edmund  Andros  to  be  Governor 
over   it,    (Second   Ser.   Pa.  Arch.,  Vol. 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


101 


5,  p.  639).  And  November  5,  1675 
Edmund  Andros  began  to  buy  from 
the  Indians  lands  west  of  the  Dela- 
ware River,  (Do.  p.  673),  and  con- 
tinued buying  until  he  owned  a  great 
deal  of  land  extending  from  Dela- 
ware River  westward  toward  the  Sus- 
quehanna River.  Then  hearing  of 
the  hard  fate  of  the  Susquehannocks, 
by  a  letter  from  Captain  Cantwell  on 
the  Delaware,  and  hearing  about 
them  coming  northward  again  to- 
ward Susquehanna,  at  a  Council  held 
July  28,  1676  it  was  resolved  (Do.  p. 
681),  ''to  write  to  Captain  Cantwell 
still  to  encourage  the  coming  of  those 
Indians,  till  when  not  to  promise 
anything  to  them,  but  if  they  desire 
it,  the  Governor  will  endeavor  a 
composure  of  all  things  in  Maryland 
and  a  perfect  peace  with  the  Maques 
an  Sinnekes  (Senecas),  after  which 
the  said  Indians  (Susquehannocks) 
may  return  to  their  lands  as  they 
shall   think   good. 

"If  the  said  Indians  do  comply,  that 
Captain  Cantwell  to  give  notice  of  it 
to  the  Governr  here,  and  to  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Maryland  ,and  let  them 
know  that  the  Governor  hath  given 
him  the  said  order,  thinking  it  the 
greatest  service,  he  could  do  them,  so 
to  take  in  the  said  Indians, — lest  go- 
ing to  the  Maques  and  Senekes,  they 
might  induce  them  to  make  inroads, 
upon  the  Christians,  which  none  of 
us   could   remedy. 

If  the  said  Indians  will  come  in, 
that  he  give  notice  (ask)  where  they 
are  most  inclinable  to  go,  for  the  pre- 
sent, being  either  at  the  Falls,  or  the 
middle   of  the   River   at   Delaware." 

So  the  Susquehannocks  now  find 
new  friends — the  Governor  of  New 
York  and  his  people,  owners  of  all 
the  land  from  Connecticut  River  al- 
most to  the  Susquehanna.  The  ruler 
of  these  new  friends  now  asks  the 
Susquehannocks  to  come  under  his 
protection  on  the  west  side  of  Dela- 


ware River  either  at  Trenton  Falls 
or  higher  or  lower  until  he  shall 
compel  the  Maques  and  Senecas  to 
make  peace  with  them,  when  he  pro- 
mises they  may  go  back  to  their  old 
lands  on  Susquehanna.  This  invita- 
tion was.  given  by  Edmund  Andros 
July  28,  1676. 

1876 — The       Susquehannocks      Again 

Buck  to  Their  Old  Place  on  the 

Susquehanna  River. 

In  a  communication  found  in  the 
5  Md.  Archives,  pp.  134-135,  in  a  com- 
plaint dated  Aug.,  1676  by  prominent 
citizens  of  Virginia,  it  is  stated  am6ng 
other  thngs  that  "the  Susquehannock 
Indians  returned  meanwhile  to  the 
Susquehanna  River  again,  and  cutoff 
several  families  at  the  head  of  the 
Bay  and  thus  all  the  Indians  are  en- 
couraged, who  call  the  Christians 
j  cowards  and  children  to  fight  with. 
But  the  Governor  of  Baltimore  to 
cloak  his  policy  with  an  Assembly, 
condemned  his  Major  Truman  unto  a 
fine  of  10,000  pounds  of  tobacco  and 
imprisonment  during  pleasure  for 
having  suffered  the  five  Susquehan- 
nt)ck  Indians  to  be  killed,  notwith- 
standing the  Assembly  cleared  Tru- 
man, upon  the  producing  of  Lord 
Baltimore's  order,  yet  to  keep  the 
people  from  complaining  to  England 
he  keeps  this  all  a  secret." 

1670— Word     Sent     to     Virginia    that 

Maryland  Will  Make  Peace  with 

the  Susquehannocks. 

On  the  6th  of  August,  1676  it  was 
ordered  by  Maryland  that  a  letter  be 
sent  to  the  Governor  of  Virginia  to 
give  him  notice  that  the  Deputy  Gov- 
ernors and  Council  of  Maryland  are 
"upon  making  terms  of  peace  with 
the  Susquehannocks  which  may  be 
for  the  safety  as  well  of  that  Govern- 
ment as  of  the  Province,  which  is  as 
followeth  from  said  letter:  "We  have 
lately   received    intelligence   from   the 


102 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


head  of  the  Bay  that  the  Susquehan- 
nock  Indians  have  resided  at  their 
old  Fort  about  60  miles  above  Pal- 
mer's Island  for  so  many  months  that 
they  now  have  corn  fit  to  roast;  that 
they  shortly  expect  the  remainder  of 
their  troops  and  as  many  of  the 
western  Indians  near  or  beyond  the 
mountains  as  they  have  been  able  to 
pursue  to  come  and  live  with  them. 
We  are  further  informed  that  by  the 
means  of  Colonel  Andrews  with  the 
Governor  of  New  York  a  peace  was 
made  last  summer  between  them  and 
their  old  enemies,  the  Senecas  so  that 
they  are  now  at  ease  and  out  of  our 
reach.  Notwithstanding  this  they 
have  applied  themselves  to  Captain 
Edward  Cantwell  the  Deputy  Gover- 
nor of  New  Castle  and  requesting  a 
peace  and  trade  as  formerly  with  the 
English  and  in  order  to  come  down 
with  Captain  Cantwell  and  Jacob 
Young,  our  interpreter,  to  the  house 
of  Mrs.  Margaret  Penroy  at  the  head 
of  the  Bay  near  Palmer's  Island  and 
from  thence  sent  a  pass  to  come 
down  to  St.  Mary's.  We  have  there- 
fore sent  them  safe  conduct  to  come 
down  and  treat  with  us.' "  (See 
15th  Maryland  Archives,  p.  122). 

1676  —  Maryland     Council     Send     a 

Letter  to  Lord  Baltimore  About 

Peace  With  the  Susque- 

hannocks. 

On  page  123  of  Vol.  15  of  the  Md. 
Archives  there  is  set  forth  a  letter  by 
the  Council  of  Maryland  to  Lord 
Baltimore  to  let  him  know  of  their 
intentions  of  a  treaty  with  the  Sus- 
quehannocks  and  advising  him  of  af- 
fairs in  Virginia.  It  is  as  follows:  — 
"May*  it  please  your  Lordship: — At  a 
council  held  this  day  (Aug.  6,  1676) 
at  Manakowick's  Neck,  we  have  con- 
sidered the  overtures  of  the  Susque- 
hannocks  for  a  peace  deeming  it  a 
blessing  for  God  unhoped  for,  we 
thought    it   not   to   be    slighted;      and 


!  therefore   sent   a   passport     to     them 

and    Jacob    Young   the    interperter   to 

I  come  and  to  and  return  safe  from  the 

treaty  to  be  held  at  Murtyes,  at  any 

|  time  within  one  month  and  we  have 

I  written  to  Berkley   and   a  Council   of 

j  Virginia  to  give  hm  notice.     So  stand 

i  your  affairs  now   with   the    Indians  but 

|  as   to     the     English     under     Colonel 

j  Bacon,  they  stand  not  so  fair;   for  we 

have   cause   to   suspect  he   intends   to 

embroil  the  Province  in  a  warre;  and 

that  he  will  make  pursuit  of  the  Pis- 

cataways   his   pretense   to   enter  here 

and  use  young  Guiles   Brent   and  his 

vain  title  to  his  mother's   crown   and 

sceptre    of    the    Piscataways,    as    his 

|  father   used   the    phrase   it   and   other 

desperate   persons   in   those    parts,   to 

bring  on  disquiet  here."       This  needs 

no    comment   except   to     notice     that 

while   everything  was   going     in     the 

direction  of  peace  in  Maryland,  it  was 

quite  otherwise  in  Virginia. 

1676 — Maryland     Advises     the     Other 

Tribes  to  Make  Peace  With 

the  Susqueliannocks 

In  Vol.  15  of  the  Md.  Archives,  p. 
126,  the  following  complaint  is  set 
forth.  The  Emperor  of  Piscataway 
and  the  King  of  the  Mattawoman  In- 
I  dians  came  to  council  and  it  was  or- 
dered to  tell  them  "that  the  Susque- 
hannocks  have  sent  to  us  to  make 
peace  and  if  we  think  it  fit  to  make 
Peace  with  them,  we  will  certainly 
include  the  Piscataways  and  Matta- 
woman Indians  in  it.  And  since  they 
are  unwilling  to  have  us  make  peace 
with  the  Susquehannocks  though  we 
include  them  in  it,  let  them  be  asked 
whether  they  will  march  with  the 
English  to  the  New  Fort  they  have 
built  and  likewise  pursue  the  Susque- 
hannocks and  be  obedient  to  the  Eng- 
lish commanders  with  whom  they 
have  been  ordered  to  march.  They 
observed  by  Schotickeko,  their  speak- 
er, that  they  are  ready  to  go. 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


103 


Here  we  see  that  the  English  in 
Maryland  did  not  have  exactly  the 
smoothest  sailing  in  getting  the  gen- 
eral peace  established. 
1676— Maryland  Citizens  Loudly  Com- 
plain of  the  Treatment  of  the 
Susquehannocks, 

In  a  communication  dated  the  eighth 
<day  of  August,  this  year  there  is  a 
complaint  to  Lord  Baltimore  against 
the  action  in  both  Virginia  and  Mary- 
land concerning  the  Susquehannocks 
and  in  the  course  of  the  complaint  the 
authors  say,  "Old  Governor  Berkley, 
altered  by  marrying  a  young  wife 
from  a  wonted  public  good  to  a  cove- 
tous fool's  age,  relishes  Indian  pre- 
sents so  well  that  the  Indian  blood  is 
pukketted  up  with  other  mischiefs  in 
so  much  that  his  lady  would  have  it, 
though  it  would  overthrow  the  coun- 
try. Now  there  is  an  opportunity  to 
give  Virginia  a  good  blow  by  Maryland 
Indians  on  account  of  the  Piscata- 
ways  have  gone  over  to  the  Virginia 
to  do  mischief.  The  Piscataways 
have  united  the  Susquehannocks  to 
their  assistance,  whereby  a  greater 
incursion  being  feared  and  unforseen, 
Gov.  Berkley  was  persuaded  to  send 
Colonel  Washington  and  Allerton  to 
cut  them.  off.  At  least  they  raised  a 
force  above  1000  men  to  protect  the 
Province  and  so  burdened  Virginia  to 
destroy  them  and  therefore  ordered 
Major  Truman  to  besiege  the  fort 
which  might  have  easily  been  taken, 
being  not  quite  finished  and  not  100 
fighting  men  in  it  besides  women  and 
children.  And  thus  the  soldiers 
were  misled  and  intrentched  and  the 
Susquehannocks  sent  out  five  men 
whom  the  soldiers  knowing  to  be 
some  of  the  murderers,  would  not  let 

come   to   the   treaty   but  killed   them. 

And  thus  were  5  or  6  weeks  spent 
to    consume   the    King's    subjects   and 

put   both    Provinces    to    an    increased 

charge   and  a   general    alarm   for  the 


Indians  often  sallied  out  killing 
many  and  took  their  spades  and 
arms  and  made  themselves  stronger 
and  stronger.  They  "kroak"  that 
shameful  siege  (  Susquehannock 
Fort)  up  with  the  loss  of  above  200 
soldiers  and  thirteen  hundred  thous- 
and lbs.  of  tobacco  to  the  country  be- 
sides Virginia  charge;  the  Indians 
but  losing  now  and  then  one  by 
chance,  and  in  Virginia  afterwards 
they  (Susquehannocks  and  others) 
destroyed  500  or  600  men,  women  and 
children  without  resistance,  until 
Squire  Bacon  moved  by  the  people's 
and  his  own  loss  repulsed  the  Indians 
which  hath  taken  full  effect,  if  not 
hindered  by  some  ill-wishers,  who 
have  brought  the  country  into  the 
present  confusion."  This  is  quoted 
simply  to  show  that  issatisfaction  had 
arisen  by  reason  of  the  treatment  of 
the  Susquehannocks  as  above  '  set 
forth.  (See  5  Md.  Archives,  pp.  134- 
135), 

1676 — Edmund  Andros  Criticizes  the 
Raising  of  False  Alarms  About 
the  Susquehannocks. 
Under  the  date  of  August  11,  1676 
at  one  of  the  Council  meetings  held 
under  Andros,  having  received  a  let- 
ter from  the  Delaware  of  the  alarm 
given  by  Mr.  Herman's  letter,  "re- 
solve to  send  a  check  or  rebuke  to 
Captain  Cantwell  for  making  so  rash 
an  alarm  but  to  advise  that  he  be 
not  careless,  and  that  he  send  forth- 
with to  the  Susquehannocks  to  know 
their  intent  about  their  coming  in 
(joning  in  a  friendly  way  with  the 
English)  which  if  they  do  not, — then 
to  be  careful  to  promise  them  noth- 
ing; it  not  being  proper  as  not  in  our 
power,  and  if  they  do  come  in,  it 
be  to  live  peaceable,  as  the  rest  of 
the  Government  doth."  (See  Second 
Ser.  Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  5,  p.  682).  In 
this  we  observe  efforts  are  still  being 
made  by  the  English,  who  are  now 
owners  of  the  Delaware  and  of  much 


104 


ANNALS  OF  THE   SUSQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


land  which  they  bought  from  the  In-  I  feeling    which      Edmund    Andros    had 


for  the   Susquehannocks. 

Further  steps  in  this     matter     ap- 
pear by   the   following  extracts  from 
a  letter   sent  by     Endmund     Androsr 
I  Governor  of  Maryland,  dated  the  25th 


dians,  almost  to  the  Susquehanna, 
looking  toward  bringing  the  Susque- 
hannocks into  complete  friendship 
with  them.  Edmund  Andros  seemed 
to  be  a  sincere  friend  of  these  In- 
dians. 

tt76-Amdwrt  Instructions    to    Cap- 1  °'  September,  1676  and tonni  m   the 

last  named  book,   p.   687.  If  some 


tain  Collyer  on  the  Delaware 
and   Susquehanna. 

In  the  last  quoted  book,  p.  686,  un- 
der the  date  of  September  23  of  this 
year  there  is  set  forth  several  in- 
structions from  Andros  to  Captain 
Collier  from  the  management  of  In- 
dian affairs  in  eastern  Pennsylvania, 
and  among  them  is  this  instruction 
that  he  (Collier)  is  to  acquaint  the 
Governor    of      Maryland     "with     the 


course  be  not  speedily  taken  they 
(  The  Susquehannocks )  must  all 
necessarily  submit  to  the  Min- 
ques  and  Senecas  who  passionately 
desire  it;  but  it  would  prove  of  a 
bad  consequence.  I  have  therefore 
dispatched  Captain  Collyer  to  you  to 
let  you  know  if  I  may  be  service- 
able to  you  therein  to  employ  me  and 
whether  you  judge  the  late  peace 
with    Susquehannocks    sufficient,  their 


great  inconvenience  that  hath  been  |  continuing  where  they  now  are  or 
bound  Eastward  by  the  several  na-  i  being  removed  from  these  parts  best. 
tions  of  Indians  joining,  whereby  the  I  \  have  some  interest  with  the  Maques 
late  mischiefs  have  happened;  and  and  Senecas  and  I  can  best  deal  with 
that  the  Christians  have  received  a  ;  them ;  but  some  speedy  resolution  is 
greater  service  from  the  Maques  and  j  necessary  as  it  will  concern  the 
other  Indians  above  Albany;  they  j  peace  of  all  his  Majesty's  subjects 
therefore   desire  their  resolves  about    in    these    parts."       (Signed)    Edmund 

the  Suspuehannocks  and  to  acquaint  Andros."  This  shows  that  con- 
them  that  he  wishes  to  admit  them  stant  watchfulness  was  required  to 
within    the    Government,    rather    than    prevent    the    now    beaten    Susquehan- 

hazard  their  being  obliged  to   refuge    nocks  from  being  utterly  exterminat- 

with    a   grudge   in   their   hearts,   fur-  j  ed   by   or   assimilated   with   other    In- 

ther  away  and  out  of  our  reach."  The  I  dians  of  powerful  tribes. 

instruction  further  goes  on    and    says:  I 

"but  the   Susquehannocks   having  had  1 1676— 

warr   with  Maryland,  though   now   in 

peace,   I  have   delayed     making     this 


conclusion,  though  it  will  be  of  ad- 
vantage to  all"  The  instructions 
then  further  state,  "the  Susquehan- 
nocks are  to  be  used  friendly  and  as  j  between  the  Senecas  and  Susquehan- 


the   Senecas   and   Susquehannocks. 

In  a  letter  found  in  the  5th  Md. 
Archives,  pp.  152-153  reference  is 
made  to  "a  small  encounter"  in  the 
beginning    of    last    December     (1676) 


many  as  will  are  to  come  to  me  at 
this  place  (New  York),  for  which  all 
freedom  and  furtherance  is  extended 
to  them;  and  let  them  know  it  is 
their  good  hearts  and  not  riches  that 
I  value,  therefore  they  need  not 
trouble  themselves  about  presents" 
I   cite  this  merely  to  show  the   good 


nocks  in  which  the  writer  says  that 
"the  most  considerable  affair  that  I 
am  about  to  acquaint  you  with  is 
about  the  Seneca  and  Susquehan- 
nock  Indians  who  have  had  at  the  be- 
ginning of  December,  last  a  small  en- 
counter at  Jacob  Young's  house, 
which    intelligence    came    to    me      by 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


105 


Tuesday  night  last,    (Jan.,   1677) ;    up- 
on which   I   have  taken  the   most  ef- 
fectual   care    I    could    at    present    for 
the    security    of    Baltimore    and    Cecil 
counties,    and    I    send    you    herewith  ! 
original  letters  I  have  received  from  j 
the  head  of  the  Bay  relating  to  it.  I 
have  inquired  how  we  shall  treat  with 
the    Indians    as    soon    as    the    Spring 
approaches,   for   if   we   be   not  timely 
in    adjusting    all    matters    with    them 
in   the   Spring,  we   shall   be   surprised 
by    them    and    your    Lordship's    pro- 
vince will  receive    much  damage  before 
we    are    sensible    where    our    mischief 
proceeds.     Therefore   I   shall  take   all  j 
care  to  be    peaceable  with  the    Senecas  ( 
and    the    Suspuehannocks,    especially  i 
care  to  be  peaceful  with  the  Senecas  | 
(if    it    be    obtained)    they    being    the 
greatest    and    most    considerable    Na- 
tion,   and   our   league   wth   them   will 
occasion  our  security  from  the  Dela- 
wares  or  Macquas;  and  if  the  Senecas 
war    with    them    they    can    not    make 
incursions  as  they  usually  do  and  in- 
vade     us.      Otherwise    it    is    probable 
they    say,    especially   if   they   and   the 
Susquehannocks       confederate       they 
will   invade  us;    they    being  both  Na- 
tions   of    the    bloodiest    people    in    all 
these  parts  of  America."     This  letter 
is  dated  Jan.  22,  1677,  and  therefore 
the   affair  referred  to  was  in  1676. 
1676— The  War  With  the  Susquehan- 
nocks  flakes   the   Taxes   High. 
In    the    Md.    Archives,    pp.    137    to 
140,    under   the    date    of   December    9, 
of  this  year  there  is  remonstrance  by 
the   Governor   and   council   directed  to 
Lord  Baltimore,  setting  forth  the  true 
state    of    Maryland    and    of    the    rea- 
sons of  the  high  taxes     and     among 
other  things  it  states,  "  it  is  now  so 
that  the  people  are  likely  to  run  into 
rebellion    against      this      Government 
and  we  may  be  involved  in  intestine 
war   as   it  is   in  Virginia.     The   great 
clamor  is    against    the    greatness    of 


taxes;  and  the  debarring  of  some 
freeman  from  voting.  As  to  the  taxes 
we  appeal  to  the  whole  world  wheth- 
er our  Lord  Proprietary  was  not 
forced  into  the  expensive  war  against 
the  Susquehannocks  last  year;  and 
whether  he  sought  not  all  means  of 
pacification  that  could  stand  his 
honor  and  safety  of  the  people  be- 
fore he  engaged  in  it.  If  the  taxes 
continue  this  year,  and  it  is  the  same 
necessity  of  protecting  the  people, 
much  trouble  will  ensue."  The  re- 
sult of  the  Susquehannock  expedi- 
tion  is   now   very   plain   in   this    item. 

1676 — Maryland     Now     Takes     Hands 

Off  the  Senecas  and  Off  of  the 

Susquehannocks. 

In  the  Second  Md.  Archives,  p.  545 
it  is  said  that  the  end  of  the  Ses- 
sions of  1676,  the  Assembly  repealed 
the  Act  for  the  preservation  of  cer- 
tain articles  of  Peace  made  with  the 
Susquehannocks  in  1674.  This  was 
done  so  as  not  to  give  any  offense  to 
the  Senecas.  And  also  at  p.  547  of 
the  same  book  it  is  set  out  that  the 
Act  for  raising  a  supply  to  pay  the 
charge  of  making  pea:e  with  the 
Senecas  and  war  with  the  Susque- 
hannocks and  their  confederates, 
which  passed  in  1674,  was  also 
repealed.  This  was  done  so  that  the 
Susquehannocks  should  not  be  of- 
fended with  Maryland  for  showing 
an  undue  favoritism  to  the  Senecas 
and  for  allowing  to  let  stand  up-re- 
pealed the  declaration  of  war  against 
the   Susquehannocks. 

1677— Upland     Court     Acts     on     the 
Threat  of  the  Senecas  to  Kid- 
Nap  the  Susquehannocks. 

In  the  record  of  the  Court  at  Up- 
land "at  a  meeting  held  by  ye  Com- 
manders and  Justices  att  uppland 
uppon  the  news  of  the  Sineco  Indians 
comming  downe  to  fetch  the  Susque- 


106 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


hannos,  that  were  amongst  these 
River  Indians,  etc.,  March  13th.,  an- 
noq.  Dom.,  1677.  It  was  concluded 
upon  the  motion  of  Rinowehan  the 
Indian  Sachomore  that  Captain  Coll- 
yer  and  Justice  Israeli  Helm  goe  upp 
to  Sachamexin  where  att  present  a 
great  number  of  Sineco  and  other 
Indians  were,  and  that  they  endeavor 
to  pursuade  the  Sineco  and  Sasque- 
hannos  on  these  Rivers  to  send  each 
a  Deputy  to  the  Governor  of  New 
York  and  that  Israeli  Helm  goe  with 
them.  (  See     records     of     Upland 

Court,  p.  49;  also  see  the  same  re- 
ferred to  in  Vol.  2  of  Watson's  An- 
nals of  Philadelphia,  p.  237). 

The  meaning  of  all  this  is  that  the 
Senecas  of  New  York,  who  had  al- 
ready forced  one  branch  of  the  Sus- 
quehannocks  to  come  and  live  with 
them,  were  now  determined  on  swal- 
lowing up  the  rest  of  the  tribe  who 
are  scattered  along  the  Lower  Sus- 
quehanna, near  the  Old  Fort. 

1677— Maryland   Appoints   a    Commis- 
sioner to  Make  New  Peace  With 
the  Susquehannocks. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Md.  Archives,  p. 
243  the  following  interesting  com- 
mission is  to  be  found  entitled  in  the 
said  book,  Copy  of  a  Commission 
Granted  by  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil to  Henry  Coursey,  Esq.,  for  mak- 
ing peace  with  the  Indians;  "To 
Thomas  Nally,  Esquire,  Greeting:  — 
Whereas  the  Susquehaunocks,  Sene- 
cas and  divers  other  nations  of  In- 
dians, inhabitants  to  the  Northward 
of  this  Province  have  formerly  com- 
mitted divers  murders  and  outrages 
within  the  Province  upon  which  there 
hath  ensued  a  war  between  his  Ma- 
jesty's subjects,  residing  in  this 
Province  and  Government  as  well  as 
those  residing  in  Virginia,  and  the 
Susquehannocks;  and  whereas  the 
said   Susquehannocks   have  since   and 


lately  desired  to  come  to  a  treaty 
of  peace  with  his  Lordship  and  have 
submitted  themselves  and  put  them- 
selves under  the  protection  of  the 
Senecas,  etc.:  Know  ye  that  I  have 
constituted,  ordained  and  authoriz- 
ed Henry  Coursey,  Esq.,  one  of  his 
Lordship's  Council  for  this  Province 
as  ambassador  or  envoy  to  treat  with 
and  conclude  a  firm  peace  with  the 
said  Susquehannocks,  Senecas  and 
any  other  Indians  unknown  to  us,  in- 
habiting and  residing  to  the  North- 
ward of  us  within  or  without  the 
territory  of  his  Royal  Highness  and 
from  whom  we  have  already  receiv- 
ed injury  by  the  confederacy  between 
them  and  the  Susquehannocks,  upon 
such  reasonable  terms  as  to  him 
shall  seem  meet  and  convenient  ac- 
cording to  his  instructions.  And  for 
as  much  as  the  said  Indians  do  now 
reside  for  the  most  part  within  the 
territory  of  his  said  Royal  Highness's 
(viz.:  the  Duke  of  York's  domain 
North  of  Maryland  and  including 
Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  the  Sus- 
j  quehannocks  having  gone  back  to 
I  the  Susquehanna  River),  and  can  be 
I  treated  with  only  by  a  journey  to  be 
had  through  his  Royal  Highness's 
territory,  I  do  hereby  ordain  and 
appoint  said  Henry  Coursey  to  treat 
with  Edmund  Andros,  Governor  Gen- 
eral under  his  Royal  Highness,  the 
Duke  of  York,  and  desire  him  leave 
to  pass  through  said  territory  to 
treat  with  the  Indians  and  I  do  re- 
quest that  the  said  Henry  be  receiv- 
ed according  to  the  law  of  Nations. 
Given  at  St.  Mary's  April  30,  1677." 

1677 — Instructions     Given     by     Mary- 
land to  Henry  Coursey  How  to 
Treat  with  the  Susque- 
haimnocks. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Md.  Archives,  pp. 
244-245  the  further  directions  in 
making   a   treaty   are   set   out   as   fol- 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


107 


lows,  "You  are  with  all  convenient 
speed  to  begin  your  journey  toward 
New  York  by  way  of  New  Castle  on 
the  Delaware  in  order  to  your  going 
into  Albany  to  treat  with  the  Sus- 
quehannocks;  and  on  arrival  at  New 
Castle  to  signify  to  the  Deputy-Gov- 
ernor there  in  general  terms  that  you 
are  sent  to  Colonel  Andros  by  his 
to  come  to  a  treaty  with  the  Sene- 
cas  at  Fort  Albany  or  elsewhere; 
and  you  are  to  inform  yourself  from 
Captain  Collyer  and  others  of  the 
true  state  of  the  Susquehannnocks 
what  numbers  there  are,  upon  what 
terms  they  are  received  by  the  Sene- 
cas,  and  if  any  such  be  under  whose 
protection  they  live  and  how  they 
may  be  treated  with  all  in  order  to 
the  settling  and  universal  peace  be- 
tween us,  and  the  Susquehannocks 
and  the  Senecas  and  the  rest  of  the 
Indians  to  the  Northward  as  also  be- 
tween the  Indians  and  all  the  low 
land  Indians  in  league  and  amity 
with   us. 

You  are  to  .apply  yourself  to  the 
Governor  of  New  York  and  render 
him  to  assist  in  procuring  a  treaty 
for  you  both  with  the  said  Senecas 
and  Susquehannocks  if  there  be  such 
a  nation  left. 

When  you  are  come  to  a  treaty 
with  the  Senecas  you  are  to  let  them 
know  that  we  had  no  knowledge  of 
them  but  by  the  Susquehannocks'  re- 
port; that  they  from  time  to  time 
told  us  that  the  injuries  we  had  re- 
ceived in  our  Government  and  the 
murders  of  our  people  were  all  pre- 
petrated  by  the  Senecas,  that  we  af- 
terwards found  out  that  these  very 
murders  which  the  Susquehannocks 
fathered  upon  the  Senecas  were  com- 
mitted by  the  Susquehannocks  them- 
selves and  that  that  was  the  real 
cause  of  the  war  between  us ;  and  the 
injury  to  us  was  the  greater  because 
the    Susquehannocks    by    the    articles 


of  peace  between  us  were  obliged  to 
give  us  20  days'  warning  of  inten- 
tions to  war  if  at  any  time  they  grow 
weary  of  peace  with  us,  which  not- 
withstanding they,  in  an  open,  hor- 
rible manner,  with  the  major  part  of 
their  forces,  and  some  if  not  all  of 
their  great  men  present,  assaulted 
the  house  of  Randel  Hanson  standing 
within  three  miles  of  their  fort  and 
there  continued  to  fight  one  whole 
day  after  all  which  they  had  confi- 
dence to  endeavor  to  persuade  us 
it  was  the  Senecas  that  committed 
the   outrage." 

We  readily  see  in  this  that  though 
Maryland  very  atrociously  mistreat- 
ed the  Susquehannocks  yet  they  still 
contiued  to  blame  the  Susquehan- 
nocks for  the  murders  which  the 
Senecas  committed;  and  used  that 
protection  as  an  excuse  for  making 
the  war  on  the  Susquehannocks  in- 
stead of  the  Senecas  though  it  is 
pretty  certain  that  the  Senecas  were 
the  real  aggressors.  The  whites  evi- 
dently took  this  course  because  the 
Senecas  were  now  supreme  and  the 
Susquehannocks  were  almost  annihi- 
lated by  them  and  completely  under 
their   control. 

1677— Henry   Coursey's  First   Steps  in 
Making  Peace  With  the  Sus- 
quehannocks. 

In  the  5th  Vol.  of  the  Md.  Arch, 
pp.  246-247  the  next  step  in  effecting 
peace  with  the  Susquehannocks  is 
shown.  This  is  set  forth  in  a  letter 
from  Colonel  Coursey  to  P.  Nolley's 
on  the  Delaware  River  dated  May  22, 
1677,  which  is  as  follows: — Right 
Worthy  Sir:  On  the  19th  inst.  I  wrote 
you  from  New  Castle.  On  the  20th 
came  Jacob  Young  from  Maryland 
which  gives  me  a  better  account  than 
I  received  before,,  which  is  as  fol- 
lows, 'Them  that  killed  Richard 
Milton's  family  were  eight  Susque- 
hannocks,   and    that    upon    doing    the 


108 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


killing  they  immediately  fled  to  the 
Senecas  and  that  all  the  mischief 
that  hath  been  done  hath  by  their 
(Susquehannocks)  several  troops  as 
they  came  out  of  Virginia  (They  are 
now  retaliating  for  the  killing  of 
their  five  chiefs)  and  the  two  per- 
sons this  year  shott  were  by  two 
Susquehannocks  that  came  with  the 
trops  of  Senecas,  that  carried  the 
Susquehannocks  from  the  place  since 
which  the  same  troops  took  the  chief 
warriors  into  Susquehanna  River, 
being  30  in  number  who  had  then 
been  hunting  to  make  a  present  to 
you  for  peace  (the  Susquehannocks 
were  hunting  for  furs  to  make  a 
present)  among  which  was  the  young 
Indian  I  had  talked  with  at  Jacob 
Young's.  Old  Collyer  was  coming  I 
himself  but  was  by  the  rest  pursuad-  j 
ed  to  desist  for  the  want  of  a  pre-  | 
sent?  I  have  now  sent  for  him  and 
one  other  great  man  to  come  to  me, 
where  I  now  stop  for  them.  There 
are  about  26  of  them  (Susquehan- 
nocks) left  here;  still  I  propose  to 
persuade  them  to  go  with  me  to 
New  York,  it  being  Governor  An- 
dros's  ordered  to  Captain  Collyer  to 
send  them.  The  Senecas  intend  to 
be  at  Palmer's  Island  when  the  corn 
is  half  a  leg  high. I  likewise  find  it 
necessary  to  carry  Jacob  Young  with 
me  without  whom  I  can  do  nothing; 
and  that  truth  is  from  him  and 
none  else.  He  tells  me  that  the 
Senecas  having  marched  10  days 
then  fell  at  some  difference  among 
temselves  how  to  divide  those  Sus- 
quehannocks they  had  with  them, 
they  being  of  two  several  forts  and 
upon  the  division  the  Susquehan- 
nocks were  much  displeased,  and 
some  of  them  got  away,  the  rest  they 
bound  and  carried  with  them,  but  it 
is  judged  not  to  hurt  them,  for  every 
one  of  the  forts  strive  what  they  can 
to  get  them  to  themselves,  and  Gov- 


vernor  Andros  to  get  them  to  the 
Masaques  (Maques),  for  it  was  told 
me  by  Captain  DeLavall  that  if  they 
had  them  they  would  make  war  im- 
mediately with  the  French. 

This  23rd.  instant  came  to  me 
four  Susquehannocks  and  with  them 
the  Emperor  of  the  Delaware  Bay  In- 
dians and  upon  discourse,  I  find 
them  all  inclined  to  peace.  It  seems 
a  custom  to  give  a  present  by  any 
one  that  speaks  a  treaty.  I  am  ready 
to  take  horse  again  for  New  York 
where  I  hope  to  be  by  Saturday 
night,  Signed,  Henry  Coursey."  This 
is  how  the  Susquehannock  Indian 
history  after  the  year  1776  became 
linked  in  with  the  Seneca  history, 
who   were   their   merciless   masters. 

1677— Further       Steps       in      Making 
Peace    Arrangements. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Md.  Archives,  p. 
248  is  Thomas  Notley's  reply  to 
Coursey's  letter  and  it  is  as  follows: 
"I  am  heartily  glad  that  you  have 
made  so  great  a  discovery  in  so 
short  a  time  as  to  the  state  of  the 
Indians,  especially  the  Susquehan- 
nocks. I  am  glad  Jacob  Young  goes 
with  you ;  and  that  you  have  so  good 
an  intelligence  from  him.  One 
thing  I  must  add  that  if  upon  the 
whole  consideration  you  shall  think 
it  more  necessary  to  let  the  Susque- 
hannocks live  in  this  Province 
(Maryland)  than  elsewhere,  then  en- 
deavor so  to  order  it.  If  not  how- 
ever, leave  no  gap  but  make  a  thor- 
ough conclusion  with  all  the  Indians. 
In  this  I  depend  upon  your  discre- 
tion." 

1677— Henry     Coursey's    Proposal    to 
the  People  and  the  Indians. 

Under  the  date  of  June  22,  this 
year,  in  5th  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
251  further  steps  of  the  arrangement 
for  peace  are  set  out  by  Henry  Cour- 
sey in  a  message  to  the  Senecas    as 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN  TRIBES 


109 


follows,  "We  formerly  had  peace  I 
with  the  Susquehannocks  which  they  j 
perfidiously  broke,  not  only  killing  i 
single  persons  but  at  last  with  the  | 
greatest  part  of  their  forces  assault- 
ing a  whole  family  in  a  house  and 
to  amuse  us  they  told  us  that  those 
'outrages  were  committed  by  the 
Senecas  thereby  to  engage  us  in  a 
'quarrel  with  you.  We  found  their  per- 
fidiousness  and  breach  of  faith  fell 
upon  them  and  have  now  so  near 
destroyed  them  that  they  are  forced 
to  seek  shelter  under  you  who  were 
before  their  enemies.  Now  so  there 
shall  be  no  cause  of  quarrel  between 
.us  and  you  and  that  we  may  now  lire 
in  peace  as  brethren  granted  by  the 
same  God,  though  not  known  to  one 
another,  we  desire  that  all  of  the 
Susquehannock  Nation  as  shall  come 
under  your  protection,  may  be  by 
you  obliged  not  to  do  any  violence 
<or  wrong  to  any  Christian  inhabit- 
ing either  in  Maryland  or  Virgnia.  In 
case  any  injury  shall  hereafter  be 
done  by  any  of  the  Susquehannocks 
living  under  the  protection  of  you 
Senecas,  or  by  any  of  your  own  na-  ' 
tion,  you  shall  deliver  him  to  us  or 
to  the  Governor  of  New  York  to  be 
proceeded  against  according  to  his 
demerits."  This  shows  again  the 
great  earnest  desire  of  the  Maryland 
people  to  establish  good  will  with 
the  Senecas  in  order  that  the  Sene- 
cas keep  the  Susquehannocks  from 
renewing  their  slaughter  of  the 
whites  as  they  had  done  after  they 
left  the  fort  on  Potomac,  vowing 
vengeance  until  they  had  killed  ten 
white  men  for  every  one  of  their 
number  which  they  lost. 
1677  —  Answer  of  the  Onondagoes  to 
the  Proposal  for  Peace. 
In  Vol  5  of  the  Maryland  Archives 
p.  255  is  set  forth  the  views  of  the 
Onondagoes  on  the  question  of  the 
terms  of  peace  with   the   Susquehan- 


nocks, which  were  proposed  by  the 
whites  of  Maryland  and  New  York; 
the  answer  is  as  follows,  "A  belt  was 
sent  to  us  by  Colonel  Henry  Coursey 
authorized  by  Maryland  that  we 
might  make  greater  haste  to  come 
down  which  we  have  done  and  he 
saith  that  none  of  us  shall,  for  the 
future  injure  any  persons  in  Mary- 
land. We  thank  the  gentlemen  that 
they  do  exhort  for  peace,  we  are  so 
minded  ourselves  but  we  acknow- 
ledge that  we  have  killed  of  your 
Christians  and  Indians  formerly 
whereof  Jacob  Young,  (who  helped 
the  Susquehannocks  and  lived  with 
them)  my  friend,  was  a  great  occa- 
sion; but  we  desire  now  that  all  be 
past  and  buried  in  oblivion.  A  belt 
of  13  rows  deep  we  now  give  you. 
We  say  again  that  Jacob  Young  was 
a  great  captain  and  leader  against 
them  whereby  the  wars  have  been 
continued  but  now  we  desire  peace 
and  that  the  Almighty  God  who 
dwells  in  Heaven  may  give  his  bless- 
ings  thereunto. 

We  let  you  know  that  there  are  of 
ours,  four  castles  of  the  Senecas  out 
fighting  against  the  Senecas — you 
may  therefore  warn  your  Indians  that 
there  may  be  no  injuries  or  damages 
done  hereafter,  and  so  to  contine  the 
peace  we  do  give  two  beavers."  The 
Onondagoes  here  seem  to  show  a  very 
honorable  disposition  and  a  fervent 
spirit  towards    peace. 

Their  referring  to  the  "Almighty 
God  who  lives  in  Heaven"  seems  to 
indicate  that  the  Jesuits  had  effected 
quite  a  good  work  among  them  in 
matters  of  Christianity. 

1677 — Answer   of   the   Maques   to   the 

Proposition  for  Peace  With 

the  Susqnehannocks. 

The  view  taken  by  the  Maques  on 
the  question  of  Peace  may  be  found 
in  Vol.   5   of   the  Maryland   Archives, 


no 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


pp.  257-258",  and  it  is  as  follows: 
"We  are  glad  the  King's  Government 
of  Maryland  and  Virginia  have  sent 
you  to  speak  of  peace  and  that  this 
place,  Albany  is  fixed  for  all  na- 
tions to  make  peace.  We  return 
hearty  thanks  and  wifl  speak  with 
one  heart  and  one  head.  The  Sene- 
cas  were  on  their  journey  with  600 
men  to  come  here  but  for  fear  turn- 
ed back;  but  we  were  not  afraid. 
We  return  you  hearty  thanks  for  re- 
leasing the  two  sons  of  Conondon- 
dans  and  likewise  that  you  beheaded 
the  Sachem  of  the  Susquehannocks 
named  Achnaetsachawey,who  was  the 
cause  of  their  being  taken  prisoners; 
and  we  do  present  five  beavers." 

At  the  conclusion  of  this  treaty 
these  Indians  sang  a  song  after  their 
manner  by  their  method  which  they 
do  undertake  to  hold  firm  and  they 
give  a  beaver  and  a  dressed  Elk  skin. 
And  then  they  sang  another  song,  the 
meaning  of  which  is  that  their  people 
may  now  forget  what  is  past  between 
them  and  the  Colonists  but  might  al- 
ways be  mindful  of  what  has  now 
happened  in  this  house  and  if  the 
Senecas  appoint  any  other  place,  it 
will  not  be  accepted  but  this  place 
to  be  the  only  appointed  and  perfix- 
ed  place  now  dedicated  to  this  great 
treaty  with  all  our  tribes." 

These  Maques  also  show  a  very 
honorable  and  equitable  spirit  which 
shows  both  their  honest  and  their 
simple   nature. 

1677  —  The     Oneidas,     Senecas     and 
Some  of   the   Onondagoes   Re- 
fuse to  Obey  the  Peace 
Above  Refered  to. 

In  Mombert's  History  of  Lancaster 
County,  p.  23  he  says,  "Notwith- 
standing a  treaty  of  amity  concluded 
between  Maryland  and  the  Five  Na- 
tions in  1677,  some  of  the  Oneidas, 
Onondagoes  and  Senecas  who  were 
not  present  at  the  time  of  the  treaty, 


fell  upon  the  Susquehannocks  who 
were  in  league  with  Maryland,  kill- 
ed four  of  their  number,  took  six 
prisoners,  five  of  them  fell  into  the 
share  of  the  Senecas,  were  in  con- 
formity with  the  treaty,  sent  back, 
but  the  sixth  was  detained  by  the 
Oneidas.  Overtures      and      remon- 

strances   on    the    part    of      Maryland 
and    Virginia    proved    unavailing   and 
after  a  few  years  of  hostilities  broke 
out  with  increased  violence  and  only 
ceased    with    the    final    overthrow     of 
the      Susquehannocks    by      the     Five 
Nations.       It  appears  from   a  minute 
examination    of    imperfect   and    some- 
what contradictory  data,  exhibited  at 
I  length    by    Foulke,    that   the    Lancas- 
ter lands  fell   into  the   power  of  the 
Five  Nations  some  time  between  1677 
and    1684."     This    shows    the    difficul- 
ties that  were  constantly  encountered 
in    perfecting    permanent    peace    with 
different      tribes      of    Indians,    some 
of  whom  were     honest     and     others 
treacherous,    and    all    of    them    being 
more   or   less    under   political   obliga- 
tions  to   various   contemporary  tribes. 
It    appears    that    when    a    treaty    was 
made,  another  tribe  would  claim  that 
it  was  made  without  their  advice  and 
presence    and    they    would    repudiate 
it,    so   that   the   Susquehannocks   may 
be  said  to  have  been  between  the  up- 
per   and    lower    mill    stones    a    great 
deal  of  the  time. 


1677 — Governor  Dungan's  View  of  the 
Might  of  the  Five  Nations  and 
The  Fate  of  the  Susque- 
hannocks. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Second  Series  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Archives,  p.  755 
Governor  Dungan  makes  a  report 
dated  1684  in  which  he  refers  to 
some  things  which  happened  in  1677 
and  among  other  things  he  says,  "I 
have  sent  herewith  what  the  Nations 
that    conquered    the    Susquehannocks 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDAN    TRIBES 


111 


desired  of  the  King  in  my  Lord  Ef- 
fingham's presence  and  I  believe  it 
to  be  of  dangerous  consequence  if 
denied."  This  demand  on  the  part  of 
the  Five  Nations  was  that  the  whites 
should  not  interfere  with  the  relation 
between  the  Five  Nations  and  the 
Susquehannocks  for  the  Five  Nations 
had  conquered  them  and  thought  this 
interference  was  meddling. 

As  to  the  Five  Nations  at  this  time 
"Governor  Dungan  says:  "The  Five 
Indian  Nations  are  the  most  warlike 
people  in  Amerca,  and  a  bulwark  be- 
tween us  and  the  French  and  all 
other  Indians.  They  go  as  far  as  the 
South  Sea  the  Northwest  Passage  and 
Florida  to  War.  New  England  in 
the  last  war  with  the  Indians  would 
have  been  ruined,  if  Edmund  Andros 
had  not  sent  the  Five  Nations  to  their 
assistance.  All  the  Indians  in  these 
parts  of  America  are  tributary  to 
them."  By-  the  South  Sea  is  meant 
the  Pacific  Ocean  and  the  Northwest 
Passage  is  at  the  Arctic  Ocean.  So 
these  great  Indians  that  whipped  the 
Susquehannocks  had  a  reputation  for 
war  all  over  North  America  with  the 
exception  of  the  South  West  section 
toward  Mexico. 

1677 — Other  Authorities  on  the  Over- 
throw of  the   Susquehannocks. 

Lewis  Evans  in  his  "Analysis, "print- 
ed by  Benjamin  Franklin  and  publish- 
ed in  London  in  1755  on  the  fall  of 
the  Susquehannocks  says,  "'The  Sus- 
quehannocks after  a  great  defeat  by 
the  Marylanders,  were  easily  exter- 
minated by  the  Confederates  (Five 
Nations).  So  that  those  Nations  who 
are  now  on  the  Susquehanna,  are 
only  such  as  the  confederates  have 
allotted  that  River  for;  as  the  Nan- 
ticokes,  from  the  Eastern  Shore  of 
Maryland,  Tuteloes  from  the  Mehe- 
nin  River  in  Virginia  and  the  Dela- 
wares,  under  which  we  include  the 
Minnesinks  and  the  Mandes,  or  Salem 


Indians"— (p.  14).  At  pp.  11  and  12 
he  also  says,  that  "they  (Five  Na- 
tions) gave  the  finishing  stroke  to 
the  extermination  of  the  Susque- 
hannas." 

To  show  further  that  the  Senecas 
or  the  Five  Nations  as  a  whole  did 
overthrow  the  Susquehannocks  about 
1676-77,  we  quote  from  the  4th  Col- 
onial Records,  p.  712  in  which  is  set 
forth  the  speech  of  Tachanoontia.one 
of  the  orators  of  the  Five  Nations  at 
the  treaty  held  June  27,  1744  in  the 
Lancaster  Court  House,  where  in 
speaking  of  the  lands  on  Susque- 
hanna, he  says,  "All  the  world 
knows  we  concurred  the  several  Na- 
tions living  on  Susquehanna,  Cohon- 
goronta,  and  on  the  back  -of  the  great 
mountains  in  Virginia."  We  see  from 
all  this  that  there  is  no  doubt  about 
the  defeat  of  the  Susquehannocks  by 
I  the  Five  Nations. 

1 1678 — The    Shawanese   Now    Come    to 
the   Susquehannock  Country. 

In  this  year  the  Shawanese  came 
to  Conestoga.  They  were  a  small 
j  tribe  and  from  North  Carolina.  They 
I  settled  on  the  Pequea  Creek.  It  is 
!  generally  said  that  they  came  in 
|  1698.  See  Vol.  4  of  the  Votes  ofAs- 
i  sembly,  p.  517,  where  it  is  stated  that 
I  they  were  Southern  Indians  and  came 
!  to  Conestoga  in  1698  to  the  number 
I  of  60  families.  Gordon  also  says  in 
i  his  history,  p.  514  that  they  came  in 
j  1698.  But  Redmond  Conyngham,  Esq., 
i  in  15  Haz.  Reg.,  p.  117  says  that  the 
original  manuscript  from  which  the 
I  notes  were  prnited  states  that  they 
came  n  1678.  This  error  he  says  is 
i  plain  because  these  Shawnese  were 
j  here  before  William  Penn  came,which 
'  was  in  1682.  The  Dauphin  County 
;  Pamphlet  on  Indian  History,  p.  43  also 
|  says  that  the  Shawnese  were  at  the 
j  William  Penn  Treaty  in  1683.  A 
;  very  famous  descendant  of  these 
I  Shawanese  called  Red  Pole  is  buried 


112 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


hi  Trinity  Church  Yard  at  Pittsburg  I  at  this  time,  (2)  that  the  great  men 
he  having  died  there  in  1797  and  his  I  of  the  Senecas  or  some  of  them  were 
monument  says  that  he   died  at  that  |  living  among  the   Susquehannocks  in 


date,      "Lamented      by      the       United 
States/'— (See   12  Haz.   Reg.,   63-64). 


the   neighborhood  of  the   old   Susque- 
hannock     Fort  on   the     Susquehanna 


1678-Bmnor   that     the     Susauehan-   River-    <3)    ttat,     «"»     Senefs    wfe 

making  tools  of  the  Susquehannocks, 


nocks,  After  Conspiring  with  the 
Senecas,  Incite  the  Senecas 
to   Invade    Maryland 
and  Fall  on  the 
Piscataways- 
In  Vol.   15   of  the  Md.  Archives,  p. 
175   under  the  date  of  June   13,  1677 
at  a  council  held  at     the    old    Court 
House    the    following    appears:    "The 
common    rumor   that   the    Seneca   In- 
dians by  instigation  of  the  remaining ! 
part  of  the  Susquehannocks,  now  liv- 


which  later  was  to  result  in  a  dis- 
agreement between  them  and  the 
Susquehannocks  and  bring  on  an- 
other fight,  and  (4)  that  the  Senecas 
would  not  rest  until  they  had  sub- 
jugated the"  other  Pennsylvania 
1  tribes,  to  do  which  they  did  not 
scruple  to  violate  any  treaties  which 
they  formerly  made. 

1678— Maryland    Helps     the     Piscata- 
ways   Against    the    Susquehan- 
nocks and  the  Senecas* 


ing  among  them,  are  designed  to  j 
come  down  to  make  war  upon  the  j  In  15  Md.  Archives,  p.  183,  at  a 
Piscataways  toward  the  latter  end  of  |  Council  held  August  19,  1678  it  ap- 
the  Summer  (which  the  Piscataways  !  pears  as  follows,  "Then  Council  met, 
do  generally  believe)  was  taken  into  j  according  to  appointment  by  previous 
consideration;  and  it  was  ordered  !  order  of  Cuncil,  the  Great  men  of  the 
that. Jacob    Young   be    impowered    to    piscataways    and    it   is     ordered    that 


go  to  the  old  Fort  on  the  Susquehan- 
na and  treat  with  the   great  men   of 


the   said   great  men   be   given   to   un- 
derstand that  the  Governor    and    Coun- 


the  Seneca  Nation,  touching  the  said  |  cil  understand  that  a  few  of  the  Pis- 
rumor  according  to  such  orders  and  j  cataway  Indians  have  been  killed  by 
instructions  as  he  should  receive  |  some  of  the  SeneCas  and  Susquehan- 
from  the  Governor.  j  nocks  as  they  believe;   and  told  them, 

In  pursuance  whereof  the  Honor-  |  Maryland  would  send  to  Albany  to 
able  Thomas  Notley,  Esq.,  did  em-  converse  with  the  Governor  of  the 
power  the  said  Jacob  Young  upon  his    Senecas  about  this  matter." 

instructions    under    hand    seal,    to    go  i  1/4-ft     »        ^  *         t>  +  «.. 

..     ,  ..        ._    „       '  16*9— An     Encounter     Between      the 

accordingly    to    the    old    Susquehanna  I 
Fort  and  address  himself  to  the  great  j      Susquehannocks     and    Piscataways. 

men  of  the  Seneca  Nation  and  by  j  In  15  Md.  Archives,  p.  213,  we  are 
presents  or  otherwise  according  to  advised  instead  of  the  Senecas  coming 
their  custom  to  remind  them  of  the  |  themselves,  they  sent  the  Susquehan- 
League  of  Peace  which  they  had  |  nocks  to  fight  the  Piscataways.  This 
lately  entered  into  with  the  Pisca-  J  is  set  forth  as  follows,"then  was  ta- 
taways."  |  ken  into  consideration  the  state  of  the 

In  this  we  have  some  important  1  Indian  affairs  and  the  matters  which 
Historical  facts,  (1)  that  the  Senecas  i  lately  passed  between  the  Governor 
and  Susquehannocks  or  some  of  the  i  and  Council  the  Piscataway  Indians, 
Susquehannocks  were  in  strong  touching  the  murders  committed  and 
league    and    friendship  with  each  other  I  it  is  advised  to  send  for  the  Emperor 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


113 


dians  and  remind  them  of  the  League  I 
of  Peace  and  that  we  are  desirous  to 
speak  with  them  in  relation  to  a  late  j 
encounter  between  them    (The   Pisca-  | 
taways)    and  the   Susquehannocks  and  j 
that  the   said  Council   had   something 
to  propound  to  his  Lordship  for  their 
security  against  the  Foreign  Indians." 
In  this  it  is  hinted  that  Maryland  is 
about  to   raise   a  force  to  secure  the 
Province   against   these   Senecas,   who 
were      mis-leading      the      Susquehan- 
nocks   and    we    shall    see      that     this 
finally    brought    on    the    Ninan    Beall 
expedition. 

1679 — The  Susquehannocks  Divided 
Into  Two  Divisions  by  the  Five  Na- 
tions; One  Kept  in  New  York  and 
the  Other  Established  at  the  Old 
Susquehannoek  Fort;  Further  De- 
luded by  the  Senecas  Against  the 
English. 

Under  the  date  of  March  19, 1679  in 
Vol.  15  of  the  Maryland  Archives,  pp. 
238-240  the  following  may  be  found, 
"Present  at  a  Council,  the  Speaker 
and  the  great  men  of  the  Piscataway: 
The  interpreter  was  ordered  to  tell 
them  that  we  are  lately  informed  that 
there  was  one  among  them  that  lately 
came  from  the  Senecas  and  that  his 
Lordship  had  a  great  desire  to  speak 
to  him.  The  said  Indian  that  came 
from  the  Senecas  being  made  ac- 
quainted with  his  Lordship's  desire  to 
hear  him  gave  the  following  account. 
He  begins  by  laying  on  the  table  five 
single  acorns  some  small  distance 
from  each  other  and  four  together  at 
one  place  which  he  signifies  the  four 
towns  of  the  Senecas,  from  which  he 
came — the  four  next  single  acorns  he 
likewise  declared  to  be  four  other 
towns  of  the  Senecas,  with  the  two 
middle  most  whereof  the  Susquehan- 
nocks had  divided  themselves 
amongst;  and  lived  there,  to  say, -one- 
half  at  one  town  and  one-half  at  the 
other.       The     fifth    and  outermost  of 


the  five  single  acorns  he  declared  to 
be  a  place  inhabited  by  the  English 
where  the  Senecas  used  to  treat  and 
whither  he  was  sent  from  the  four 
first  towns  with  a  present  which  he 
delivered;  but  by  the  description  of 
the  said  place,  to  be  a  place  of  great 
resort  and  trade  for  the  said  Indians 
for  powder  and  shott.  It  appeared 
to  be  Fort  Albany  and  they  were 
Dutch  to  whom  he  had  delivered  the 
present." 

He  said  the  towns  were  all  peace- 
able and  quiet  excepting  only  the  two 
towns  among  which  the  Susquehan- 
nocks had  divided  themselves.  He 
declared  that  in  every  fort  there  were 
some  English.  He  further  said  that 
the  Senecas  allowed  him  to  go  to  see 
his  friends  freely ;  and  so  he  is  here ; 
and  that  he  would  weight  his  mind 
and  the  English  and  tell  them  who 
it  was  that  had  done  the  English  all 
the  mischief;  viz.:  those  two  nations 
amongst  whom  the  Susquehannocks 
now  live  and  that  they  would  do  more 
mischief  yet,  both  to  the  Piscataways 
and  the  English.  They  told  him  he 
must  return  in  ten  days. 

He  was  asked  whether  those  two 
nations  with  whom  the  Susquehan- 
|  nocks  lived  were  at  war  or  peace 
I  with  the  other  four  nations,  and  he 
answered  that  they  were  all  together 
in  peace  and  amity  with  one  another; 
and  that  the  Susquehannocks  go  from 
town  to  town  peaceably  as  friends  and 
j  netophs  (netoughs)  that  is  children 
S  or  cousins,  but  that  the  four  nations 
!  now  seem  to  blame  the  English  very 
I  much  for  letting  so  many  of  the  Sus- 
quehannocks escape  as  they  did  for 
they  are  of  such  a  bloody  and  turbu- 
lent mind  that  they  will  never  cease 
doing  mischief  both  to  the  English 
and  Piscataways  so  long  as  one  re- 
mains  alive. 

He  was  asked  whether  those  two 
forts  with  whom  the  Susquehannocks 


114 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


lived  be  of  the  same  bloody  mind  as 
the  Susquehannocks  themselves,  to 
which  he  replied  at  first,  that  "they 
were  not,  but  by  instigations  of  the 
Susquehannocks  he  does  believe  they 
are  now  become  as  one.  He  also 
says  the  Susquehannocks  laugh  and 
jeer  at  the  English,  saying  they  can 
do  what  mischief  they  please  for  the 
English  can  not  see  them.  He  said 
those  forts  were  three  moons  from 
Piscataway  as  he  was  three  moons  in 
coming.  He  was  asked  whether  the 
Susquehannocks  did  intend  to  come 
down  against  the  Piscataways  and  the 
English  and  in  Virginia,  and  he  said 
that  a  great  man  of  the  Susquehan- 
nocks made  a  speech  saying,  he  was 
pretty  well  satisfied  with  the  revenge 
he  had  taken  of  the  Virginians  by 
the  help  and  assistance  of  those  In- 
dians and  now  intended  to  fall  on  the 
Piscataways  and  English  in  Maryland 
for  they  (the  Susquehannocks),  had 
done  little  or  nothing  there  yet  and 
that  a  considerable  party  had  gone 
forth  20  days  ago.  This  he  said  he 
had  heard  from  an  Indian  that  had 
escaped  from  the  towns  in  which 
the  Susquehannocks  lodged.  He 
said  the  forces  of  those  two  towns  or 
forts  were  so  strong  that  he  could  not 
express  it,  and  that  the  great  men  of 
the  Susquehannocks  said  that  they 
would  never  have  any  peace  with  the 
English  of  Maryland  or  the  Piscata- 
ways or  the  Chopticos  or  any  other 
Indians  on  the  south  side  of  the  Pata- 
psco." 

In  this  we  see  that  the  revenge 
which  the  Susquehannocks  swore  on 
the  whites  of  Maryland  and  the 
friendly  Indians  with  Maryland  for 
slaughtering  their  great  men  at  the 
Potomac  Fort  was  still  in  their 
hearts  and  that  they  were  determin- 
ed to  carry  it  out.  We  can  not 
suppose  that  this  story  was  a  series 
of  falsehoods  against  the  Susquehan- 


nocks   because    it    was    given    by    a 
friendly  Indian  who  was  captured  by 
the  Secenas  and  had  leave  of  absence; 
and  because  it  seems  exactly  in  line 
with    what    the    Susquehannocks    de- 
clared   to    do.       However,    there    may 
have   been   intrigue   in   it   and   a  well 
formed    plot    to    get    the    Susquehan- 
nocks     in      trouble      with      Maryland 
again  for  it  must  be  remenbered  that 
a   year   before     the     Susquehannocks 
were    begging   Maryland     for      peace. 
However,    it   seems    that   it   was    only 
that  small  branch  of  the  Susquehan- 
nocks   who    were    living    at    the    old 
Susquehannock    Fort    that    were    ask- 
ing  for   peace;    and   it   is    likely   that 
the   other   and   greater   branch  of  the 
Susquehannocks    who    were    living    in 
these  two  Senecas  forts  in  New  York 
were   very    revengful     against     Mary- 
land   as    this    messenger    said.        We 
also  see  here  that  it  is  proved  beyond 
doubt   that   a   great   body   of   Susque- 
hannocks   did    go    and    live    with    the 
Senecas  of  New  York.  Another  thing- 
is  noticeable  and  that  is  the  wisdom 
of  the  Five  Nations  in  statecraft,they 
very    wisely    determined    to    establish 
some  of  their  tribes  with  some  of  the 
conquered   Susquehannocks  in  the  old 
Susquehannock    Country    to    preserve 
i  their  rights  and  look  after  their  con- 
!  quered     lands     in      Pennsylvania;    as 
|  well  as  to  take  the  remainder  of  the 
|  Susquehannocks    with    them    to    New 
|  York — for  the  double  purpose   of  keep- 
I  ing  the  Susquehannocks  weak  by  di- 
!  viding    them    and    of     keeping     them 
I  among  themselves   in   a  friendly   way 
|  to     consolidate    the     Susquehannocks 
!  with    themselves    for    the    purpose    of 
|  further  enlarging  the  great  confeder- 
!  acy  of  the  Five  Nations. 

1 1080— The   Piscataways   Much    Frigh- 
tened   by     These     Movements    of 
the   Susquehannocks  and 
the  Senecas. 

In    Vol.    15    of   the   Maryland    Arch., 
I  p.   277   we  now   see  the  result  of  the 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


115 


revengful  heart  of  the  Susquehan- 
nocks.  At  a  Council  held  on  the 
31st.  of  March  this  year  at  Notley 
Hall,  the  following  is  set  forth,  "At 
this  time  and  place  the  Emperor  and 
great  men  of  the  Piscataways  came 
to  acquaint  his  Lordship  that  they 
had  a  great  desire  to  make  peace 
with  all  the  Northern  Indians,  both 
the  Senecas  and  Susquehannocks  and 
to  that  end  had  prepared  several  pre- 
sents wherewith  they  had  desired  to 
send  some  agents  of  theirs  to  the 
Mattawomans  to  desire  their  assist- 
ance." 

And  in  the  same  book,  p.  279  under 
the  date  of  April  1st.,  the  following 
letter  was  given  by  the  Council  of 
Maryland: — "To  Our  Civil  and  Mili- 
tary Officers  in  the  Province  and 
other  Good  People:  Whereas  the  Em- 
pereor  and  great  men  of  the  Pisca- 
taways in  behalf  of  himself  and  the 
Indians  under  his  subjection  are  de- 
sirous to  conclude  a  general  peace 
with  the  Northern  Indians,  including 
the  Senecas  and  Susquehannocks  and 
have  sought  of  us  liberty  so  to  do 
and  ask  a  letter  of  consent,  granting 
free  pass  to  their  agents: — This  is  to 
allow  their  agents,  two  men  and  a 
woman  quietly  to  pass,  etc.,  which 
we  hereby  grant  unto  them." 

1680 — The    Senecas    and    Susquehan- 
nocks   Building   New   Forts    from 
Which  to   Fight  the  Pis- 
cataways. 

Under  the  date  of  May  12,  1680,  it 
is  set  forth  in  15  Maryland  Archives, 
p.  280.  "On  Monday  the  10th  In- 
stant, in  the  evening  came  down  from 
Piscataway  Fort  an  Indian  to  inform 
me  that  the  Senecas  and  Susquehan- 
nocks Indians  had  built  them  a  fort 
within  sight  of  the  Piscataway  fort. 
They  judge  it  to  be  about  500  yards 
distant  and  that  there  are  about  300 
of    them.       When     our      Indians    dis- 


couraged them  they  immediately  en- 
gaged with  them  which  had  been  the 
best  part  of  two  days  when  the  In- 
dians came  down  to  us.  I  under- 
stand their  desire  is  that  they  might 
have  some  English  to  assist  them; 
therefore  I  thought  fit  to  acquaint 
you.  In  their  engagement  I  under- 
stood from  this  Indian  that  they  sev- 
eral times  discoursed  with  each  other 
and  that  they  likely  scattered  about 
and  killed  several  horses  for  their 
provisions."  This  is  all  of  a  letter 
of  William  Chandler,  High  Sheriff  of 
Charles  County  on  the  River  that  the 
Senecas  and  Susquehannocks  have 
come  down  to  the  Piscataway  Fort. 
On  the  same  day  that  this  letter 
was  read  it  was  concluded,  "that 
Captain  Randolph  Brandt  be  com- 
manded with  one  squadron  of  his 
troop,  consisting  of  20  men  whom  he 
shall  deem  fit  forthwith  to  march  to 
Piscataway  Fort  and  there  fully  to 
inform  himself  of  the  truth;  and  that 
John  Stone  be  commanded  to  accom- 
pany him  to  the  Fort  and  assist  the 
gentlemen  of  Charles  County,  and 
also  to  take  report  by  Monday  next," 
(See    15   Md.   Arch.   p.   281). 

1680 — Captain  Brandt's  Report  About 

the   Susquehannocks   and  the 

Senecas. 

Under  the  date  of  May  17,  this  year 
this  report  was  made  and  is  as  fol- 
lows: "In  obedience  to  your  Lord- 
ship's command  we  have  been  with 
the  Piscataway  Indians,  who  seemed 
much  concerned  that  we  came  not 
sooner;  but  have  given  them  satis- 
faction in  that  particular.  What 
they  say  in  touching  the  Senecas  and 
Susquehannocks  is  that  they  came 
upon  the  Forte  on  Sunday  last,  their 
number  was  supposed  to  be  about 
200,  and  several  times  firing  upon  the 
Fort,  and  at  last  they  came  to  a 
treaty.  The  Piscataways  would  have 
bought  their  peace,  proffering  a  pre- 


116 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


sent;  but  the  Susquehannocks  told  j  men,  women  and  children  until  such 
them  they  would  have  revenge  for  time  as  they  have  heard  what  peace 
the  great  men  killed  in  the  late  war,  i  their  ambassador  lately  sent  to  the 
and  that  they  expected  to  have  their  Senecas  and  Susquehannocks  can 
Indians  who  were  taken  by  the  Eng-  procure  and  in  the  interim  powder 
lish  restored.       They     several     times  j  and  shott  be  sent  them  for  better  de- 


asked  about  this  when  the  English- 
men were  at  the  Piscataway  side,  and 
in  a  skirmish  one  man  was  wounded 
in  the  foot,  being  then  in  the  Em- 
peror's Cabin.  Sundry  shott  were 
made  at  the  Fort  and  many  horses 
killed  by  them.  The  Senecas  left 
them  Wednesday  and  went  very  much 


fense    against    the    Susquehannocks,  if 
a    war    come   on." 

And  a  few  days  later  May  22,  it  was 
ordered  "that  the  Emperor  of  the 
Piscataways  be  given  to  understand 
that  the  Susquehannocks  say  if  all 
the  Chopticos  and  the  Mattawomans 
were   at    Piscataway   with     the     Em- 


dissatisfied.  They  expect  them  back !  peror  they  would  not  then  even  be 
daily  in  great  numbers.  A  boy  of  Mr.  i  able  to  fight  the  Senecas  and  Susque- 
Lines  being  sent  from  his  quarters  j  hannocks  who  are  over  1000  men; 
to  look  for  a  horse  lot  himself  in  the  |  and    that    the    Virginians    do    not    be- 


woods  and  by  chance  came  on  the 
Fort,  and  confirms  this  also.  The 
Piscataways  ask  for  more  powder 
having    spent    much    of    their    store; 


lieve  that  the  Senecas  murdered 
these  people  and  say  all  the  murders 
now  committed  are  by  the  Piscata- 
ways.    And   the   Council   think   better 


and  they  ask  to  be  allowed  to  move  for  the  Piscataways  and  Mattawoman 
down  to  the  Mattawomans."— (See  15  ,  to  remove  with  their  wives  and  chil- 
Md.  Archives,  p.  283).  -  _,   .„  ..      XT     ,.     ,        „ 

*  dren  to  the  Nanticokes  for  some  time 

1680  — Council   Decide    to    Help    the   till    the    Virginians    do    say    that    the 

Piscataways    Against    the    Sus-        I  Senecas    and    Susquehannocks    murd- 

quehannocks.  i  dered  the  people  and     that    we    may 

In   15   Md.   Archives,   p.   284,   under  j  have    time    to    Procure    them    a    firm 

the    date   of   May    17,   it   is    set   forth,  j  Peace  witn   the   Senecas   and   Susque- 

"The  proprietor  and  Council  take  in-  j  hannocks." 

to  consideration  the  present  condi-  i  At  tne  same  Place  it  is  set  forth 
tion  of  the  Emperor  of  the  Piscata-  that  the  Emperor  of  the  Piscataways 
ways  and  the  Indians  under  his  com-  !  was  lately  at  the  Susquehannock 
mand  oppressed  by  the  Senecas  and  \  Fort,  conferring  with  the  Susquehan- 
Susquehannocks.  And  the  Emperor  j  nocks  before  he  confers  with  the 
of   the     Piscataways   having  declared  |  English  again. 

that  he  will  not  stay  at  the  place  of  \  1680— The     Piscataways    and     Matta- 
his    wasted  habitation,  but  for    security  j 
remove  himself  and  his  men  and  their 
wives   and   children     to     the     Matta- 
womans or  other     places     of     safety. 
Hla  Lordship  commanded  the  several  I 

articles  of  peace  with  the  said  Em-  |  under  the  date  of  June  1,  Captain 
peror  and  nations  under  him  to  be  j  Randolph  Brandt  gave  this  report, 
read  of  1666-1670.  He  also,  with  the  j  "In  obedience  to  your  command  of 
advise  of  his  Council  doth  hereby  ap-  the  23rd.  ult.,  I  have  communicated 
point  Nanticoke  River  for  the  place  \  with  the  Piscataways  and  Matta- 
for   the   said   Emperor  to   receive   his  |  womans  and  Mr.     John     Stone     who 


woraans  Blaine    the    English    for 

Making     Them     Enemies     of 

the  Susquehannocks. 

In  15  Md.  Archives,  pp.  299  and  300 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


117 


conferred  with  them  and  they  say 
they  will  not  remove  but  will  use 
their  power  to  defend  and  when  they 
can  not  hold  out  any  longer,  they  will 
thrust  themselves  amongst  the  Eng- 
lish; and  they  also  say  they  are  be- 
come enemies  of  the  Susquehan- 
nock  Indians  and  all  other  Indians 
through  the  means  of  the  English 
and  for  that  reason  they  will  not 
leave  us.  And  the  King  of  the  Mat- 
tawomans  allegeth  that  the  Eastern 
shore  Indians  are  as  much  their  ene- 
mies as  the  Susquehannocks,  occa- 
sioned by  their  going  with  us  against 
the  Nanticokes  about  two  years  ago." 

1680 — Susqueliannocks     and     Senecas 
Moving  Foul  on  the  Piscataways. 

In  Vol.  15  of  the  Maryland  Arch., 
p.  302  under  date  of  June  5,  1680  is 
set  forth  a  note  from  John  Munn's 
relating  to  the  Piscataways  and  it 
says: — "I  suppose  the  great  men  had 
been  down  before  this,  but  I  hear  the 
Susquehannocks  and  Senecas  have 
been  foul  of  them  on  Friday  last, 
they  having  killed  7  of  the  Picata- 
way  men.  This  information  I  have 
of  James  Jefferson,  who  came  from 
the  fort  and  brought  a  horse  from 
there  lately  shot  with  an  arrow." 

1680 — Susqiieliannocks    Desert     From 
the   Seneca's   Armies  and  Tribes. 

In  Vol.  15  of  the  Maryland  Arch., 
p.  305  under  the  date  of  June  16, 1680 
it  is  set  out  in  a  communication  to 
Lord  Baltimore  as  follows:  "I  have 
endeavored  to  inform  myself  by  all 
ways  and  means  what  Indians  did 
the  late  murders  but  they  are  still 
unknown.  But  I  am  of  the  opinion 
it  was  some  of  those  Susquehan- 
nocks fled  from  the  Seneca  army  and 
happily  it  may  be  those  that  did  the 
mischief,  for  the  several  foregoing 
years  along  the  same  river.  It  does 
not  appear  to  be  the  Senecas  as  I 
feared  at  first." 


We  begin  to  see  now  that  the  Sus- 
quehannock  Indians  among  the  Sene- 
cas   are    held    among    them    by    force 
and    that    they    are    trying   to    escape 
I  from  them.     We  shall  see  shortly  tnat 
|  the    Senecas    quickly      resented      this 
i  and    determined   to    butcher    a   lnt   of 
J  them  which  brought  on     the     appeal 
j  by    the    Susquehannocks   to   Maryland 
!  for  help  and  Ninan  Beall  then  led  the 
i  expedition  to  their  aid. 

1680— The    Beginning    of     Conestoga, 
Etc. 

Mombert  hi  his  History  of  Lancas- 
i  ter  County,  p.  25  says  that  about  this 
j  year   "a  settlement  was     planted     by 
j  the    conquerors    at    Conestoga    which 
!  became  the  chief  and  place  of  Coun- 
cil seated  on  the  Susquehanna  below 
its  fork.     The   residence  were  of  the 
Five     Nations,     chiefly     the     Seneca 
Tribe     but     comprising    some    times 
Oneidas,  Cayugas     and     Tuscaroras." 
By  the  Conquerors  here  he  means  the 
Senecas   and   others   of  the   Five   Na- 
tions whom  we     have     been     talking 
about. 

This  is  further  attested  to  by  the 
Dauphin  County  History  Pamphlet 
where  the  author  says  that  ''the  In- 
dians whom  Penn  found  in  this  lo- 
cality were  beggar  Iroquois  (and 
that  in  1682  there  was  not  one  of  the 
Susquehannocks  dwelling  on  his  an- 
cient seats)  and  were  representing 
themselves  as  Conestogas,  not  in 
blood  but  in  occupation."  Facts  seen 
to  prove  him  not  entirely  correct  in 
this  statement. 

1680 — Mattawomans  Fear  the  Senecas 
and   Their   Susqiiehannock-Slaves. 

In  Vol.  15  of  the  Maryland  Arch., 
p.  313,  under  the  date  of  July  6,  it  is 
set  forth  that  "the  King  of  the  Mat- 
tawomans shows  a  medal  in  token  of 
your  Lordship's  friendship  to  him 
and  begins  now  to  be  in  fear  of  the 
Susquehannocks     and     Senecas     and 


ns 


ANNALS  OF  THET  SlISQtTEHANNOCKS    AND 


pretends  a  want  of  arms  and  am- 
munition and  intends  speedily  to 
make  his  address  to  you  and  thePis- 
eataways  and  sending  scouts  out 
daily  have  discovered  the  enemy  (the 
Susquehannocks)  and  are  in  some 
doubt  they  will  be  foul  of  them  before  | 
the    Fort   is    Finished." 


1681— More  Light  on  the  Location  of 
the  Susquehannocks   Fort. 

In   a   communication   found   in  Vol. 
6   of   the   Maryland   Archives,   p.   272r 
dated    January    25,    1681    it    is    stated 
that  "the  petition  of  Mr.  Penn  is  read 
concerning  a  tract  of     land     to     be 
granted  to  him  in  America,  but  that 
it   appeared   by   John   Verden's   letter  j 
the   part  of.  territory  desired  by  him  | 
is  already   possessed  by  the  Duke  of  j 
York.       He  must  apply  to  his  Royal  I 
Highness     for    adjusting   this    respec- 1 
tive   pretention;    and  Mr.  Penn  being 
acquainted  with  the  matter  from  the 
letter  of  Lord  Baltimore's  Agents,  he 
does    agree    that   the    Susquehannock 
Fort    shall    be    the    boundary    of    the 
said  Lord  Baltimore's  Province;    and 
as   to  furnishing   arms   and   ammuni- 
tion to  the  Indians  Mr.  Penn  declares 
himself  ready  to  submit  to     any     re- 
straint his  Lordship  may  propose." 

This  item  seems  to  refer  to  some- 
thing that  passed  between  Penn  and 
authorities  representing  Lord  Balti- 
more at  home  in  England  because 
the  date  is  before  his  arrival  here. 
He  seems  to  have  had  knowledge  of 
the  location  of  the  Susquehannock 
Fort  before  coming  to  Pennsylvania. 
For  our  purposes  it  is  interesting  to 
some  extent  as  fixing  the  location  of 
this  famous  old  Fort.  This  is  a  pro- 
ceeding which  took  place  in  England 
as  is  very  evident  from  Hazard's 
Annals,  pp.  475  and  476  and  what  the 
Maryland  Archives  quote  as  simply 
a  report  of  it  which  was  made  from 
England  to  Maryland. 


1681— The    Piscataways    Much    Frigh- 
tened. 

In  Vol   15   of  the  Md.   Archives,   p. 
336  it   is   set   down   that   "the   Pisca- 
taways and  Mattawomans     are     very 
much   frightened   at  the   approach   of 
the   Susquehannocks  and     that     they 
!  are   now   in   the  Piscataway   Fort  for 
|  safety  and  dare  not  stir     out     of     it. 
|  They  claim  that  the  help  which  they 
|  gave  the  English  as  against  the  Sus- 
I  quehannocks       caused       them       this 
trouble." 


1681— The    Susquehannocks    Turn  Out 
to  Be  Thieves. 

In  Vol.  15  of  the  Maryland  Arch., 
p.  372  it  is  stated  that  "a  certain  In- 
dian woman  being  examined  for 
being  accused  of  stealing  a  certain 
apron  says  that  one  of  her  children 
found  them  upon  the  ground  and  that 
she  bought  them  from  the  Susque- 
hannocks at  their  Fort;  and  that  they 
stole  them.  Being  further  examined 
she  says  that  she  thinks  it  was  not 
the  Susquehannocks  but  the  Senecas 
that   killed   the   English." 

1681  —  Maryland    Determines    to   Rid 
the  Province  of  the  Susque- 
hannocks. 

In  Vol  7  of  the  Maryland  Arch.,  p. 
Ill,  under  the  date  of  1681  is  set 
forth  a  speech  of  the  Governor  of 
Maryland  to  the  Assembly,  in  the 
course  of  which  he  says,  "You  have 
not   been   called   together   for   a  long 

time ,  and  had  there  not  been 

some  Indian  murders  by  some  In- 
dians not  yet  discovered,  I  should 
not  have  called  you  until  October 
next;  but  being  duly  alarmed  by  the 
approach  of  a  considerable  party  of 
Indians  that  have  been  discovered 
and  discoursed  with  by  Captain 
Brandt  and  very  much  apprehending 
a  sudden  attempt  by  them  on  our  in- 
habitants, it  is  absolutely  necessary 
you    should    meet    to    renew    speedily 


OTHER    LANCASTER  'COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


113 


those  Articles  of  Peace     made     some 
years    ago    with    the    Senecas.        We 
ought  to  cherish  their  friendship  for  i 
it   must   be   by   their   means    and    as- 
sistance  that  we  are  able  to  hope  to  i 
rid  the  Province  of  these  Susquehan- 
nocks  and   other  mixed   Indians   that 
come   early    down   and     infest      both 
Maryland   and  Virginia.      Therefore  I 
earnestly   desire   you     to     take     this 
great  and  weighty  affair  into  serious 
consideration     and     by     some     early  I 
course  secure  the  Senecas  to  be  our  j 
friends   that   they   may   be    gained   to  | 
aid  and  assist  us  in  cutting  off  these  • 
enemies     of     ours     (the     Susquehan-  j 
nocks)   that  certainly  design  our  des-  j 
truction  as  soon  as  they  have  taken 
from  us  our  friends  and  neighbor  In-  'j 
dians." 

In    this    we    see    again    how    deter- 
.mined    the    Susquehannocks    were    to  ; 
revenge  themselves  for  the  killing  of 
their  five  chiefs  in  1676.     They  seem- 
ed never  to  forget  the  slaughter.  An-  j 
other  thing  is  noticeable     here     and  I 
that  is  that  the  extracts  stating  that 
Ninian  Beall  slaughtered  the  Senecas 
in   order   to   assist     the     Susquehan- 
nocks   are   wrong    as    we   shall    show  \ 
later.     That    slaughter    if    there    was  j 
such  was  simply  to  rid  the  Province 
of  Maryland   of     both     Senecas     and 
Susquehannocks   alike. 

1681 — Susquehannocks  Again  Become 

Fearful  of  the  Mischievous 

Senecas. 

In  Vol.  15  of  the  Maryland  Arch., 
p.  374  it  is  set  out  under  the  date  of 
June  25,  1681  that  a  Council  held 
a  letter  of  Colonel  Brandt  was  receiv- 
ed saying,  "I  give  you  an  account  of 
my  being  at  Zachariah  Fort  where  I 
found  the  Indians  much  troubled  for 
the  loss  of  13  of  them  being  stolen 
away  by  the  Senecas  and  in  daily 
fear  of  being  destroyed.  Yesterday 
they  say  they  discovered  a  Seneca 
near  the  Fort.  The  Senecas  laid  their 


corn  fields  down.  I  am  apt  to  be- 
lieve these  Indians  are  not  Senecas 
but  Susquehannocks  separated  in- 
to several  parties;  and  the  Sus- 
quehannocks are  not  now  as  friend- 
ly as  the  rest  of  us.1" 

1681— A    Mattawoman    Prisoner  Who 
Escaped  from  the  Senecas,  Tells 
of  the  Condition  of  the  Sus- 
quehannocks. 

In  Vol  15  of  the  Maryland  Arch., 
p.  390,  Jackanapes  an  Indian  belong- 
ing to  the  Mattawomans  declares  that 
on  New  Years  day  he  was  taken  a 
prisoner  by  the  Senecas  frorn  the 
Mattawoman  Fort,  that  when  they 
came  now  lately  before  Zachaiah 
Fort,  he  came  with  them;  that  about 
a  day  or  two  before  they  came  to  the 
Fort  they  sent  out  two  canoes,  in  one 
10  Senecas  and  in  the  other  10  Sus- 
quehannocks and  a  Piscataway  pris- 
oner whom  they  had  taken  as  guide, 
with  orders  to  go  down  the  Potomac 
River  and  so  to  Patuxent  to  hunt  for 
Indians  who  might  be  among  the 
English. 

And  on  page  383  of  the  same  book, 
under    the    date    of    June    30,    Jacka- 
napes   describes    the    location    of    the 
Susquehannocks    and    others    at    that 
date.     He  says  that  the  Senecas  live 
in  four  towns  at  the  head  of  a  great 
River    that    comes    to    the    Bay    (The 
Susquehanna),  that  East   of   them   live 
the  Quiaquas  supposed  to  be   friends 
j  and  eight  Susquehannocks  with  them 
and   that   East   of   them  the   Ononda- 
!  goes    and    14    Susquehannocks      with 
j  them,    farther    East    on    a    branch    of 
the  River   and  its  source  17  Susque- 
hannocks, and  further  four  towns  of 
|  Senecas   and   that   where     the     river 
I  and  its  branches  come  together  is  a 
j  place  of  rendezvous  of  all  these  Na- 
tions. 

This  shows  the  southern  boundary 
of  New  York  along  its  whole  length 
to  have  been  the  location  indicated. 


120 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


1681— Maryland    Orders    No    Quarter  | 
to  be  Given  to  the  Susquehan- 
nocks. 

In  Vol.   15   of  the   Maryland  Arch.,  j 
p.  384  under  the  date  of  June  30,  1681  | 
instructions    are    given    by    Maryland  ; 
to  Captain  Brandt  as  follows:   "Since 
we      have     certain     intelligence     that 
there    have    been    10    Susquehannocks 
and  10  Senecas  dispatched  from  this 
great  party  down  the   Potomac,  with 
a  prisoner  for  their  guide  to  try  what 
Indians  they  can  surprise,  and  since 
we     have     certain     intelligence     that 
when     the       Susquehannocks      meet  \ 
either  Indians  or  English  they  give  no 
quarter,   it     is     appointed     that     the 
Northern  Indians  refuse  to  treat  with 
Captain'  Brandt   at   Zachaiah   Fort   is 
out  of  a  design  to  do  him  mischief,  to 
prevent  this  you  are  to  demand: 

(1)  Ten  Piscataway  Indians  as 
guides  to  find  those  Northern  Indians 
to  treat  with  them; 

(2)  Secure  those  Piscataway  In- 
dians from  all  violence; 

(3)  If  foreigners  assault  you,  to 
defend    against    it  ; 

(4)  Make  no  peace  unless  it  in- 
clude the  Piscataways  and  the  Matta- 
womans; 

(5)  Let  the  foreign  Indians  know 
that  we  had  several  murders  com- 
mitted of  late,  that  we  know  there 
are  10  Susquehannocks  and  10  Sene- 
cas sent  down  to  fall  upon  the  Eng- 
lish." 

All  this  shows  that  the  Senecas  and 
with  them  the  Susquehannocks  are 
still  murdering  the  English  and  as 
we  shall  soon  see  are  fast  drifting 
into  a  war  with  Maryland  which 
turned  out  very  disastrous  to  the  In- 
dians. 

1681— The    Senecas    and     Susquehan- 
nocks Make  Overtures  for  a  New 
Fort  on   the   Susquehanna 
River. 

In  Vol.  17  of  the  Maryland  Arch., 
p.    4,  there   is   an   item  dated  August 


22,  1681  in  which  the  Senecas  make 
it  appear  that  the  Susquehannocks 
show  a  redress  to  trust  their  for- 
tunes again  to  Maryland.  They  seem 
now  to  be  in  fear  of  their  old  con- 
querors the  Senecas.  The  item  is  as 
follows: — Jacob  Young  who  was  a 
friend  of  the  Susquehannocks  and  it 
seems  had  married  a  Susquehannock 
squaw  now  came  (with  several 
Northern  Indians,  and  in  behalf  of 
them  all),  and  says:  "They  desire 
they  may  have  a  house  built  at  the 
Falls  of  the  Susquehanna  River  and 
:  that  they  may  have  the  liberty  of 
trading  with  the  English  when  they 
|  come  down  and  if  any  English  desire 
;  to  go  to  their  country  they  will  be 
safely   conducted." 

This  request  is  made  by  10  Sene- 
|  cas  on  behalf  of  their  troop  of  300 
1  warriors.  This  is  really  a  trick  on 
]  the  part  of  the  Senecas  to  mislead 
'  the  Marylanders  and  also  the  Sus- 
j  quehannocks. 

1G81 — State    of    the    Susquehannocks 
Among    the    Five    Nations. 

In  Vol.  17  of  the  Maryland  Arch., 
I  p.  5  appears  the  following  informa- 
tion given  by  the  Onondagoes,  Sene- 
cas and  Oneidas  who  appear  before 
Council  and  are  asked  how  many  Sus- 
quehannocks are  there  among  them. 
They  say  "There  are  in  all  four 
forts — Onondagoes,  300  men — Onei- 
das, 180  men — Quiagoes  (Cayugas), 
300  men — Mohawks,  300 — and  among 
these  four  Nations  are  some  Susque- 
hannocks but  how  many  they  can 
not  tell.  Some  are  among  the  real 
Senecas  and  they  believe  were  the 
Susquehannocks,  all  together  they 
would  make  about  100  fighting  men. 
There  are  14  Susquehannocks  with 
the  Oneidas,  7  with  the  Onondagoes 
but  the  chief  of  them  are  with  the 
Mingoes  joined  to  the  Sennondoni- 
anes,  but  the  chief  of  them  are  with 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


121 


the  Cayugas."  They  also  say  there 
is  another  small  nation  called  the 
Black  Mingoes  joined  to  the  Sennon- 
donianes,  who  are  to  the  right  of  the 
Senecas.  This  shows  the  scattered 
condition  of  the  Susquehannocks  at 
this  time;  part  of  them  were  down 
the  river  and  part  of  them  amongst 
the  various  tribes  of  the  Five  Na- 
tions. 
1681 — The    Iroquois    Now    Are    Very 

Bold,  Etc.,  And  Threaten  to  Des- 
troy   the    Susquehannocks. 

In  Vol.  62  of  the  Jesuit  Relation,  p. 
169  it  is  reported  as  follows:  "that 
the  utmost  efforts  must  be  used  to 
prevent  the  Iroquois  ruining  the 
European  Nations  as  they  heretofore 
ruined  the  Algonquins,  Susquehan- 
nocks (Andastes),  Loups,  Abenaques, 
and  others,"  as  these  successers  have 
made  them  very  bold  and  haughty. 

1682— The  Senecas    Now    Make    Bold 
Preparations    to   Inyade   Mary- 
land. 

In  Vol.  7  of  the  Maryland  Arch., 
p.  270  under  the  date  of  May  4, 
1682  is  an  article  showing  how  Mary- 
land tries  to  defend  against  the 
Northern  invasions.  It  is  there  set 
forth  as  follows:  "We  hope,  both 
houses    will    consider: 

(1)  That  the  Piscataways  became 
enemies  to  the  Susquehannocks 
merely  upon  the  score  of  Articles  of 
Peace  made  with  Honorable  Leonard 
Calvert,  Esq.,  at  first  and  afterwards 
by  assisting  us  against  the  Susque- 
hannocks in  the  year  of  1676.  That 
it  is  the  remnant  of  these  Susque- 
hannock  Indians  that  engage  those 
Northern  Indians  with  whom  they  are 
now  incorporating  to  revenge. 
Thereupon  the  Piscataways  remind- 
ing them  that  they  (the  Piscataways) 
formerly  killed  some  Northern  In- 
dians at  St.  Mary's  because  those 
Northern  Indians  had  murdered  Eng- 


lish in  Patapsco  and  other  places  and 
|  rendered    the    Piscataways    suspected 
of  being   our   friends. 

(2)- That  if  we  abandon  the  Pisca- 
|  taways  they  must  incorporate  them- 
!  selves  with  the  Northern  Indians  and 
j  in  that  case  become  another  engaged 
I  enemy  with  the  Susquehannocks 
j  against  them. 

|  (3)  That  then  no  Nation  (not  even' 
the  Northern  Indians  themselves) 
|  will  ever  trust  us  more;  and  the 
!  Nanticokes  and  the  Eastern  Shore  In- 
dians must  follow  their  example  and 
!  leave  us  friendless  and  utterly  un- 
I  able  to  deal  with  the  skulking  enemy 
I  who  war  only  by  surprise." 

Efforts    were    now    being    made    by 
|  the    Senecas    to    bring    this    about    so 
I  that    a    seperate    invasion    might    be 
made  into  Maryland. 

1682— The  Susquehannocks  Incite  the 
Senecas   to   Fall   Upon  Maryland. 

In  Vol.    17   of  the  Maryland   Arch., 
j  p.    100,   the   following   is   set   forth   as 
!  instructions      to      Colonel        Coursey. 
j  "There  hath  been   some  discourse   as 
if    those    Northern    Indians    would    be 
;  hired   to   cut   off  the   remnant   of  the 
Susquehannocks.       If      you    find    any 
truth  in  that  fail     not     pursue     that 
I  point  and  purchase  the  peace  of  this 
j  Province  from  the   Senecas  by  extin- 
|  guishing     that     viper's      (Susquehan- 
|  nocks)    brood  that  never  fails  to  kill 
I  all    English    whenever    they    are    the 
J  greater    number    in     any      party    and 
i  make     us    feel    the     effects     of     war 
!  though  they. live  under  the  shelter  of 
|  Nations    that    pretend    a    peace    with 
us;   and  be  sure  to  inculcate  into  the 
Northern  tribes  upon  all  treaties  for 
the   Piscataways,   showing  the   north- 
ern   Indians    that    we    are    doing    no 
more    in    protecting    the    Piscataways 
than   they   do   in   protecting  the   Sus- 
quehannocks  and   that  they   ought   in 
reason  to   allow   us  the   same   liberty 
i  that   they   take   to   themselves." 


122 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


It  is  now  evident  that  the  relations 
between  the  Five  Nations  and  the 
English  of  Maryland  were  very  much 
strained  and  liable  to  produce  the  j 
flame  of  war  at  any  time.  And  this  j 
we  shall  see  did  shortly  happen  by 
Maryland  protecting  herself. 

1682— Colonel  Ninan  Beall  Made 
Ranger. 

In  Vol.  17  of  the  Maryland  Arch., 
p.  72  it  was  "ordered  that  six  men  in 
arms  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Ninian  Beall  be  commanded  out  to 
continue  ranging  between  the  head  of 
the  Patuxent  River  and  the  branches 
there  about,  up  to  the  Susquehannock 
Fort  for  the  discovery  of  any  In- 
dian   enemy    that   may    appear." 

1682— Ninian    Beall's    Expedition  and 

Slaughter  of  Indians  at    Susque- 

hannock  Fort. 

From   all   we   can    gather   is   seems 
that  it  was  about  this  year  that  Nin-  j 
ian    Beall    got   into   a   bloody   conflict  | 
with  the     Senecas     and     Susquehan- 
nocks     under     the     Senecas.         The 
writers  of  Maryland  History  all  take  j 
the   ground   the   Beall   had   this   fight 
with  the  Senecas  to  help  the  Susque-  | 
hannocks.     I   do  not  believe  that  the  j 
real   history   sustains  that.     I   believe  j 
that  the     Susquehannocks     were     in 
enmity   at   this   time   as   intensely   as  ; 
the   Senecas,  and  all   which   we   have 
just    been    citing    undoubtedly    shows 
that.     There    is,    however,    only    small 
proof  that  there  was  a  ^reat  slaugh- 
ter and  the  historical  writers  take  it 
for   granted.         They     further     show 
their    unreliable    information    by    not 
being  able  to  fix     the     date.       Lewis 
Evans  in  his  "Analysis"  which  I  have 
cited  before  at  pp.  11  and  12  says  the 
Five    Nations      "gave      the      finishing 
stroke    to    the    extermination    to    the 
Susquehannocks.     But    Beall    in    the 
service    of    Maryland      at      the      Fort 


whose  remains  are  still  standing  on 
the  East  side  of  the  Susquehanna 
about  three  miles  below  Wright's 
Ferry  by  the  defeat  of  many  hun- 
dreds had  given  them  a  blow  which 
they  never  recovered  of  and  for  this 
reason  the  confederates  (The  Five 
Nations)  never  claimed  back  to  the 
Conewago   Falls." 

Evans  and  Ellis  in  their  history  of 
Lancaster  County  say,  "the  Govern- 
ment selected  Ninian  Beall  to  com- 
mand the  troops  (to  help  the  Sus- 
quehannocks). At  last  a  commander 
was  chosen  who  was  no  coward.  He 
marched  with  his  forces  up  the  left 
bank  of  the  Susquehanna  River  to 
the  town  and  fort  which  stood  on 
what  is  now  Witmer's  farm.  Colonel 
Beall  took  several  small  cannon  with 
him.  The  exact  date  of  the  march 
and  the  time  when  the  sanguinary 
battle  was  fought  are  not  given  but  it 
must  have  been  in  the  year  1675  or 
1676.  Mr.  Johnson  in  his  history  of 
Cecil  county  placed  the  period  in  the 
year  of  1682." 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Colonial  Records, 
p.  387  in  the  22nd  of  July,  1707  one  of 
the  spokesmen  of  the  Conestogas  was 
asked  by  Governor  Evans  how  long 
the  Indians  of  that  neighborhood 
were  at  peace  with  the  Five  Nations 
and  the  Indian  replied  27  years.  That 
would  make  the  date  of  peace  in  1680 
and  of  course  the  expedition  if  it  was 
to  help  the  Susquehannocks  would 
have  been  before  the  Susquehan- 
nocks were  at  peace  with  the  Five 
Nations.  I  believe  however,  that  the 
answer  of  the  Indian  was  wrong  and 
that  peace  was  not  established  before 
I  the  year  1682.  ' 

The  best  authority  we  have  on  both 
i  whether  there  was  an  expedition 
against  the  Five  Nations  and  when  it 
:  occured  is  to  be  found  in  Vol.  5, 
j  Second  Series  of  the  Pennsylvania 
!  Archives,   pp.  731  to  734.     It  is  there 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


123 


set  forth  that  a  treaty  of  peace  in 
that  year  was  being  made  between 
the  Five  Nations  and  the  Governor 
of  Maryland  and  the  proceedings  of 
the  treaty  are  there  set  out  at  large. 
At  page  734,  the  Agent  for  Maryland, 
Colonel  Henry  Coursey  says,  to  the 
different  tribes  of  the  Five  Nations 
who  were  present,  "You  have  killed 
our  horses,  cattle  and  hogs  and  rob- 
bed our  houses  and  killed  some  of 
our  subjects,  whereby  we  were  justly 
provoked  to  have  made  a  war  upon 
you,  and  dispatched  away  our 
troops  to  your  country  to  have  re- 
venge for  the  several  mischiefs  done 
to  us."  He  then  goes  on  to  tell  them 
at  the  same  time  the  soldiers  went 
to  make  the  war,  he  now  comes  to 
make  peace.  This  happened  the'  4th 
of  August,  1682.  I  would  not  know 
what  else  he  could  mean  by  saying 
that  "we  dispatched  away  our  troops 
into  your  country  to  have  revenge" 
unless  he  meant  to  refer  to  Colonel 
Beall's  expedition.  We  have  noticed 
in  a  former  item  that  Beall  was 
made  Ranger  at  the  beginning  of  the 
year  1682.  I  have  no  authentic 
proof  that  Beall  had  cannon  with 
him  or  that  he  slaughtered  many 
Senecss.  I  do  not  believe  that  there 
was  an  extensive  slaughter  and  the 
authorities  which  I  have  just  quoted 
would  seem  to  show  that  Beall  was 
only  sent  to  frighten  the  Senecas  and 
that  before  he  did  much  killing  peace 
was  arranged.  There  is  only  one 
thing  more  to  add  and  that  is  that 
this  was  the  last  warfare  between  the 
whites  and  the  Indians  on  Pennsy- 
lvania soil  in  these  early  days  until 
the  French  and  Indian  war  broke  out 
in  1755.  This  expedition  of  Beall 
thus  happened  a  few  months  before 
William  Penn  arrived  in  his  Pro- 
vince. 

1682 — The     Impeachment     of     Jacob 
Young. 
In  Vol.  7  of  the  Maryland  Archives, 
p.  370   an  impeachment  against  Jacob 


Young  is   set  forth   charging: 

(1)  That  Jacob  Young  not  regard- 
ing due  obedience  which  he  as  one  of 
the  people  of  this  Province  ought  to 
his  Lordship  hath  endeavored  to 
alienate  his  affection  from  the  Pro- 
prietary and  the  better  to  do  it  did 
contract  marriage  and  take  to  wife  an 
Indian  woman  of  the  Susquehannock 
Nation;  by  whom  he  had  several 
children  one  or  more  of  which  is  now 
among  the  Indians  and  he  the  said 
Jacob  Young  is  more  concerned  for 
them  than  is  this  province: 

(2)  That  the  said  Jacob  Young  has 
so  far  espoused  the  interest  of  the 
Susquehannocks  and  other  Northern 
Indians  that  in  1675  and  several 
years  since  at  Cecil  county,  even 
when  the  said  Indians  were  enemies, 
did  succor  aid  and  assisted  the  Sus- 
quehannocks against  the  Piscata- 
ways: 

(3)  That  the  said  Jacob  Young  to 
show  his  affection  and  kindness  to 
those  Susquehannocks  has  often  in 
years  and  places  aforesaid,  given  out 
in  speeches  and  declared  that  the 
Susquehannocks  are  an  innocent  and 
harmless  people  and  has  palliated 
their  rapine  and  justified  their  mur- 
ders: 

(4)  That  while,  employed  by  the 
Province  to  help  bring  about  peace 
between  the  Province  and  the  North- 
ern Indians,  causing  great  outlays  of 
tobacco,  Jacob  did  secretly  instigate 
hostilities  to  be  continued  and  pre- 
vented  peace: 

(5)  That  Jacob  further  declared 
his  adherence  to  the  said  Susquehan- 
nocks and  other  Northern  Indians  by 
carrying  on  an  oppressive  war 
against  the  Piscataways  on  no  other 
account  than  that  the  Piscataways 
did  not  assist  the  Susquehannocks  in 
the  late  war  by  them  made  against 
the  Proprietor  and  did  make  it  his 
business    to    move    and    stir    up    the 


124 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Susquehannocks  to  make  war  on  the 
Piscataways;  and  did  take  upon  him 
to  travel  to  several  parties,  to  the 
Susquehannocks  then  scattered  in 
several  parts  of  Maryland  and  Vir- 
ginia and  rallying  them  did  encour- 
age them  in  hostile  manner  to  invade 
this  Province: 

(6)  And  since  his  imprisonment  he 
gives  out  that  he  has  so  much  in- 
fluence over  the  Susquehannocks 
that  he  can  make  them  do  what  he 
pleases;  and  when  he  was  put  in 
irons  he  now  declares  he  will  have 
revenge  on  those  who  put  him  in 
irons." 

No  comment  is  needed  on  this  im- 
peachment as  it  explains  itself.  One 
or  two  points  are  worthy  of  notice, 
to  wit:  that  the  Susquehannocks 
were  yet  a  source  of  annoyance  and 
terror  to  Maryland  and  they  evidently 
had  influential  friends  such  as  this 
man  Jacob  Young  and  others  of  a 
similar  standing. 

1682— Jacob  Young's  Answer. 

Jacob  Young  filed  his  answer  to 
the  above   impeachment   saying: 

(1)  "That  he  denies  he  is  an  enemy 
of  the  Government. 

(2)  He  denies  that  he  married  a 
Susquehannock  Indian  woman  and 
never  had  any  children  by  such  wife; 
and  never  was  concerned  for  the  Sus- 
quehannock Nation  against  Mary- 
land: 

(3)  That  in  1675  he  did  not  live  in 
Maryland  but  in  Delaware  and  was 
sent  for  to  come  to  Maryland  to  in- 
terpret for  Maryland  the  Susquehan- 
nock language  and  that  he  several 
times  at  the  risk  of  his  life  induced 
the  Susquehannocks  to  be  loyal 
to  this  Government  and  to  stay  with- 
in its  bounds;  and  that  he  persuaded 
the  Susquehannocks  that  were  gone 
over  the  Delaware  to  come  back,  at 
great  hazzard  he  sought  out  the  said 
Susquehannocks  and  found  them." 
(See  7  Md.  Archives,  pp.  386  to  391). 


1682— Susquehannocks  Still  Among 
the  Senecas. 

In  Vol.  17  of  the  Maryland  Arch., 
p.  110  under  date  of  May  30,  1682 
is  set  forth  that  "an  express  from 
New  York  brings  advise  that  some 
hosts  of  Northern  Indians  are  set  out 
for  these  parts;  and  those  that  al- 
ready set  forth  were  headed  chiefly 
by  the  Susquehannocks  and  other 
war  captains  and  are  ill  effected  to- 
ward the  Governor  of  Maryland. 
Therefore,  to  prevent  blood-shed  and 
surprise  all  the  military  commanders 
are   to   have   timely  notice." 

On  the  same  subject  there  is  a  let- 
ter to  Captain  Blockhouse  found  in 
17  Maryland  Archives,  p.  203  which 
states,  "Our  humble  request  is  that 
you  will  by  the  first  opportunity  that 
comes  this  way  send  a  power  from 
your  hand  to  us  to  dispatch  away 
from  hence  persons  that  we  may  em- 
ploy for  our.  money  to  present  the 
Northern  Indians;  which  are  com- 
manded by  the  Susquehannocks  of 
|  whom  we  have  too  great  cause  to 
|  fear  for  their  designs  against  the 
I  Christians." 


From  this  we  see  that  the  Susque- 
|  hannocks  living  among  the  Senecas 
!  were  great  agitators  of  strife  and 
J  kept  the  Colonists  in  mortal  dread. 
|  They  had  military  power  and  were 
I  natural  leaders;  and  are  now  found 
:  commanding  and  leading  forth  to 
I  pillage  bands  of  other  Northern  In- 
I  dians. 

|  1682— Peace    Between    Maryland   and 

the  Five  Nations,    (Including  the 

Susquehannocks   Under  Their 

Control.) 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Second  Series  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Archives,  pp.  731 
I  to  739  is  set  forth  an  extensive 
;  treaty  between  Maryland  and  the 
|  Five  Nations;  it  is  a  long  treaty  and 
i  is  as  follows: 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


121 


(1)  That  the  parties  will  keep  per- 
fect faith  with  each  other: 

(2)  That  they  will  not  join  to- 
gether so  as  to  overcome  the  other 
provides : 

(3)  That  if  any  Indian  among  any 
Christians  or  any  of  the  Christians 
living  among  the  Indians  commit 
murder  upon  the  other  party  that 
those  so  committing  the  murder 
shall   be   punished: 

(4)  That  the  friendship  with  the 
Piscataways  shall  be  kept  and  that 
all  these  provisions  will  be  kept. 

This  treaty  also  provides  that  if 
either  parties  have  prisoners  among 
them  that  they  will  give  them  up; 
this  includes  the  Susquehannocks. 
1682 — The  Susquehannocks  Indians 
Meet  William  Penn. 

Rupp  in  his  History  of  Lancaster 
County,  p.  24,  says,  "that  when  the 
first  grand  treaty  with  the  Indians" 
was  held  that  Indians  were  present 
"from  the  shores  of  the  Susquehan- 
na." The  same  is  set  forth  in  Lyle's 
History  of  Lancaster  County,   p.   3. 

Mombert  in  his  History  of  Lancas- 
ter County,  p.  49  says,  "There  were 
at  least  three  Indian  tribes  present 
at  the  great  treaty  the  Lenni  Le- 
napes  living  near  the  Delaware;  the 
Mingoes  from  Conestoga  and  the 
Shawanese  from  the  Susquehanna. 
Penn  was  accompanied  by  a  few 
of  his  friends."  Mombert  also  quotes 
Janney  in  saying,  "It  was  near  the 
close  of  November,  1682,  the  ioftiers 
on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware  had 
shed  their  summer  attire,  the  ground 
was  strewn  with  leaves,  and  the 
Council  fire  burned  brightly  fanned  by 
the  breeze."  He  then  goes  on  to  tell 
how  the  Indians  sat  at  the  treaty  and 
of  their  peculiar  dress;  that  the 
chiefs  were  in  front  of  the  aged  men 
in  the  form  of  a  half  moon;  the 
young  men  and  aged  women  and  fur- 
ther back  the  youth  of  both  sexes. 
He  says  that  Penn  was  dressed  like 


I  the   rest   of  his   comrades,   except  he 
I  had  a  sky-blue  sash  of  silk  net-work 
around  his  waist. 

Gordon  in  his  History  at  page   603 
|  in   a   note    says   that   the    Indians    at 
j  Conestoga   in    1722    showed    Governor 
I  Keith  a  roll  of  parchment  containing 
J  a  treaty  which  Penn  made  with  them 
|  and  he  says  it  was  the  great  treaty. 
j  He    also    quotes    Mr.    R.   Cunningham 
I  saying   that   he,   Cunningham,   discov- 
j  ered  an  envelope  in  a  bundle  of  pap- 
ers relating  to  the  Shawnese  Indians 
with     the     following       endorsement, 
"Minutes  of  the  Indian  Conference  in 
Relation    to    the    Great    Treaty    made 
with  William   Penn  at  the  Big  Tree, 
I  Shackamaxon  on  the  14th  of  the  10th 
j  month,  1682."     The  papers  are  not  to 
■  be  found.     As  further  proof  that  the 
I  Conestogas   were  at  Penn's  treaty  or 
j  met  Penn  at  one  of  the  early  treaties 
I  at    Philadelphia,    this    note    sets    out 
I  that    Tawenna    a    Conestoga   chief    at 
;  a    treaty    held    under    Governor    Gor- 
j  don,   May    26,    1729    made    reply   to    a 
I  speech     which    he     the    Indian    Chief 
I  said   Penn   had  made   to   them   under 
the  Elm  tree.     Mombert  also  says  at 
p.    48,    citing    Watson's    Annals    that 
William  Penn  in   1682  endeared  him- 
self  to    the    Indians,    and     that     "he 
walked  with  them,  sat  with  them  on 
the   ground  and  ate  with  them  their 
roasted   acorns   and  hominy.     At  this 
they   expressed   delight  and   soon   be- 
gan to  show  how  they  could  hop  and 
jump,  at  which  exhibition  to  cap  the 
climax,  William  Penn  sprang  up  and 
beat  them   all."       This   is   given     for 
what  it  is  worth. 

Hockwelder  in  his  narrative  on  the 
Indians,  p.  77,  in  commenting  upon 
the  Paxtung  murder  of  the  Cones- 
togas  that  "they  were  the  descen- 
dants of  those  ancient  Conestoga  In- 
dians who  welcomed  him  upon  this 
first  arrival  and  presented  him  with 
venison,    etc."      He    would    therefore 


126 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


have  us  believe  that  when  the  In- 
dians of  the  Susquehanna  Territory 
went  to  the  great  treaty  and  welcom- 
ed William  Penn  that  they  took  veni- 
son and  meat  along  as  presents. 


1682— The    Susquehannocks    Move  to  j 
Turkey  Hill. 

Lyle   in   her   history   states   that   in  j 
this  year  the  Susquehannocks  moved  ! 
to   Turkey   Hill   on   the  Susquehanna. 
Turkey    Hill    is    in    Manor    Township 
three   miles     below     Columbia — (See 
Lyle's   History,   p.   20).     At  the   same! 
page  this   history   says  that  this  time  j 
Penn    visited      the      Susquehannocks. 
I  am  inclined  to  think  it  was  a  year 
or    two    later;    and    this    history    also  I 
states  that  Penn  gave  them  their  In- 
dian town  of    500     acres     in     Manor 
Township    about    this      same      time — 
(See   same   page   Lyle's   History). 

There  is  no  doubt  that  there  was 
always  a  good  feeling  and  amity  be- 
eween  Pennsylvania  and  the  Susque- 
hanna Indian  tribes  and  without  a 
ripple.  On  p.  15  of  Vol.  2  of  the  Col- 
onial Records  is  set  forth  the  treaty 
with  the  Susquehannock  Indians  con- 
cerning lands  in  1701,  and  the  second 
paragraph  states,  "Hitherto  there  has 
always  been  a  good  understanding 
and  neighborhood  between  the  said 
William  Penn  and  his  Lieutenants 
since  his  first  arrival  in  this  Prov- 
ince and  the  several  nations  of  In- 
dians inhabiting  in  and  about  the 
same."  This  all  shows  that  there 
was  very  early  friendly  communica- 
tion and  general  good  understanding 
between  the  tribes  of  Indians  on  the 
Susquehanna  River  and  the  Govern- 
ment of  William  Penn. 

1683 — Consultation  on  Jacob  Young's 

Alleged  Conspiracy  With  the 

Susquehannocks. 

In  Vol.  7  of  the  Maryland  Archives 
pp.  475  and  476  it  is  stated  that  the 
following    proceeding   took    place    be- 


fore the  Maryland  Council  relative  to 
Jacob  Young.     I  quote  it  as  follows: 
"The  House  find  against  Jacob  Young 
that     in     1677    when    Colonel    Henry 
Coursey   was   empowered  by  commis- 
sion   from    Thomas    Notley    to    go    to 
Albany    to    negotiate    he    took    Jacob 
Young   as    an    interpreter,    and    when 
Coursey  after  coming  to  Albany  told 
Jacob  Young  that  his  commission  was 
to  conclude  a  peace  Jacob   answered 
that  if  he  had  known  so  much  before 
he  came  thither  that  the  Susquehan- 
nocks were  not  to  be  included  in  the 
peace    he    had    rather    given      20,000 
pounds   of     tobacco     than     to     come 
along    and    that    in      1682    when     the 
Northern   Indians   came  and  besieged 
the  Piscataway  Fort,  Colonel  Coursey 
and   Colonel    Stevens    sent    as    agents 
and  Young  as  interpreter,  Young  in- 
quired why     the     Northern      Indians 
came  down  to  war  with  the  Piscata- 
ways     contrary     to     treaties     which 
Young    was    to    ask    them,    the      said 
Young  said  nothing  for  some  time  but 
afterwards    answered    that   if   he   had 
thought    he    was    to    have    spoken    of 
any  such  thing  he  would  rather  have 
given   20,000   pounds   of  tobacco   than 
have    come.     Since    his    imprisonment 
he  has  said  the   Susquehannocks  are 
an   innocent   people   and  that  he   can 
make   them   do   what   he   will." 

The  two  Houses  took  this  matter 
up  but  they  finally  disagreed  about 
Jacob  Young's  punishment  and,  af- 
ter being  imprisoned  for  some  time 
he  was  discharged. 


The  First  of  Penn's  Purchases 
From   the   Indians   of  the   Sus- 
quehanna River. 

The  first  purchase  by  Penn  of 
land  on  the  Susquehanna  River  which 
I  can  find  is  shown  by  a  deed  from 
Kepelappan  found  in  Vol.  1  of  the 
Penna.  Archives,  p.  67.  It  is  as  fol- 
lows:   "I,   Kekelappan,   of  Opaiskunk, 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


127 


for  me,  my  heirs  and  Assigns,  do 
hereby  give  and  grant  unto  William 
Penn,  Proprietary  and  Governor  of 
ye  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  etc.,  his 
Heirs  and  Assignes,  that  half  of  all 
my  lands  betwixt  Susquehanna  and 
Delaware,  which  lyeth  on  the  Sus- 
quehanna side;  and  do  hereby  fur- 
ther promise  to  sell  unto  him  at  ye 
next  Spring,  at  my  return  from  hunt- 
ting,  ye  other  half  of  my  land,  at  as 
reasonable  rates  as  other  Indians 
have  been  used  to  sell  in  this  River. 
In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto 
sett  my  hand  and  seal  at  Philadel- 
phia ye  10th  of  November,  1683." 

Just  to  what  point  the  land  ex- 
tends we  can  not  now  ascertain  but 
we  will  notice  that  the  deed  recited 
that  it  is  land  between  the  Delaware 
and  Susquehanna  Rivers,  lying  on  the 
Susquehanna  side,  therefore,  it  is  a 
part  of  our   county   now. 

It  seems  that  almost  as  soon  as  this 
purchase  was  made  Penn's  troubles 
began  with  the  Five  Nations,  who  as 
we  have  seen  before  were  the  owners 
of  all  this  land  by  conquest,  having 
subjugated  the  Susquehannocks.  They 
made  their  dissatisfaction  known  to 
Governor  Dungan  of  New  York  whc 
sent  a  letter  dated  the  18th  of  Sept- 
ember, 1683  to  the  Indian  commis- 
sioners of  New  York  which  may  be 
found  in  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Arch., 
p.  74  and  is  as  follows:  "Gentlemen: 
I  have  this  day  advised  with  the 
Councill,  and  after  a  serious  con- 
sideration as  a  cause  of  so  great  Im- 
portance require,  it  is  for  good  and 
weighty  reasons  thought  very  conven- 
ient and  necessary  to  putt  a  stopp  to 
all  proceedings  in  Mr.  Penn's  affairs 
with  the  Indyns  until  his  bounds  & 
limits  be  adjusted,  att  ye  determin- 
ing of  which  I  think  either  to  be  per- 
sonally present  or  else  send  some 
person.  You  are,  therefore,  to  suf- 
fer no  manner  of  proceedings  in  that 
business,    until   you    shall   have    posi- 


I  tive  orders  from  mee  about  itt,  and 
j  Mr.  Haige,  Esqr.,  Penn's  Agent,  is 
!  to  be  acquainted  with  the  contents 
I  of  this  Letter.  Gentlemen,  I  am,  as- 
|  su redly,      Your   Faithful    Servant, 

THOMAS  DUNGAN. 
As  this  letter  plainly  shows  Dun- 
I  gan  says  it  was  necessary  to  put  a 
|  stop  to  all  Penn's  proceedings  with 
|  the  Indians  on  the  Susquehanna  at 
|  present.  The  Susquehannock  In- 
i  dians  who  sold  Penn  land  here  plain- 
|  ly  were  imposing  a  fraud  upon  him, 
j  they  knew  that  the  Five  Nations 
j  owned  the  land  and  that  they  had  no 
right  to  sell  it. 

1683— Another   of   Penn's    First   Pur- 
chases From  the  Indians  on  the 
Susquehanna  River. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Maryland  Archives 
p.  402  there  is  a  letter  written  by 
William  Penn,  dated  at  New  Castle, 
Oct.  16,  1683,  which  is  as  follows: 
"I  do  hereby  declare  that  I  have 
bought  of  Machaloha  all  his  land  and 
rights  by  the  Delaware  River  and  the 
River  of  Susquehanna  and  Bay  of 
Chesapeake.  And  I  do  warn  all  per- 
sons that  they  presume  not  to  settle 
thereon  without  my  leave  and  that 
those  that  actually  are  or  hereafter 
shall  settle  upon  any  part  of  the 
same  do  behave  themselves  justly 
and  lawfully  towards  him  and  his  fel- 
low  Indians." 

Machaloha  was  one  of  the  inferior 
chiefs  of  the  Susquehannocks  but  I 
am  not  able  to  say  whether  he  was 
a  pure  Susquehannock  or  a  represen- 
tative of  some  of  the  Northern  con- 
federates. But  further  particulars  of 
this  purchase  may  be  found  in  Vol. 
1  of  the  Penna.  Archives,  p.  67 
where  this  Machaloha  under  the  date 
of  October  18,  1683.  in  a  deed  says 
that  he  is  the  owner  of  all  the  lands 
from  the  Delaware  River  to  the 
Chesapeake  Bay  and  up  to  the  Falls 


128 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


of  Susquehanna  and  that  he  d<5es  sell 
the  same  unto  William  Penn  and  ac- 
knowledging- that  he  has  received 
part  of  the  purchase  money  and  that 
the  remainder  is  to  be  paid  in  the 
Spring.  This  is  delivered  in  the  pre- 
sence of  Edward  Cantwell,  Lasse 
Cock  and  several  others. 

1683— The   Next    Step    Taken   by   the 

Susquehanna  Indians   About 

Their  Lands. 

Something   of   Penn's     manner     of 
dealing    with   the    Indians   is   told   us  | 
by    Mombert    in    his    History,    p.    51,  j 
where  he  says  that  on  one  occasion 
Penn   unrolled   a   parchment   and   ex-  j 
plained    the    articles    of    a    treaty    of  | 
purchase  and  said  by  these  that  they 
would    be    protected    in    their    lawful 
pursuits  even  in  the  lands  which  they 
had    given    away.     Then,    says    Mom- 
bert, Penn  laid  the  roll  of  parchment 
on  the  ground  and  told  them  to  ob- 
serve it  as  a  sign  that  the  land  should 
belong   to    both.     That    then    he    took 
the    parchment   again    and   handed   it 
to  the  Chief  and  told  them  that  they 
should  keep  it  safely  for  three  gen- 
erations so  that  their  children  might 
know  what  had  taken  place. 

These  Indians  after  having  sold 
Penn  two  tracts  of  land  above  men- 
tioned now  sell  it  all  to  Governor 
Dungan  of  New  York.  We  can  not  tell 
whether  they  did  this  because  they 
were  afraid  of  the  Five  Nations  or 
because  they  wanted  to  give  Penn 
more  trouble.  We  shall  see  a  little 
later  that  the  Iroquois  demanded  that 
Penn  should  not  settle  any  white 
people  on  the  Susquehanna  River. 
Governor  Dungan  himself  tells  about 
his  getting  possession  of  the  lands  on 
Susquehanna  and  speaking  about  the 
Indians  who  lived  on  that  river  he 
says,  "They  have  all  of  them  agreed 
to  give  Susquehanna  River  to  me  and 
I  have  it  under  their  hands  to  show 


for  it.  All  that  I  desire  of  you  for  my 
own  security  is  that  you  will  engage 
in  case  his  Royal  Highness  be  fond  of 
their  gift,  that  you  will  save  me 
harmless," — (See  Vol.  1  of  Penna. 
Archives,    p.    77). 

And  under  the  date  of  October  22, 
1683,  Dungan  writes  another  letter 
to  Penn  and  says,  "All  business  goes 
here  to  great  satisfaction;  the  Sus- 
quehanna River  is  given  me  by  the 
Indians  by  a  second  gift  about  which 
you  and  I  shall  not  fall  out.  I  de- 
sire we  may  join  heartily  together 
to  advance  the  interest  of  my  master 
and  your  good  friend." — (See  Vol.  1 
of  Penna.  Archives,  p.  80).  Penn  had 
a  good  deal  of  reason  to  be  suspi- 
cious of  these  New  York  transactions. 
One  of  his  friends  John  West  in  a  let- 
ter dated  October  16,  1683,  which 
may  be  found  in  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna. 
Archives,  p.  79,  writing  from  New 
York  says,"  "Your  affairs  about  the 
Susquehanna  land  are  well  effected, 
though  the  people  of  Albany,  jealous 
of  their  trade  much  oppose  you  inter- 
j  est  therein;  for  the  particulars  of 
!  which  I  refer  you  to  the  Commis- 
;  sioners." 

A  few  months  later  as  may  be  seen 

'  by    Thomas    Dungan's    letter    to    Wil- 

I  liam  Penn  in  Vol.  1     of     the     Penna. 

'  Archives,    p.    84    relations    were    quite 

strained  between  him    and    Penn;    and 

i  he  wrote  under  the  date  of  March  17, 

j  1684    from    New    York    to    Penn    and 

i  among  other  things  he   says,  "I  fear 

you    coveting    your    neighbors'    lands 

would  do  much  prejudice,  and  this  I 

say    out   of    a    concern    and    sense    of 

kindness  for  you." 

We  may  observe  here  that  Penn 
1  did  have  a  great  deal  of  difficulty  in 
!  getting  these  lands  back  and  it  was 
I  not  until  12  years  later,  in  1696;  that 
j  he  succeeded  in  having  them  deeded 
:  back  by  Governor  Dungan.  But  this  we 
i  will  notice  later. 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN    TRIBES 


129 


There  can  be  no  doubt  that  they 
were  conveyed  by  Dungan  from 
what  I  have  said  above  but  there  is 
an  additional  evidence  in  Vol.  4  of  the 
Colonial  Records,  p.  708  where  Can- 
assatego,  an  orator  of  one  of  the  Five 
Nations  making  a  speech  in  the  Lan- 
caster Court  House  on  June  26, 1744 
said  to  the  Governor  of  Maryland, 
"We  are  now  straitened  and  sometimes 
in  want  of  deer  and  liable  to  many 
other  inconveniences  since  the  Eng- 
lish came  among  us,  and  particularly 
from  the  pen  and  ink  work  which  is 
going  on  at  the  table  (pointing  to  the 
secretaries),  and  we  will  give  you 
an  instance  of  this.  Our  brother 
Onas  a  great  while  ago  came  to  Al- 
bany to  buy  the  Susquehanna  lands 
of  us,  but  our  brother  the  Governor 
of  New  York,  who  as  we  suppose  had 
not  a  good  understanding  with  our 
brother  Onas  advised  us  not  to  sell 
him  any  for  he  would  make  ill  use 
of  it;  and  pretending  to  be  our  friend, 
he  advised  us,  in  order  to  prevent 
Onas's  or  any  other  persons  impos- 
ing on  us  and  that  we  might  always 
have  our  land  to  put  it  in  his  hands 
and  told  us  he  would  keep  it  for  our 
use,  and  never  opened  his  hands  and 
let  it  get  out.  We  trusted  him,  we 
put  our  lands  into  his  hands,  and 
charged  him  to  keep  it  safe  for  us 
but  he  went  away  to  England  and 
carried  our  land  with  him  and  then 
sold  it  to  our  brother  Onas  for  a 
large  sum  of  money;  and  when,  at 
the  instance  of  our  brother  Onas  we 
were  minded  to  sell  him  some  land, 
he  told  us  that  we  had  sold  it  al- 
ready to  the  Governor  of  New  York 
and  that  he  bought  it  from  the  Gover- 
nor of  New  York,  and  that  he  had 
bought  it  from  him  in  England; 
though  when  be  came  to  understand 
how  the  Governor  of  New  York  had 
deceived  us,  he  generously  paid  us 
for  our  lands  over  again." 


All    this    goes    to    show    that    about 

1683     either     through     deception     or 

otherwise  these     Susquehanna     lands 

were   put  into  the  hands   of  the  Gov- 

|  ernor  of  New  York  as  we  have  above 

I  stated. 

Further  reference  as  to  the  Susque- 

|  hanna     Indians     making     their     title 

j  over   to   the    Governor   of    New    York 

!  may    be   found    in  Vol.    3    of   the   Col. 

I  Records,    p.    97,    where    James    Logan 

j  while   at   Conestoga   told   the    Indians 

|  that  they  knew  "the  Five  Nations  had 

I  long  since  made  over  all  their  rights 

j  to   the   Susquehanna  to  the  Governor 

|  of    New    York."     And    likewise    at    p. 

j  101  of  the  same  book  he  says  that  the 

l  Five  Nations  had  frequently  acknow- 

|  ledged    that    they    had    sold    the    Sus- 

j  quehanna  lands  to  Governor  Dungan. 

Therefore    whether    this    was    done 

|  for  the  benefit  of  Dungan.  because  the 

I  Iroquois    were    angry    on    account    of 

the     petty      Susquehanna      chieftains 

having  sold  a  couple  small  tracts  to 

Penn   and   thus   determined  to   put  it 

out  of  their  power  to  do  so  we   can 

not   tell;    but    at   any    rate   it   caused 

Penn   a   great  deal   of  trouble   to  get 

the  title  back  again. 

1683  or    1684— Perm's    First    Visit   to 
tlie     Indians   on  and     About  the 

Susquehanna   River. 

By  some  historians  it  is  taken  as 
proved  that  William  Penn  was  among 
the  Indians  of  the  Susquehanna 
River  twice,  once  in  1683  or  in  the 
early  summer  of  16S4  just  before  he 
departed  for  England   in  the   Fall   of 

1684  and  once  in  1701  immediately 
before  leaving  for  England  the  sec- 
ond time.  Other  historians  doubt 
that  the  first  visit  was  made. There  is 
no  absolute  proof  that  it  was  made 
but  there  is  a  considerable  amount 
of  evidence  at  hand;  and  I  will  now 
give  from  the  books  those  facts  which 
are  considered  proof  that  Penn  visit- 


130 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


ed  these  Indians  of  the  Susquehanna 
River  in  1683  or  1684.  There  is  no 
doubt,  whatever  about  his  second 
visit  and  that  we  will  take  up  in  its 
order. 

Penn  perhaps  about  1683  or 
1684  sent  parties  to  view  the  Susque- 
hanna River.  In  Vol.  19  of  the  Sec- 
ond Series  of  the  Penna.  Archives, 
p.  13  there  is  a  letter  written  by 
William  Penn  to  his  cousin  William 
Markham  and  others,  dated  1686,  in 
which  speaking  of  the  Susquehanna 
and  land  there  he  shows  much  fam-  j 
iliarity  with  that  river  saying,  "I 
hereby  order  you  to  take  up  the  most  j 
convenient  place,  that  is  to  say  the  j 
canoable  branch  of  the  West  side  of 
Schuylkill  about  30  miles  from  the 
town  (Philadelphia)  10,000  acres  for 
my  daughter  Gulielma  Maria  Penn; 
'Tis  that  which  goes  towards  the  Sus- 
quehanna by  which  they  rode  when 
Ralph  Frewell  went  to  view  the 
river." 

I  quote  this  simply  to  show  that 
before  Penn  left  Pennsylvania  for 
England  in  the  Fall  of  1684  he  sent 
Fretwell  to  view  the  Susquehanna.  I 
shall  now  adduce  some  facts  which 
tend  to  show  that  Penn  hmself  fol- 
lowed and  investigated  the  Susque- 
hanna Country  for  himself. 

(I)  In  Vol.  1  of  the  Colonial  Re- 
cords, p.  114,  under  the  date  of  June 
11,  1684  it  was  reported  to  Council 
thct  "Samuel  Land's  letter  was  read 
informing  the  Governor  and  Council 
that  Jonas  Askins  heard  Colonel  Tal- 
bot say  that  if  Governor  Penn  should 
come  into  Maryland  he  would  sie~e 
him  and  his  retaine  (retinue)  in  their 
journey  to  the  Susquehanna  Fort."  It 
was  also  the  same  day  ordered  that 
William  Welch  shall  take,  under  oath, 
the  statement  of  Jonas  Askins  con- 
cerning what  Talbott  said. 

In  this  it  will  be  plainly  seen  that 
Talbot   speaks   as   if   it  was  the  cus- 


tom of  William  Penn  to  go  to  the 
Susquehanna  Fort  and  it  to  my  mind 
is  a  strong  proof  that  Penn  prior  to 
this  date,  1684  was  personally  on  the 
Susquehanna  River  conferring  with 
the  Susquehannock  Indians. 

(2)  When  Penn  put  out  the  pro- 
spectuses of  his  town  which  he  in- 
tended to  build  on  the  Susquehanna 
found  in  Vol.  1  of  Hazard's  Reg.  p. 
400  under  the  date  of  1690,  he  said 
in  the  prospectus  "that  which  recom- 
mends this  settlement  is  the  known 
goodness  of  the  soil  and  situation  of 
the  land  which  is  high  and  salu- 
brious, also  the  pleasantness  and 
largness  of  the  River  being  clear  and 
not  rapid  and  broader  than  the 
Thames  at  London  Bridge  many 
miles  above  the  place  intended  for 
this  settlement."  He  also  then  tells 
of  the  timber  growing  there  saying 
that  it  is  oak,  ash,  chestnut,  walnut, 
etc.;  he  speaks  of  the  native  fruits 
which  were  grapes,  pawpaws,  chest- 
nuts and  others,  of  the  fish  and  wild 
animals    of   the    place. 

In  this  he  shows  such  a  familiarity 
of  the  Susquehanna  River  as  would 
lead  one  to  think  that  he  actually 
saw  it  up  to  the  place  where  this  set- 
tlement was  to  be  located,  viz.:  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Conestoga  Creek  15 
miles  northward.  If  he  did  see  it  be- 
fore 1690,  it  must  have  been  before 
1684,  since  as  we  have  stated  before 
he  left  Pennsylvania  for  England  in 
the   Fall   of   1684. 

(3)  About  1685  William  Penn  wrote 
what    is    called    "A    Further    Account 

J  of   the    Province      of      Pennsylvania." 
|  This  he  wrote  while  he  was  in  Eng- 
1  land.     It   was    a   very    rare    pamphlet 
and  would  sell  at  an  enormous  price. 
;  It  is  dated  Worminghurst  Place,  the 
12th    of    the    10th    month,    1685.        In 
this   account   he   says    speaking   upon 
the  seasons,  etc.,  "I  have  made  a  dis- 
covery  of  about  100  miles  West  and 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


131 


find  those  black  lands  richer  in  soil, 
woods  and  fountains  than  those  by 
the  Delaware,  especially  upon  the 
Susquehanna  River." 

In  this  he  almost  in  as  many 
words  says  that  he  personally  made 
this  discovery  and  if  that  is  so  then 
he  visited  this  Susquehanna  River 
and  the  Indians  living  upon  it  be- 
fore   1683. 

(4)  In  a  letter  which  Penn  wrote 
dated  the  14th  of  August,  1683  to 
the  Lords  of  Trade  and  Plantations 
found  in  Vol  1  of  Proud's  History, 
p.  267,  speaking  of  the  difficulties 
which  Penn  had  with  Lord  Balti- 
more, he  says  at  page  271,  "I  sent 
an  express  to  pray  the  time  and 
place  where  I  should  meet  him  (Lord 
Baltimore).  I  followed  close  upon 
the  messenger  that  no  time  might  be 
lost.  I  sent  three  gentlemen  to  let 
me  know  if  he  would  meet  me  at  the 
head  of  the  Bay  of  Chesapeake;  I 
was  then  in  a  treaty  with  the  Kings 
of  the  natives  for  land;  but  three 
days  after  we  met  10  miles  from  New 
Castle  which  is  30  miles  from  the 
Bay." 

In  this  it  may  be  said  that  the 
treaty  he  spoke  of  with  the  natives 
for  land  in  this  neighborhood  about 
the    head    of     the     Chesapeake      Bay 


(5)  In  Vol.  2  of  Watson's  Annals, 
p.  209,  Mr.  Watson  speaks  of  Nebo- 
waway  an  Indian  chief  of  the  Dela- 
wares.  Watson  says  that  this  chief's 
name  appears  among  the  signers  of 
the  treaty  at  Conestoga  in  1718  and 
in  his  childhood  he  is  said  to  have 
seen  William  Penn  on  his  second 
visit  in  1701  (to  Conestoga).  If  Wat- 
son considers  this  visit  of  Penn  in 
1701  as  the  second  visit  of  Penn  to 
Conestoga,  he  himself  believes  there 
was  a  first  visit,  which  of  course  was 
prior  to  1701,  and  as  Penn  was  in 
England  from  1684  to  1700  it  likely 
refers  to   a  visit  in   1684. 

(6)  In  Vol.  1  of  Proud's  History, 
p.  214  one  of  the  old  Conestoga 
chiefs  in  1721  is  quoted  as  saying  in 
the  conference  held  at  Conestoga  that, 
they  never  should  forget  the  Counsel 
that  William  Penn  gave  them  and 
that  they  would  always  keep  it  in 
mind.  This  may  have  reference  to 
his   early  visit  up  into  this  Country. 

(7)  Oldmixon  in  his  history  of 
Pennsylvania     in     1706     speaking     of 

!  Penn's  visit  says  that  some  time 
J  prior  to  the  year  of  1685  Penn  made 
I  a  journey  into  the  interior  of  the 
|  Province  (See  Oldmixon's  History 
I  in  Vol.  5  of  Haz.  Reg.,  p.  164).  What 
I  Oldmixon    savs   is     "Mr.    Penn__in  thp 

iFVM 

■      ilit;        o    Ml 


1 1    4 


i  .  i. 


I  lljit 

if 
hi: 


l.tvk 
(:> 
l::V 


!i'   1  I '  J 
III 


.;      ■    B, 


I    ;.!:::    P  n 


■;:,; 


;  ; 


'"'-;' 


hi 


'I 

1 

j 

'    1 

1 

I: 
li 

t 

i! 

132 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


William  J.  Buck  in  his  book  called 
"William  Penn  in  America,"  p.  132 
commenting  upon  this  says  that  the 
journey  was  made  on  horse-back  and 
it  may  possibly  be  one  of  those  to 
which  Thomas  Fairman  alludes  as 
having  accompanied  him.  The  par- 
ticular object  was  says  Buck  to  be- 
come more  acquainted  with  the  Pro- 
vince and  its  natural  produce  as  well 
as  the  Indians  living  therein.  From 
actual  observation  Buck  also  says,  p. 
132  that  it  is  to  this  journey  that 
William  Penn  refers  when  in  1685  he 
states  that  he  has  made  a  discovery 
of  the  fertile  lands  on  the  Susque- 
hanna River.  This  seems  to  be  an- 
other proof  that  Penn  visited  the 
Susquehanna  River  in  1684. 

(8)  In  Vol.  2  of  the  Colonial  Re- 
cords, p.  553,  under  the  date  of  1712 
it  is  stated  that  several  Indians  from 
Conestoga  came  to  Philadelphia  and 
the  war-captain  of  the  Conestogas  in 
his  speech  said  that  the  Proprietor 
Governor  Penn  "had  at  his  first  com- 
ing among  them  made  an  agreement 
with  them  that  they  should  always 
live  as  friends  and  brothers."  It 
may  be  seen  that  in  the  words  "com- 
ing amongst  them"  this  Indian  refers 
to  Penn  coming  up  to  the  Conestoga 
and  Susquehanna  and  not  simply  to 
his  coming  to  Pennsylvania,  and  as 
it  refers  to  his  "first"  it  may  refer 
to  a  visit  of  1683  or  1684. 

(9)  In  Vol.  3  of  the  Colonial  Re- 
cords, p.  154  it  is  stated  under  the 
date  of  1721  quoting  a  speech  again 
of  Captain  Civility  that  "William 
Penn  made  a  firm  peace  and  league 
with  the  Indians  in  those  parts 
(Conestoga)  nearly  40  years  ago 
which  has  often  been  renewed  and 
never  been  broken."  And  again  at 
page  11  of  the  same  book  under  the 
date  of  1722,  Governor  Keith  at  Con- 
estoga said  "the  last  time  that  I  was 
with    you    at    Conestoga    you    showed 


me  a  parchment  you  Lad  received 
from  William  Penn,"  which  may 
again   refer  to  this   early  visit. 

(10)  In  the  American  Weekly  Mer- 
cury of  May  30,  1728  where  there  is 
an  account  contained  of  the  journey 
made  by  Governor  Keith  to  the  Con- 
estoga Indians  on  a  treaty,  the  re- 
port after  giving  a  growing  charac- 
ter of  the  treaty  states  that  the  In- 
dians said  they  "never  had  such  a 
satisfactory    speech    made    to      them 

|  since   the   great   William    Penn    spoke 

|  to  them  hence."     This  seems  to  refer 

to  William  Penn  coming  to  see  these 

I  Indians    when    he    first    came    to    his 

I  Province    likely    some    time    in      1683. 

An    account   of   this     same     visit     is 

found    in   the    Colonial    Records,     and 

also   in    Rupp's    History,    pp.    198-199. 

(11)  A  thing  which  may  be  con- 
sidered    somewhat     confirmatory     of 

I  Penn  having  been  about  the  Susque- 

j  hanna  in   1683   is  found   in  Vol.   1   of 

I  Watson's   Annals,    p.    143.     at     which 

i  place  he  says  that  a  treaty  was  made 

|  on  the  30th  of  July,  1685  for  land  to 

j  extend  two  days'  journey  or  as  far  as 

a  man  can  go  in  two  days  back  into 

the   country,   which   was   back  to  the 

Susquehanna   River,    and    it    is    likely 

that    Penn    examined    this    land     and 

knew  what  it  was. 

(12)  Penn  may  be  referring  to  the 
land  along  the  Susquehanna  River  in 
his  letter  to  the  Free  Society  cf 
Traders  written  in  1683,  found  in  Vol. 
1  of  Proud's  History  where  he  says 
at  page  247,  "the  back  lands  are  gen- 
erally three  to  one  richer  than  those 
that  lie  by  the  navigable  rivers." 

He  speaks  here  as  if  he  saw  the 
back  land  personally  and  it  is  well 
know  that  the  Susquehanna  was  not 
navigable,  therefore  we  give  this  as 
one  of  the  items  of  proof  with  the 
others  which  may  show  that  Penn 
was  among  the  Susquehanna  Indians 
as  early   as  1683. 


OTHER   LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


133 


These  we  consider  the  chief  reasons 
which  prove  or  tend  to  prove  that 
William  Penn  paid  the  Susquehanna 
River  and  its  natives  the  compliment 
of  a  personal  visit  some  time  in  1683 
or  1G84.  We  do  not  contend  that  it 
is  absolutely  proven  hut  there  is 
much  in  what  we  have  just  quoted 
to  conclude  that  he  was  here.  He 
also  shows  at  another  place  consider- 
able familiarity  with  this  country 
where  he  says  in  the  same  letter  in 
Vol.  1.  cf  Proud's  History,  concerning 
the  Indians  that,  "I  have  had  occa- 
sion to  be  in  Council  with  them  upon 
treaties  for  land  and  to  adjust  the 
terms  of  trade."  And  in  the  same 
book,  p.  262  as  a  part  of  the  same 
letter,  he  says  concerning  the  loca- 
tion of  the  Susquehanna  that  "the 
Susquehanna  tends  to  the  heart  of 
the  Province  and  on  both  our  own 
land."  This  may  further  indicate 
that  he  saw  the   Susquehanna  River. 

1684  —  The       Susquehanna       Indian 
Tribes   Debauched   by  the    Mary- 
land Rum    Sellers. 

In  Vol.  1  of  Proud's  History,  p.  284 
he  says  that  it  was  about  this  time 
(1684)  that  the  laws  to  prevent  liquor 
being  sold  to  the  Indians  did  not  an- 
swer the  purpose  for  the  English  of 
Maryland  in  a  clandestine  manner 
still  procured  rum.  All  that  William 
Penn  could  do  did  not  help  matters 
very  much  and  much  blood-shed  oc- 
curred because  of  the  drunkenness 
about  the  Susquehanna  River. 

1684 —  Governor   Dungan    (Jh  es    Penn 
Advice  About  Susquehanna  In- 
dian Trade. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Sec.  Series  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Archives,  p.  754  is 
found  a  report  of  Governor  Dungan 
dated  1684  in  which  he  says  page  755 
in  reference  to  the  Susquehannocks 
that    "those    Indians    about    40    years 


ago  annexed  their  lands  to  this  Gov- 
ernment and  have  renewed  the  same 
with  every  Governor  since  but  I  can 
not  get  out  traders  to  live  upon  the 
Susquehanna  River.'  As  to  this  an- 
nexation see  p.  33  ante. 

Dungan  also  says,  in  speaking  of 
the  Susquehannocks'  land  union  with 
New  York  Indians  and  Penn's  desire 
to  buy  the  Susquehanna  lands,  "I 
can  not  believe  that  it  was  the  King's 
intention  to  grant  away  so  much  of 
this  Government. ..  .if  therefore  his 
Majesty  were  pleased  to  have  a  line 
run  from  410  403  in  Delaware  River 
to  the  Falls  upon  the  Susquehanna 
and  let  Mr.  Penn  keep  all  below  that 
it  would  be  sufficient  for  him  the 
bounds  below  it  would  contain  more 
than  all  England  besides  the  lower 
Counties  which  is  near  upon  100 
miles  from  the  Cape  to  the  River  and 
breadth  more  than  30  miles." 

The  New  York  Governor  here 
thinks  it  a  great  mistake  that  Penn's 
Province  should  extend  so  far  as  its 
present  boundary  and  that  Indian 
difficulties    arise   from   this    cause. 

1684 — Dungan  Proposes  a  Fort  on  the 

Susquehanna   River   to   Command 

Indian  Trade. 

Governor  Dungan  in  Vol.  5  of  the 
Sec.  Series  of  the  Penna.  Archives, 
p.  756  says,  "to  preserve  the  Beaver 
and  Peltry  Trade  for  Albany  and  to 
encourage  our  beaver  hunters,  I  de- 
sire to  erect  a  campagne  Fort  upon 
Delaware  River  in  latitude  410  and 
|  401;  another  upon  the  Susquehanna 
where  his  Majesty  shall  think  fit  that 
Penn's  boundary  should  terminate; 
and  another  at  Oneigra  near  the 
Great  Lake  the  way  where  our  people 
go  beaver-hunting,  it  being  very  nec- 
essary for  the  support  of  trade  and 
maintaining  a  correspondence  with 
the  Indians." 

In   this   we   see   that   the    Governor 


1U 


ANNALS   OF  THE  STJSQITEHANNOCKS   AND 


of  New  York  was  determined  on  con- 
trolling the  trade  of  the  Susquehanna 
Indians  for  which  purpose  he  wanted 
the  Fort  at  the  Falls  of  the  Susque- 
hanna, and  by  which  means  he  want- 
ed to  take  about  half  of  the  Province 
of  Pennsylvania. 

1684— The  Five  Nation*  Oppose  Wil- 
liam  Penn    Settling   the    Susque- 
hanna   Kiver,    Instigated    by 
Governor  Dung.an. 

In  the  same  book  last  quoted,  p. 
753  we  are  given  a  glance  of  what 
the  Onondagoes,  Cayugas  and  others 
think  of  Penn's  Susquehanna  activi- 
ties. It  is  there  set  forth  by  these 
two  tribes  of  the  Five  Nations  thatv 
they  have  put  themselves  and  their 
lands  under  the  protection  of  the 
King  and  have  given  the  Susque- 
hanna River  to  the  Governor  of  New 
York;  they  propose  that  "Penn's 
people  must  not  settle  under  the  Sus- 
quehanna River."  The  writer  then 
goes  on  to  say,  "my  Lord  Effingham 
is  desired  to  take  notice  that  Penn's 
agents  would  have  bought  the  Sus- 
quehanna river  of  them,  but  they 
would  not,  but  fastened  it  to  the 
Government  of  New  York;  they  being 
a  free  people  uniting  themselves  to 
the  English,it  may  forever  be  in  their 
(Susquehannocks)  power  to  give 
their  lands  to  what  Sachem  they 
please." 

It  is  not  difficult  to  see  here  how 
much  influence  the  Five  Nations  act- 
ing with  the  Governor  of  New  York 
had  in  seducing  the  Susquehannocks 
away  from  Penn's  interests,  thus  giv- 
ing Penn  very  serious  problems  to 
deal  with. 

As  further  evidence  of  the  diffi- 
culty that  William  Penn  had  in  buy- 
ing the  Susquehanna  lands  from  the 
Indians  I  quote  what  one  of  the  Five 
Chiefs  said  at  Philadelphia  on  July 
3,    1727,    concerning    these    purchases 


in  1683  and  1684.  This  chief  was  at 
Philadelphia  with  several  others  and 
he  said  that  when  Penn  was  at  Al- 
bany trying  to  buy  the  Susquehanna 
land,  he  (Penn)  said  to  the  Five  Na- 
tions, 'Well,  my  brethren  you  have 
gained  the  victory.  You  have  over- 
come the  people  and  the  land  is 
yours.  We  shall  buy  them  of  you. 
How  many  commanders  are  there 
among  you?  And  being  told  there 
were  40,  he  said:  "If  you  will  come 
down  to  me  I  will  give  each  of  these 
commanders  a  suit  of  clothes  such  as 
I  wear,"— (See  3  C.  R.,  372).  From 
this  we  see  that  Penn  had  to  go  tit) 
New   York  to  deal. 

1685— Penn   Succeeds   in  Making  An- 
other Land  Purchase,   Stretching 
Back     to     the     Susquehanna 
River. 

In  Vol.   1   of  Watson's  Annals,   pp. 
142  and  143  is  set  forth  a  land  treaty 
under   the   date   of   the   30th   of   July, 
1685   between   Penn   on   the   one   part 
and    Shackoppoh,      Secane,     Malibore 
and    Tangoras,    Indian    Shackamakers 
and  owners     of     the     land     between 
Chester  Creek  and   Dublin  Creek  be- 
ginning at     Conshohookin      (Matson's 
Fort)    on    the    River    Schuylkill    then 
to   go   northwestwardly   to   the   woods 
to  make  up  two  full  days'  journey,  as 
far  as  a  man  can  travel  in  two  days, 
which  Watson  says  extends    back    to 
the    Susquehanna    River    and    no    fur- 
ther  at  that  time  in  that  treaty,  the 
consideration  is  200  fathoms  of  wam- 
pum, 30  guns,  60  fathoms  of  strawd- 
!  waters,   30   kettles,   30   shirts,   20   gun 
belts,  12  pairs  of  stockings,  30  pairs 
I  of  scissors,   30   combs,     30     axes,    30 
|  knives,   20   tobacco   tongs,   30   bars  of 
I  lead,   30    pounds   of   powder,   30   awls, 
j  30  glasses,  30  tobacco  boxes,  3  papers 
j  of   beads,   44    pounds   of   red   lead,   30 
i  pairs   of     hawks'     bells,    6      drawing 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN  TRIBES 


135 


knives,  6  caps,  and  12  hoes.  We  can 
not  tell  much  about  the  boundaries 
of  this  strange  sale  of  lands,  but  the 
deed  for  the  same  may  be  seen  in 
Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives,  p.  92. 
There  is,  however  a  letter  by  Thomas 
Holmes  to  the  Indians  above  named 
briefly  describing  this  land  dated  the 
7th  of  July,  1688  which  may  be  found 
in  Vol.  3  of  the  Memoirs  of  the  His- 
torical Society,  Part  2,  p.  131.  As  it  is 
connected  with  this  purchase  but  at 
the  same  time  contains  items  falling 
under  1688,  I  will  notice  it  at  large 
under  the  latter  date  of  1688  to  which 
date  the  reader  is  referred  for  the 
full  particulars  under  an  item  en- 
titled, "The  Boundaries  t>f  the  Walk- 
ing Purchases  of  1685  and  1686  ex- 
tending to  Susquehanna  River,  and 
the  Fixing  of  the  Boundary  lines 
Thereof." 

1685— Another    Tract    Purchased    by 

Penn  Which    May    Extend  to  the 

Susquehanna  River. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives, 
p.  95,  there  is  set  forth  a  deed  from 
Petkhoy  Kekelappan,  Feomus  Mack- 
aloha  and  Packenah  and  several 
other  Indians  for  all  the  land  be- 
tween Duck  Creek  and  Chester  Creek 
along  the  West  side  of  the  Delaware 
and  between  the  two  creeks  back 
ward  as  far  as  a  man  can  ride  in  tw 
days  with  a  horse  for  the  considera- 
tion of  20  guns,  20  fathoms  of  Mate: 
coats,  20  fathoms  of  strawdwater,  20 
blankets,  20  kettles,  20  pounds  of 
powder,  100  bars  lead,  40  tomahawks 
100  knives,  40  pairs  of  stockings,  1 
barrel  of  beer,  20  pounds  of  red  lead, 
100  fathoms  of  wampum,  30  glass 
bottles,  30  pewter  spoons,  100  awl 
blades,  300  tobacco  pipes,  100  hands 
of  tobacco,  20  tobacco  tongues,  20 
steels,  300  flints,  30  pairs  of  scissors, 
30  combs,  60  looking-glasses,  200 
needles,  1  skiple  of  salt,  30  pounds  of 


shugar,  5  gallons  of  mollasses,  20  to- 
bacco boxes,  100  juice  harps,  20  hows 
30  gimlets,  30  wooden  borers,  and  100 
strings  of  beads. 

Two  days  of  horse-back  riding 
would  bring  one  to  the  Susquehanna 
River  but  at  what  part  of  the  river 
this  land  joins  it,  we  cannot  tell 
either  to  what  extent  the  Susque- 
hanna Indians  joined  in  the  deed  but 
we  to  recognize  in  it  the  names  of 
Mackaloha  and  Kepelappan,  who  by 
prior  deeds  each  sold  small  pieces  of 
land  towards  the  Susquehanna  River 
as  the  deeds  themselves  show,  for 
which  see  ante. 

This  tract  is  also  similar  to  the  one 
preceding  and  therefore  Thomas 
Holmes'  letter  likely  refers  to  it  as 
well  as  to  the  preceding  tract  for 
these  are  both  "walking  purchases." 
See  under  the  date  of  1688  the  letter 
of  Holmes  and  the  other  explanations 
under  the  title  "The  Boundaries  of 
the    Walking    Purchases    of    1685    and 

1686  Extending  to  the  Susquehanna 
River,  and  the  Fixing  of  the  Bound- 
ary  Lines    Thereof." 

1687— Council  Orders  that  No  Offense 

be   Given  the   Susquehanna 

Indians. 

The  first  few  years  of  Penn's  Gov- 
ernment gives  us  very  little  on  the 
subject  of  the  Indians  of  the  Susque- 
hanna Country.  It  is  said  that  they 
were  present  at  the  great  treaty  at 
Philadelphia  and  frequeDtly  went  to 
Philadelphia.,  but  there  is  very  little 
official  record  of  it.  However,  at  the 
Council  meeting  on  the  10th  of  May, 

1687  it  was  ordered  that  "as  to  the 
Susquehanua  and  Schuylkill  Indians, 
we  hope  s-ich  care  and  diligence  will 
be  taken  as  will  give  no  just  occasion 
for  offense."  This  order  was  called 
forth  because  a  letter  from  the  Gov- 
ernor of  New  York  stated  there  was 
likely    to    be    difficulty    between      the 


136 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Susquehanna   Indians   and 
York    subjects. 


the     New 


1687— Indian  Koad  or  Trail  from  the 
Susquehanna  River  to  the  Dela- 
ware River. 

William  Penn  writing  in  1690  says 
that  "three  years  ago"  a  road  was 
definitely  cut  and  laid  out  between 
Philadelphia  and  the  Susquehanna 
country  which  he  says  is  the  course 


1688—  The  Boundaries  of  the  Walking: 
Purchases   of  1685  and  1686  Ex- 
tending: to   Susquehanna  River, 
and    the    Fixing    of    the 
Boundary  Lines 
Thereof. 
Under  the  date  of  the  7th  of  July, 
1688   Thomas  Holmes    wrote   a   letter 
to  the  Indian     Chiefs     who     sold    to 
Penn     in     1685     and    1686    the    land 
stretching     from      the      Susquehanna 


the  Indians  on  the  Susquehanna  took  Riyer  tQ  the  Deiaware  River,  which 
when  trading  in  Philadelphia.  He  j  IeUer  may  be  £ound  ^  Vq1  3  Qf  the 
says   they   also  had   a   way   by  water  ,  Memoirs    of  the     Historical      Society, 

;  part  2,  p.  131  and  is  entitled  "A  letter 
as  to  Indian  Lands  at  Susquehanna 
and  the  article  in  which  it  occurs  is 
called  "Indian  Treaties  for  Lands 
Now  the  Site  of  Philadelphia"  by 
John  Watson.  This  letter  is  as  fol- 
lows: "To  My  Very  Loving  Friends: 
Malibor  and 
Tangoras,  Indian  Kings,  and  to  Mack- 


Susquehanna  (which  I  believe  is  the 
Conestoga),  thence  down  a  branch 
which  flows  into  the  Schuylkill  30 
miles  from  Philadelphia  (which  I  be- 
lieve is  French  Creek).  The  sources 
of   the    Conestoga   and   French   Creek 

are  only  a  few  miles  apart  and  this  j  Shakahoppah7     Secan; 
was   likely  the   Indian   course.     What 

Penn  says  of  the  trail  may  be  found  |  '  "~^r~       ~  m    """'  Z        n<     •  u~ 

„  ,  7?     M  ,,         a.    n  inn      r  '  ecarbo,  Wawoan,  Tenoughan,  Tericha 

in  Vol.  1  of  Hazard's  Reg.,  p.  400.     I  j  .,     _     „„,,,„       TnAtn„      a^^^.v 


cite  this  to    show     that    there     were 
Susquehanna    Indian    trade    activities 


Neson,  Haiken,  Indian  Shackamak- 
ers:  WThereas  I  have  purchased  and 
bought  of  you,  the  Indian  Kings  and 


at  this  time    with    the     Philadelphia  j  Shackamakers  for  the  use  of  William 
settlement.  Penn  &n  yQur  landg  frQm   Pamapeck 

1687-RaIuh   Fretwell's    Visit   to    the  |  Creek  to  uPland  Creek  and  so  back~ 

ward  to  Chesapeake  Bay  and  Susque- 


Susquehanna  Indians. 

In  Vol.  19  of  the  Second  Series  of 
the  Penna.  Archives,  p.  13  there  is 
a  letter  from  William  Penn  referring 
to  the  Susquehanna  Country  dated 
1687    and    in    it   he    speaks   of   Ralph 


hanna  two  days'  journey — that  is  to 
say  as  far  as  a  man  can  go  in  two 
days  as  under  the  hands  and  seals  of 
you  the  said  Kings  may  appear;  and 
to  the  end  I  may  have  a  certain 
knowledge   of  the     lands     backwards 


Fretwell  having  ridden  out  to  view  j  and  that  I  may  be  enabled  and  be 
that  river,  the  Susquehanna.  What  [  provided  against  the  time  for  running 
Fretwell's  mission  was  I  can  not  tell  j  the  said  two  days'  journey  I  appoint 
except  it  may  have  been  connected  !  and  authorize  my  loving  friend  Ben- 
with  the  Susquehanna  project  and  it  I  jamin  Chambers,  of  Philadelphia/with 
may  have  been  taken  before  1687  but  j  a  convenient  number  of  men  to  as- 
we  can  not  tell  anything  about  that.  !  sist  him  to  make  out  a  westerly  line 
It  is  quite  certain,  however,  that  he  from  Philadelphia  to  Susquehanna, 
had  a  conference  with  the  Indians  i  that  so  the  said  line  may  be  prepared 
in  that  section  for  the  benefit  of  the  !  and  made  ready  for  said  two  days' 
Province  of  Pennsylvania.  |  journey  backward  hereafter  when  no- 


OTHER    LANCASTER   COUNTY   INDIANS 


137 


tice  is  given  you,  the  said  Kings.... 
....Witness  my  hand  &  seal  the  7th 
of  the  fifth  month  called  July,  being 
the  fourth  year  of  the  reign  of  the 
Great  King  of  England  and  the  eighth 
of  our  Proprietor  William  Penn's 
Government." 

(Signed)     THOMAS    HOLMES. 

In  the  same  book  and  on  the  same 
page  John  Watson  says,  "The  fore- 
going is  recorded  in  a  large  folio  in 
the  Land  Office  at  Harrisburg  in 
Book  14,  'Old  Surveys  and  Registry 
of  Land  Warrants.'  With  the  same 
paper  is  a  diagram  of  the  ground  plot 
of  the  survey.  It  goes  in  a  direct  line 
from  Philadelphia  to  a  spot  on  the 
Susquehanna  River  about  three  miles 
above  the  mouth  of  the  Conestoga 
Creek  near  a  spot  marked  'Fort  De- 
molished.' The  lines  cross  two  In- 
dians paths,  running  each  Northwest 
by  North,  the  first  at  15  miles  from 
Philadelphia,  at  'Rocky  Run'  and  the 
other  38  miles  distant  near  'a  rivulet' 
two    miles    beyond    'Doe    Run.' " 

It  might  be  a  matter  of  curiosity 
at  this  day  to  observe  and  ascertain 
the  precise  locality  of  those  primitive 
roads  and  passes  used  from  time  im- 
memorial by  the  aborigines  probably 
the  only  ones  so  specificially  marked 
in   our   country. 

It  will  be  observed  that  even  be- 
fore Penn's  day  there  had  been  a 
Fort  constructed  by  some  Christian 
people  upon  the  shores  of  that  (Sus- 
quehanna)   river. 

This  throws  some  light  on  both  of 
the  walking  purchases  and  shows  that 
they  both  extended  back  to  the  Sus- 
quehanna River.  As  to  these  pur- 
chases see  the  Articles  under  the 
date  of  1685,  setting  forth  these  two 
purchases  the  one  as  far  back  as  a 
man  could  walk  in  two  days  the 
other  as  far  back  as  a  man  could 
ride  in  two  days,  both  reached  the 
Susquehanna. 


There    is    a    tradition    that    the    In- 
|  dians    were   much     dissatisfied     with 
j  a  purchase  that  Penn  had  made  from 
|  them  to  be  measured  by  walking  and 
j  the    objecton    that    the    Indians    made 
i  was  that  while  it  was  to  be  measured 
(  in    that    manner    the    young   English- 
|  men   walked   farther   and   faster  than 
|  they  expected,  in  fact  they  complain- 
|  ed   that   they   ran   or   as   they   put   it, 
|  "young    brother    make    a    big    walk." 
j  This  as   we  have   said  before   is   also 
j  another   authority   on   the   location   of 
j  the   Susquehanna  Fort,  to  wit:    three 
miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  Cones- 
I  toga  Creek  which  would   place   it  on 
:  the    rocky    cliffs      between      Highville 
j  and   Creswell,   a   place   absolutely   in- 
accessible     from      the      Susquehanna 
River  and   being     that     great     rocky 
bluff   over   200    feet   high,      extending 
perpendicularly    to    the    edge    of    the 
river    through    which    the    low    grade 
branch  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad 
has   recently   constructed   at  the   cost 
at   that    place    of   nearly   $1,000,000    a 
mile.     When  this  Fort  was  demolish- 
ed can  not  be  ascertained  but  under 
the  date  of     1664     it  is     stated     that 
"Francis  White  is  by  an  order  of  the 
House   gone  on  a  special   service   for 
the  Province  of  Maryland  to  the  Sus- 
quehannock  Fort,  etc."     See  Vol.  1  of 
the  Maryland  Archives,  p.  511. 

This  would  indicate  that  the  Fort 
was  standing  at  this  time  but  Holmes 
says  in  1688  it  was  demolished  and 
it  is  so  marked  on  his  draft.  The 
location  of  the  old  Susquehannock 
Fort  has  given  rise  to  a  great  deal  of 
speculation. 

That  a  definite  line  in  1688  should 
be  run  from  Philadelphia  to  the  Sus- 
quehanna River,  to  a  point  3  miles 
above  the  mouth  of  the  Conestoga 
Creek,  to  a  specific  spot  "Demolish- 
ed Fort"  is  very  remarkable  and 
noteworthy.  This  was  only  six  years 
after  Penn's  arrival   and  before  even 


138 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Indian  Traders  from  Philadelphia 
were      here.  It      shows      that      at 

that  time  there  were  occasional 
searchings  into  the  woods  and  that 
not  only  the  Susquehanna,  but  also 
the  Forts  were  well  known.  Our  In- 
dians no  doubt  journeying  to  Phila- 
delphia as  we  see  by  the  Colonial 
Records  they  did  during  and  before 
this  year,  give  accounts  of  the  Glor- 
ies of  the  Susquehanna  River. 

1089 — Kumor    that    the    French   and 
Senecas    are    Coming    to    Destroy 
the  Conestosri  and  Sur- 
rounding Settlements. 

By  the  year  1689  it  would  appear 
a  great  change  had  come  over  the 
Five  Nations  as  to  their  attitude  to- 
ward the  Indians  of  the  Susquehanna 
country.  It  seems  that  the  French  by 
this  time  had  won  them  over  from 
the  English.  At  any  rate  under  this 
date  in  Vol.  1  of  the  Colonial  Rec, 
p.  299  it  is  set  forth  that  the  Gov- 
ernor acquainted  the  Council  that  he 
called  the  Council  together  for  the 
particular  reason  that  it  was  rumored 
that  8000  French  and  Indians  in  con- 
junction with  the  Papists  v/ere  com- 
ing toward  Conestoga  and  Maryland 
and  that  neighborhood  for  the  pur- 
pose of  ruining  the  Protestants  in 
Maryland  and  Delaware,  and  that  the 
Sheriffs  and  Justices  of  the  Counties 
of  Delaware  are  coming  themselves 
for  defense.  He  further  stated  that 
he  had  received  a  letter  from  "Cap- 
tain Letort,  a  Frenchman  living  up 
the  country,  agreeing  therewith." 
This  rumor  first  arose  in  April  of 
1689  and  grew  out  of  two  letters  sent 
to  the  Council  by  the  Justices  and 
Sheriffs  of  Sussex  County,  stating 
there  was  an  intended  invasion  on 
Maryland  "by  Sennekers  (Senecas) 
and  French."  This  latter  reference 
is  found  at  page  277  of  the  same  book. 
It    turned    out    to    be    unfounded    but 


I  it  shows  the  continual  fear  to  which 
j  Conestoga  was   subject.  A  subsequent 
article   will   also   show   that  the   Sen- 
i  ecas    had   not   drifted   from   the   Eng- 
!  lish   to    the    French     but     were      the 
1  friends    of    the    English    and    our    In- 
dians   on    the    Susquehanna    and    that 
the    only    foundation    for    this    rumor 
|  was  that   a  company  of   Senecas  had 
,  a    misunderstanding   with   the   French 
J  and  intended  to  come  to  the  Susque- 
;  hanna  to   live. 

1689— The   First   French    Traders    Up 

Among  the  Indians   of 

Susquehanna. 

At  p.  299   of  the  book  cited  in  the 
last    item    we    have    a    reference     to 
"Captain   Letort,   a   Frenchman   living 
I  up  the  country."     This  was  the  fam- 
ous James  Letort  who  with  his   wife 
Ann   were   Indians   traders   along   the 
I  Susquehanna    River.     I    do    not    know 
;  just  where  he  lived  at  this  time  but  it 
;  is   likely  that  he  was  among  the   In- 
dians of  this  neighborhood  because  a 
few  years  later  he  was  known  as  an 
old   resident  about  Conestoga.       It  is 
;  likely    too    that     he     had      associate 
| traders   as   early   as   1689   because    in 
Vol.    2    of    the    Colonial    Records,    p. 
j  131  under  the  date  of  1704  it  is  stated 
that  Martin  Charter  "has  lived  a  long 
j  time   among   the      Shawnese      Indians 
and    upon    the    Susquehanna."        And 
j  1698   is   not  even   a   long  time   before 
\  1704.     So  that  we  deem  it  safe  to  say 
here  that  these  two  were  the  earliest 
|  traders    among    the    Susquehanna    In- 
dians.    Rupp  also  says  in  his  history 
of  Lancaster  County,  p.   53  that  Mar- 
tin   Charter    had    a     trading      station 
among  the   Shawnese   at   Pequea  near 
Conestoga.       As     to   this   man   James 
Letort,  while  he  was  a  Frenchman  it 
is    stated   at   p.    100   of  Vol.   2    of  the 
Colonial    Records    that   he   was   "bred 
in    it     (Pennsylvania)     from    his    in- 
fancy,"  so   it  appears   that  he   was   a 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


139 


long    time    in    some    part    of    Pennsy- 
lvania. 

1690 — A  Commissioner  Seat  Up  to  the 

Schuylkill   and    Susquehanna 

Country  Indians. 

In  Vol.  10  of  the  Colonial  Records, 
p.  334,  under  the  date  of  1690  it  is 
stated  that  Lassie  Cock  intends  to 
go  up  the  Schuylkill  among  our  In- 
dians and  he  was  instructed  to  make 
particular  inquiry  concerning  the  am- 
munition which  the  few  French  fam- 
ilies had,  who  lived  up  on  that  river. 
Here  again  we  see  the  fear  of  French 
invasion  and  the  danger  of  the  French 
weaning  our  Indians  to  them  at  this 
time.  We  must  also  notice  that  the 
French  were  actually  living  on  the 
Upper  Schuylkill  and  our  Indians 
were  very  much  afraid  because  of  it. 

1680 — Susquehanna    Indians     Trading 
With   Philadelphia. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  William 
Penn  in  the  year  1690  in  his  prospec- 
tus concerning  the  settlement  and  a 
new  County  on  the  Susquehanna, 
which  is  set  out  in  Vol.  1  of  Haz. 
Reg.,  p.  400,  speaks  of  the  Susque- 
hanna Indians  trading  with  Phila- 
delphia at  this  time  and  prior  by 
means  of  a  branch  of  the  Susque- 
hanna River  which  lies  near  a  branch 
of  the  Schuylkill.  We  have  spoken 
of  this  before  but  I  quote  it  now 
merely  for  the  purpose  of  calling  at- 
tention to  the  fact  that  there  was  In- 
dian trade  at  this  time  west  to  the 
Susquehanna  River;  its  common 
course  by  water  was  up  the  Cones- 
toga  to  its  source  then  three  or  four 
miles  over-land  to  the  source  of 
French  creek  then  down  French 
creek  to  the  Schuylkill  and  down  the 
Schuylkill.  William  Penn  speaks  of 
it  as  follows,  saying  that  this  was 
the  "common  course  of  the  Indians 
with  their  skins  and  furs  into  our 
parts    and   to   the    Province    and    East 


and  West  Jersey  from  the  Western 
parts  of  the  continent,  where  they 
bring  them."  He  also  says  that  they 
had  a  more  direct  course  "laid  out 
between  the  two  rivers  very  exactly 
and  conveniently  at  least  three  years 
ago."  All  this  goes  to  show  that  the 
Susquehanna  tribes  of  Indians  were 
trading  at  this  date  with  Philadelphia. 

1690 — Camnanius  on  the  Minquas  and 
Other  Indians  of  the  Susquehanna. 

We  have  spoken  before  under  a 
much  earlier  date  (as  early  as  1640 
to  1650)  of  the  trade  which  Old  Cam- 
panius  says  existed  between  the  Sus- 
quehannocks  and  the  Swedish  settle- 
ments. He  wrote  however,  about  the 
year  1690,  and  from  his  writings  we 
infer  that  what  he  said  existed  earl- 
ier continued  at  this  latter  date  and 
for  a  particular  description  of  it  the 
reader  is  referred  to  ante,  p.  26. 

1690— A   Branch  of    the    Senecas    At 

Enmity  With   the  French   Design 

to  Come  to  Susquehanna 

and  Lire. 

In  Vol.  8  of  the  Maryland  Archives, 
p.  181,  there  is  a  letter  from  Jacob 
Young  to  Hanns  John  Good,  Com- 
mander-in-Chief of  Maryland,  near 
the  Potomac  in  which  he  says: — "Sir 
I  have  no  great  matter  further  than 
this  at  this  time.  There  are  at  my 
house  14  Chinockes  (Senecas),  and 
they  tell  me  they  have  cut  off  the 
principal  place  of  Canada,  except  the 
place  where  the  Government  doth 
reside.  They  likewise  tell  me  they 
have  at  the  fort  they  belong  to  Unan- 
dake  (Onondago)  above  100  prison- 
ers of  the  French  and  the  rest  of  the 
posts  have  rather  more.  These  Sen- 
ecas came  from  their  own  country 
about  the  last  of  April  and  their  in- 
tent is  to  settle  among  the  Susque- 
hanna Indians  here  upon  the  Susque- 
hanna   River   for   there   are   some    of 


140 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


every  fort  of  the  Senecas  coming 
down  to  them  and  they  tell  me  that 
their  great  men  will  be  down  very 
shortly.  I  do  desire  your  Honor's 
instructions  what  I  may  do  with 
them  as  soon  as  possible  you  can. 
Nothing  else  at  present  but  my  ser- 
vices to  your  honor,  I  am  yours  to 
command,"     (Signed)    Jacob   Young. 

I  believe  from  this  it  will  be  plain 
to    see    the    Sheriffs    and    Justices    of 
the    counties    of    Delaware    were    en- 
tirely   mistaken    in    their    report   that 
9000   French  and   Senecas  were   com-! 
ing  down  to  destroy   the   settlements  ' 
at   Conestoga,   on     the     Susquehanna! 
and     through     Maryland.       I    believe 
that  this  article  explains  it  fully  that 
it  was  nothing  more     or     less     than 
these  Senecas  coming     down     among 
our  Susquehanna  Indians;     and     also 
that   it   is   not   true   that   the   French 
were    with    them    but    these    Senecas 
plainly  show  they  had  severed  friend- 
ly relations  with  the  French  and  be- 
cause   of    the    enmity    between    them 
and    the    French    large     numbers      of 
them   intended   to  settle   on   the   Sus- 
quehanna   among    the    English.       We 
also    see    here    how    exaggerated    the 
reports  of     Indians     invasions     were 
likely   to   become,   the   actual    coming 
of  a  couple  of  dozen  was  rumored  to 
be  9000.     It  shows  to  us  very  clearly 
the  nervous  and  fearful  life  the  early 
Colonists  lived. 


1090— The  Senecas   and   Susquehanna 

Indians  Want  to  Confirm  Peace 

With   Maryland 

In  Vol.  8  of  the  Maryland  Archives, 
p.  207  there  is  a  letter  from  Mr.  Neal 
Blakiston  to  the  Governor  of  Mary- 
land in  which  he  says  that  the  Pis- 
cataway  Indians  complain  that  their 
men  are  being  killed  in  Maryland  and 
they  think  that  the  Susquehannocks 
are  doing  it.  The  letter  then  pro- 
ceeds to  say,  "The  Indian  Convention 


for  this  Province  is  to  meet  at  St. 
Mary's  the  29th.  When  there  we  ex- 
pect to  see  some  of  the  Senecas  and 
Susquehannocks  who  have  sent  to  the 
Governor  expressing  their  desire  to 
treat  with  us  and  to  confirm  the  for- 
mer league  of  friendship  to  which  the 
Committee  return  them  a  very  ami- 
cable answer  signifying  our  readiness 
to  embrace  and  ratify  the  same;  and 
in  case  they  could  not  afford  us  an 
interpreter,  then  a  time  is  to  be  fixed 
and  a  place  is  to  be  appointed  for 
that  purpose,  and  we  will  furnish  an 
interpreter." 

This  amicable  spirit  of  the  Susque- 
hannocks shows  itself  quite  plainlv 
here. 

1692— An  Indian     Expedition     Up  the 
Susquehanna. 

In  Vol.  8  of  the  Maryland  Archives, 
|  P.    343,    there    is    a    letter    dated    July 
j  18,    1692    which    is    written    by    John 
|  Thomas    to   Mr.    George   Ashman    and 
jit  is  as  follows:    "I  have  been  up  at 
j  Captain    Richardson's    this    very    day 
with    16    horse    and    we    were    going 
up  to  Mr.  Thurston's  hut,  I  was  very 
well   informed  that  the   Indians  were 
gone  away  up  the  Susquehanna,  and 
they   were   peaceable   and   did  nobody 
any   harm   and     very     friendly     they 
were.     But  later  the  Indians  did  fire 
off  several  guns  at  the  hogs  and  kill- 
ed some  of  them."     From  this  it  ap- 
pears   that     Maryland     Indians     were 
journeying  back  and  forth  in  business 
intercourse  with  the  Susquehannocks. 
1692  —  Testimony      Concerning      the 
French  Among  the   Susque- 
hannocks. 
In  Vol.  8  of  the  Maryland  Archives 
PP.    517    and    518    there    appear    cer- 
tain     depositions     taken     before     the 
Council  of  Maryland  on  the  subject  of 
improper     friendliness     between     the 
French    and    the    Susquehannock    In- 
dians.    It  is  there  stated  that  Captain 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


141 


Herman  and  Jacob  Young  were  call-  I 
ed   and    examined   and   they   say   that  I 
the     Susquehannock       Indians       now 
brought  down  declared  that  they  know 
those  other  Indians  at  the  head  of  Jthe 
Bay  to  come  from  the  Southward  and 
are  called  the  Stabbernowle;  and  that 
generally   all   the     Indians     in     their 
parts  know   them  to  be     the     same; 
then  the  Frenchmen  and  Indians  were 
called  in,  viz:  one  Susquehannock  and  j 
another   a   King   of  the   Southern   In-  i 
dians.     Demand  was  made  of  the  Sus-  | 
quehannock  Indians     how     long     the  [ 
Frenchmen  have    been    among    them.  I 
The      Susquehannock      Indians      said,  j 
"When  those  strange     Indians     went  I 
Northward  then  the  Frenchmen  came 
to   them   nearly    two   years   and   have 
since      been      traveling     toward      the 
Southward   before   they   found  a   con-  I 
venient  place     of  setting     down     and  j 
there    they    lived    three   years.        The 
Seneca  woman  told  him,  the  said  In- 
dian, that  a  Frenchman     about     five 
years  ago  ran  away  from  the  North- 
ern  Indians  to  the   Southern   Indians 
being  reduced  to  a  small  number  and 
as  it  were  newly  grown  up,  they  de- 
sire  the   power   of  the   Governor   and 
Council    that    they    may    have    liberty 
to    come    and    settle    upon    their    own 
lands    and    the    Susquehannock    Fort 
and    to    be    taken     and     treated     as 
friends   and   have     liberty     to     come 
among  the  English  without  moiestta- 
tion." 

It  was  answered  that  their  fort,  as 
they  called  it  falling  within  the  limits 
of  another  government,  viz:  Penn- 
sylvania, this  government  can  take  no 
notice  thereof  and  if  as  they  pretend 
they  are  in  league  with  the  Mohawks, 
our  friends,  we  shall  not  disturb 
them  as  long  as  they  live  peacebly. 

It  was  then  decided  as  far  as  the 
Susquehannock  Indians  were  con- 
cerned that  they  may  continue  at 
their    fort    and    as    they    are    inclined 


to  enter  into  a  league  with  us  there, 
may  be  some  of  their  great  men  may 
come  down  to  confirm  the  same,  and 
if  they  do  they  shall  be  kindly  treat- 
ed, and  then  also  must  make  choice 
of  some  great  man  to  preside  over 
them  as  Captain  Civility  formerly 
did  and  as  they  now  desire.  Then 
the  interpreter  asked  the  Susque- 
hann  Indians,  since  the  Government 
have  declared  their  opinion  concern- 
ing the  strange  Indians  what  nation 
they  were  of;  and  the  Susquehanna 
Indians  replied  that  there  are  two 
parties  of  them,  one  going  to  the 
Northward,  designing  to  join  the 
Senecas  in  their  war,  and  those  here 
who  have  desired  to  settle  among  us 
and  be  at  peace  and  are  called  the 
Stabbernowle    Indians." 

The  whole  tenor  of  this  interview 
shows  that  there  is  a  pretty  sound 
peace  now  established  between  the 
Susquehanna  Indians  and  Maryland 
and  also  between  them  and  the  In- 
habitants of  Pennsylvania.  It  must 
be  remembered  however,  at  this  time 
there  were  no  Pennsylvania  in- 
habitants in  and  about  Conestoga  ex- 
cept the  one  or  two  traders  of  whom 
we  have  already  spoken. 

1693— The  Letorts   Suspected   of  Dis- 
affection Against  the  English 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Colonial  Records, 
p.  396  under  the  date  of  1693  is  set 
for  an  information  against  Ann  Le- 
tort  who  several  weeks  before  the 
date  of  the  complaint  had  some  con- 
versation with  an  Indian  King  who 
resented  the  unkindness  of  the  Eng- 
lish and  said  that  the  English  would 
soon  all  be  driven  out  and  that  the 
French  were  making  overtures  to 
the  Pennsylvania  Indians  again  for 
the  land  and  will  take  it  from  the 
English.     This   Indian  King  said  that 


142 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Peter  Bassillion  and  Madam  Letort 
told  him  this  and  that  they  were  in- 
terested in  helping  the  French. 

The  information  further  sets  forth 
that  about  a  year  before  strange  In- 
dians came  to  Letort's  plantation  and 
would  not  tell  anything  about  their 
business;  at  another  time  Anna  Le- 
tort said  that  there  was  no  path  for 
the  Swedes  and  English  rogues 
through  the  country  near  her  house 
and  she  also  ran  and  got  a  horse 
whip  and  lashed  one  of  the  men  and 
called  for  others  to  help  her.  This 
complaint  also  states  that  about  a 
year  ago  Bassallion  and  Mrs.  Le- 
tort sent  a  lot  of  letters  to  certain 
strange   Indians. 

As  a  result  of  the  complaint  Mrs. 
Ann  Letort  was  brought  before  Coun- 
cil to  make  an  answer  and  it  appear- 
ed that  she  and  her  husband  and 
some  other  Frenchmen  were  rather 
dangerous.At  any  rate  the  next  month 
a  warrant  was  issued  out  against  her 
and  Bassillion  and  several  others  to 
come  and  stand  trial.  At  the  hearing 
she  denied  everything  and  she  was 
left  off  rather  easy. — See  (C.  R.,  p. 
435.) 

I  cite  this  in  connection  with  Lan- 
caster County  Indian  affairs  because 
Ann  Letort  and  her  husband  lived 
mostly  at  Conestoga;  and  Peter  Bas- 
sallion did  part  of  the  time.  As  to 
Bassallion  see  2  C.  R.,  p.  186.  The 
purpose  of  the  article  is  to  show 
simply  how  much  care  was  required 
to  prevent  the  French  from  weaning 
away  our  Indians  in  this  neighbor- 
hood. 

1G94— The   Delaware   Indians    Visit 
Philadelphia. 

I  speak  of  the  Delaware  Indians  as 
a  tribe  of  the  Susquehanna  Country 
because  as  we  shall  show  later  (2 
Col.  Rec,  p.  469)  they  moved  from  the 
Schuylkill  River  to  the  Susquehanna 
River  in  1709.     They  were  the  Indians 


who  after  Braddock's  defeat  did  the 
murdering  and  scalping  about  Carlisle 
and  Shippensburg  and  other  central 
points  of  Pennsylvania. 

In  1  C.  R.,  p.  447  under  the  date  of 
1694  eight  of  the  Delaware  chiefs 
visited  the  Council  at  Philadelphia 
and  represented  to  the  Council  that 
■the  Five  Nations  especially  the  Sene- 
cas  had  sent  them,  the  Delawares,  a 
belt  of  wampum,  stating  that  "  you 
Delaware  Indians  do  nothing  but 
scay  at  home  and  boil  your  pots  and 
are  like  women,  while  we,  the  Onon- 
dagoes  and  Senecas  go  abroad  and 
fight  against  the  enemy."  They  fur- 
ther complain  that  the  Senecas  want 
them  to  be  partners  to  go  and  fight 
against  the  French,  but  they  say  that 
they,  the  Delawares  are  peaceful  In- 
dians and  do  not  intend  to  go,  and 
are  going  to  the  Indians  of  the  Sus- 
quehanna river  which  River  they  af- 
terwards made   their   home. 

1694  —  Two      Susqueliannock      Indian 
Chiefs    Visit    the    Council. 

In   Vol.   1   of  the  'Colonial   Records, 
p.    448,    it   is    stated     that     at     three 
|  o'clock  on   the   6th   day   of  July,   1694 
it  was  decided  to  send  the  belt  back. 
This    is    sufficient   to    show    the    re- 
J  lation  of  these  Delaware  Indians  with 
|  Lieutenant    Governor    Markham ;    and 
ihis   Council     were      acquainted     that 
J  Kyanharro    and    Oriteo    two    Susque- 
i  hanna  Indians  present  and  had  some- 
thing   to    say    and    in    replying    could 
not  be  understood,  and  desire  Menan- 
izes    to    speak   for   them. 

Their  message  to  Council  was  that 
a  certain  Indian  come  from  the  Cay- 
ugas  to  the  Susquehanna's  (Kyan- 
harro's)  house  to  see  him,  and  that 
I  on  the  way  they  had  to  fight  the  Tit- 
jwas  or  naked  Indians.  And  the  Sus- 
quehanna King  desired  that  the  Gov- 
ernment would  allow  these  visiting 
Indians  to   live  with   at   Susquehanna 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


143 


under   protection. 

1694— The  Five  Nations     Desert     the 
English;   and  Join  the  French, and 
Want   to   Compel   the    Susquehanna 
Indians    and      Other     Pennsylvania 
Indians   to   Desert  Also, 
Under  the  date  of  the  23rd  of  May 
1694,    in    Vol.    1    of   the    Colonial    Re- 
cords, p.  459  is  set  forth  a  statement 
of   Governor   Benjamin   Fletcher,   who 
at  this  time  was  Governor  of  Pennsyl- 
vania as  well  as  New  York,  the  King 
of  England  having  taken  the  Govern- 
ment  out   of   Penn's   hands)      to     the 
effect    that    "the    Five    Nations    were 
now   debauched   to   the   French   inter- 
ests   and    are    entering   into   a   league 
with       the      Governor      of     Canada." 
Fletcher    then    says,    "I    must    assure 
you    that    our    Indians    here    will    be 
compelled    to   join   in   this    fatal    con- 
federacy." 

Nothing  need  be  added  to  this  ex- 
cept that  consequences  of  a  very  ser- 
ious nature  are  about  to  befall  the 
Indians  of  the  Susquehanna  River; 
and  that  they  are  now  evidently  be- 
tween the  Devil  and  the  deep  sea. 

1696  —  Susquehannocks,    Senecas    and 
Shawnese  Now  All  at  Peace  with 
Maryland. 

It  would  seem  that  the  defection  of 
the  Five  Nations  to  the  French  did 
not  last  very  long  because  at  this 
date  only  two  years  later  it  is  stat- 
ed in  19th  Maryland  Archives,  p. 
319  at  a  Council  held  in  Maryland, 
that  "Colonel  Herman  acquaints  the 
House  that  the  Senecas,  Susquehan- 
nas  and  Shawnese  Indians  have  de- 
sired peace  with  this  Province  and 
also  that  they  might  be  in  league 
and   trade  with  us." 

So  here  it  appears  that  at  least  the 
Senecas,  if  not  all  of  the  Five  Na- 
tions want  both  peace  and  trade  ar- 
rangements     with      the      English      in 


|  Maryland. 

The   same  facts   are  noticed  in  the 
I  proceedings  of  the  Assembly    of    Mary- 
I  land,  in  Vol.     19,     of     the     Maryland 
|  Archives,    p.    363    where    it    was    "re- 
j  solved  that  his  Excellency    the    Gover- 
|  nor   be   acquainted   that     this     house 
s  have    discoursed    with    Colonel    Her- 
1  man,   who    acquaints   them    that     the 
Relique   of  the   Senecas   and   Susque- 
hannas    with    the    Shawnese    had    de- 
sired   peace    with   this    Province,    and 
that  they  might  be     in     league     and 
trade   here;    and   that  the   House   de- 
sires   of   his    Excellency,   if   he    think 
it  may  be  beneficial  to  this  Province 
to  enter  into  peace  with  them." 
1696— Letort  and  Bazallion,  the  Sus- 
quehanna  River   Indian    Traders, 

Also  Operate  in  Maryland. 
In   Vol.   20   of   the   Maryland   Arch- 
ives,  p.   470   is   set   forth   a  part  of  a 
letter    from    William    Markham,    Gov- 
ernor of  Pennsylvania  to  the  Gover- 
nor   of    Maryland    as    follows:    Sir:  — 
Upon  a  copy  of  what  Colonel  Herman 
gave  unto  your  Excellency  and  Coun- 
cil,  I  shall   require  security  for  Bas- 
sallion    and    Letort,    though    I      know 
will  still  be  uneasy  until  he  gets  all 
the    Indian    trade    himself.       I      have 
known   Colonel    Herman    a   long   time 
and  that  he  trades  for  himself  in  the 
Susquehanna  is  better     known     than 
trusted.  I   enclose   to   your  Excellency 
I  what    I    found      among      cast      away 
I  papers.  Bassallion  was  in  equal   par- 
!  tnership    with      Petit      and      Sallway, 
though  it  went  in     only     their     own 
|  names,    Bassallion    coming     in      after 
i  the  other  had  forwarded  for  the  voy- 
!  age    and    after    the    cargo    was    over- 
s  thrown,    I    demanded    the    left    cargo 
and     Bassalion     had     one-third.        As 
!  to    Letort,    he    is    a    Protestant,     was 
I  sent    over    in    the    year    1686    with    a 
|  considerable       cargo      and       several 
I  French     Protestants     to    settle    30,000 


144 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


acres  of  land  up  the  Schuylkill  that  I  direction  he  first  leases  them  to  Penn 
they  had  bought  from  William  Penn  |  for  1000  years  and  then  sells  them  to 
and  that  is  the  place  he  lives  at.  !  him  absolutely.  This  lease  is  found 
Other  houses  were  built  and  families  j  at  page  121  of  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna. 
settledthem  that  he  brought  with  I  Archives,  and  is  as  follows: 
him,  but  being  so  far  up  in  the  coun-  |  .<THIg  INDENTURE,  made  the 
try  they  deserted  him.  This  Letort  j  twelfth  day  of  January ,Anno  Dom., 
was  going  for  England  in  the  ship  j  169g  and  in  the  Eighth  Yeare  of  the 
with  Governor  Hamilton  but  he  was  |  reigne  Qf  Qur  Sovereign>  Lord  Wil- 
taken.  Letort  was  carried  to  Tholoun  j  ^^  the  Third>  Ring  of  England; 
and  narrowly  escaped  the  galleys  but  j  between  Thomas  Dongan,  late  Gover- 
after  a  long  and  hard  usage  got  into  j  nQr  of  New  York  and  now  of  London, 
England,  where  he  became  acquaint-  |  Egq  Qf  the  one  part>  and  William 
edwith  theWest  Jersey  Company  and  j  penn  Governor  of  the  pr0vince  of 
they  understanding  that  his  house  Pensilvania  in  America,  of  the  other 
stood  upon  the  Schuylkill  upon  a  con-  part  witnesSeth  that  the  said 
venient  place    for    trade    with  the    In-    Thomas    Dongan)    for    and   in    consid- 


dians    contracted    with    him    to    trade 


eration,   of   the   sum   of   one   hundred 


for  them  there;  and  wrote  to  their  i  poundg  of  lawful  money  of  England 
agent  to  supply  him  with  goods.  It  ,  tQ  him  [n  hand  paW>  by  the  gaid 
is  not  many  days  since  that  he  went  I  Willlam  Penn>  the  right  whereof  is 
to  Burlington  to  make  up  his  account  j  hereby    acknowledged>    HATH    demis- 


with  the  agent,  intending  to  soon  as 
conveniently  can  for  England.  Gov- 
ernor Hamilton  will  give  a  very  good 
account  of  him." 

This  letter  by  Markham  makes 
clear  where  this  famous  James  Le- 
tort lived  before  he  moved  to  Cones- 
toga,  and  it  also  shows  that  his  trade 
as  well  as  Bassallion's  extended  over 
a  wide  territory  all  the  way  from  the 
Schuylkill  to  the  Susquehanna  and 
even   to   the   Potomac. 

1696 — Governor  Dungan  Leases  Back 

to   Penn   the  Land   to   Dungan 

by  the  Susquehannock 

Indians. 

In  Vol.  2  of  Smith's  laws,  p.  Ill  it 
is  stated  that  the  deed  from  the  In- 
dians to  Governor  is  not  known  to 
exist.  We  have,  however,  shown  that 
all  this  Susquehanna  land  was  sold 
by  our  Indians  to  Dungan  about  1684. 
Now  during  a  lapse  of  12  years  Dun- 
gan as  we  have  shown  in  the  former 
article  held  the  lands  only  in  trust 
for    the    Indians;    and    now    at    their 


sed  and  granted,  and  by  these  pre- 
sents doth  demise  and  grant  unto  the 
said  William  Penn,  ALL  that  Tract 
of  Land  lyeing  upon,  on  both  sides  of 
the  River  commonly  called  or  known 
by  the  name  of  the  Susquehanna 
River  and  the  Lakes  adjacent,  in  our 
near  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania, 
in  America,  Beginning  at  the  moun- 
tains or  head  of  the  said  river,  and 
running  as  far  as  and  into  the  Bay 
of  Chesapeake,  with  all  Isles,  Is- 
lands, Mines,  Minerals,  Woods,  Fish- 
ings, Hawkings,  huntings,  Fowlings, 
and  all  other  Royalties,  profits,  com- 
odityes  and  hereditaments  unto  the 
same  belonging  which  the  said 
Thomas  Dungan  lately  purchased  of 
or  had  given  him  by  Sinneca  Susque- 
hanna Indians  and  also  all  the  lands, 
hereditaments,  Isles,  Islands,  Rivers, 
Royalties,  mines,  minerals,  lakes, 
waters,  profitts,  priviledges,  and  ap- 
putenances,  whatsoever  lyeing  on 
both  sides  of  the  Susquehanna  River, 
and  near  adjoining  thereto,  which  he 
the  said  Thomas  Dungan  did,  at,  any 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


145 


time  purchase,  or  which  were  at  any 
time  given  unto  them  by  the  said  In- 
dians, or  any  of  them.  TO  HAVE 
AND  TO  HOLD,  unto  the  said  Wil- 
liam Penn,  his  Executors,  Adminis- 
trators and  Assigns,  from  the  day  of 
date  hereof,  for  and  unto  the  end  and 
Term  of  One  Thousand  years,  PAY- 
ING unto  the  said  Thomas  Dongan, 
his  Executors  and  Administrators, 
yearly,  and  every  year  on  the  First 
day  of  St.  Mitchell,  the  Arch  Angell, 
the  rent  of  a  pepper  Corn,  if  the  same 
shall  be  lawfully  demanded  to  the 
intent  and  purpose  that  by  force  and 
virtue  of  these  presents  and  of  the 
Statute  for  transferring  of  uses  into 
possession,  the  said  William  Penn 
may  be  in  the  actuall  possession  of 
the  premisses,  and  may  thereby  be 
the  better  enabled  to  attempt  and 
take  a  grant,  release  or  other  Con- 
veyance, of  the  revercion  and  inheri- 
tance thereof,  to  the  use  of  Himself,  | 
his  heirs  and  Assigns  forever.  IN  j 
WITNESSE  whereof  the  said  parties  | 
as  Duplicates  to  the  other  Indentures 
of  the  same  contents  and  are  here-  j 
with  sett  their  hands.  Seales  Dated 
the  day  and  year  first  above  written. 
THOMAS   DUNGAN,    (L.   S.) 

Sealed    and    delivered,    being      first  j 
Stampt  according  to  Act  of  Parliiant 
in   ye   presence   of 

SAM.   VAUS, 
FR'.    HARDING, 
WM.    SPRINGETT." 
1696  —  Governor   Dungan   Now   Deeds 

Back     to     Penn     Absolutely,  the 
Lands  Sold  to  Him  in  Trust 
by     the     Susquehan- 
nocks. 

The  reason  that  the  Governor  first 
leased  these  .same  lands  to  Penn  was 
to  meet  an  old  law,  which  required 
that  in  order  that  a  perfect  estate 
might  be  taken  by  a  purchaser 
should  first  have  a  lease  hold  in  the 


same.  At  least  it  is  so  stated  in  the 
lease  and  deed  which  we  are  now 
considering.  The  deed  of  this  Sus- 
quehanna Country  may  be  found  in 
Vol.  1  of  the  Pennsylvania  Archives, 
p.  122,  as  follows: 

"  THIS  INDENTURE  made  the 
Thirteenth  day  of  January,  Anno 
Dom.,  1696,  and  in  the  eighth  year  of 
the  reign  of  our  Soverign  Lord,  Wil- 
liam, the  Third,  King  of  England, 
etc.,  BETWEEN,  Thomas  Dongan  late 
Governor  of  New  Yorke,  and  now  of 
London,  Esq.,  of  the  one  part,  and 
William  Penn,  Governor  of  the  Pro- 
vince of  Pennsilvania,  in  America,  of 
the  other  part,  WITNESSETH  that 
the  said  Thomas  Dongan,  for,  and  in 
consideration  of  the  sum  of  One  Hun- 
dred Pounds  of  lawfull  money  of 
England,  to  him  in  hand  paid,  by  the 
said  William  Penn,the  receipt  where- 
of is  hereby  acknowledged,  HATH 
granted,  Enfeffoed,  released,  and 
confirmed,  and  by  these  presents  doth 
grant,  enfeoffe,  release  and  confirm 
unto  the  said  William  Penn,  and  his 
heirs,  ALL  that  Tract  of  land,  lye- 
ing  upon,  on  both  sides  of  the  river 
commonly  or  known,  by  the  name  of 
Susquehanna  River,  and  the  Lakes 
adjacent  in  or  neare  the  Province  of 
Pennsylvania  in  America,  beginning 
at  the  Mountains  or  head  of  the  said 
river,  and  running  as  far  as  and  into 
the  Bay  of  Chesapeake,  with  all  Isles, 
Islands,  Mines,  Minerals,  Woods, 
Fishings,  Hawkings,  Huntings,  Fowl- 
ings,  and  all  ther  Royalties,  profitts, 
comodities,  and  hereditaments,  unto 
the  same  belonging,  which  the  said 
Thomas  Dongan  lately  purchased  of, 
or  had  given  him  by  the  Sennica  Sus- 
quehanna Indians,  and,  also  all  the 
lands,  hereditaments,  Isles,  Islands, 
Rivers,  Royalties,  Mines,  Minerals, 
also  Lakes,  Waters,  profits,  privi- 
ledges  and  appertences,  whatsoever 
belonging  on   both   sides   of  the   Sus- 


146 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


quehanna  River,  and  near  and  adja- 
cent thereto,  which  he  the  said 
Thomas  Dongan,  did  at  any  time  pur- 
chase, or  which  were  at  any  time 
given  unto  him  by  the  said  Indians 
or  any  of  them  which  said  islands  and 
premises  are  in  the  possession  of  the 
said  William  Penn,  by  virtue  of  a 
lease  thereof,  for  One  Thousand 
years,  bearing  the  date  of  the  next 
day  next  before  the  date  hereof,  TO 
HAVE  AND  TO  HOLD,  to  the  said 
William  Penn,  his  heirs  and  assignes 
to  the  only  use  and  hehooffe  of  the 
the  said  William  Penn,  his  heirs  and 
assigns,  AND  the  said  Thomas  Don- 
gan for  himself,  his  heirs,  Executors, 
and  Administrators,  doth  Covenant, 
promise,  grant  and  agree  to  and  with 
said  William  Penn,  his  heirs  and 
assignes  by  these  presents,  that  he 
the  said  Thomas  Dongan,  and  his 
heirs,  all  and  singular,  the  said  Lands 
and  Premises,  with  the  appurtes  un- 
to the  said  William  Penn  and  his 
heirs,  against  the  said  Thomas  Don- 
gan, his  heirs  and  Assigns  and  all 
other  person  and  persons,  having  or 
claiming  to  have  or  claim  from  by 
or  under  him,  them  or  any  of  them, 
and  also  against  all  and  every  the 
Senneca,  Sasquehanna  Indians,  shall 
and  will  Warrant  and  forever  defend. 
IN  WITNESS  whereof  the  said  part- 
ies have  to  these  present  Indentures, 
oy  Certificates  to  the  other  Indent- 
ures of  the  same  intents  and  date 
herewith  interchangeably  sett  their 
hands  and  seals,  dated  the  day  and 
year  first  above  written. 

THOMAS   DONGAN, 
Sealed    and    delivered,    being      first 
Stampt    according    to    Act    of    Parlia- 
ment,  In  ye   presence   of 
SAM.   VAUS, 
WM.    SPRINGETT, 
FR.    HARDING." 


1697  — Erroneous      Belief      that      the 
Shawnese   Indians    Came   to 
Pequea  in  this  Year. 

It  is  generally  stated  that  the 
Shawnese  came  to  Pequea  in  1697 
from  the  South  but  as  we  have  shown 
before  this  is  the  wrong  date. 
They  came  here  in  1678,— See  on  this 
same  subject  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna. 
Archives,  p.  312  and  Vol.  3  of  the 
Colonial   Records,  p.   441. 

1697— Steelman  Goes  as   Spy   to   Sug- 
quehanna   River:    Only   40   Origi- 
nal  Susquehannocks   Left. 

In  Vol.  19  of  the  Maryland  Archives 
p.  519  it  is  set  forth  as  part  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  Maryland  Assem- 
bly that  "the  Speaker  attended  by 
the  whole  House  came  and  Captain 
Hans  Steelman  being  called  into  con- 
ference was  required  to  give  an  ac- 
count of  what  he  has  done  pursuant 
to  the  order  of  the  Council  given  him 
in  charge;  and  he  says  that  accord- 
ing to  the  order  he  went  to  the  Sus- 
quehannocks and  other  Indians  at 
the  head  of  the  Bay;  that  the  Dela- 
ware King  and  the  Chanhannan 
King  would  have  come  along  with 
him,  but  that  their  great  men  were 
gone  abroad  a  hunting  and  because 
he  understood  that  the  rest  were 
willing  to  come  down  about  a  month 
hence,  he  did  not  bring  them  with 
him. 

He  reports  that  at  Carristauga 
(Conestoga)  the  Susquehanna  and 
Seneca  Indians  have  about  40  young 
lusty  men  besides  women  and  chil- 
dren; that  the  Sheavana  (Sawnese) 
Indians  being  about  30  men  besides 
their  women  and  children,  are  living 
within  four  miles  of  Carristauga 
lower  down  and  submit  themselves 
and  pay  tribute  to  the  'Susquehanna 
Indians    and    the    Senesas. 

He  says  that  the  Delaware  Indians 
live  at  Ninguannan  about  nine  miles 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


147 


from  the  head  of  the  Elk  River  and 
15  miles  from  Christiana  and  30 
miles  from  Susquehanna  River,  and 
are  about  300  men  and  are  tributary 
to  the  Senecas  and  Susquehannocks, 
50  of  them  being  at  Nuiguahannan 
and  the  rest  upon  Brandywine  and 
Upland  Creeks. 

He  says  that  the  Susquehannocks, 
Delawares,  and  Shawnese  do  take 
themselves  to  be  and  are  inclinable 
to  be  under  this  Province  because  of 
their  hunting  within  the  same  be- 
twixt the  Susquehanna  and  the  Poto- 
macs;  and  finally  he  says  that  too 
many  people  trade  with  these  In- 
dians,"— See   also    pp.   565    and   566. 

1698 — The     Ganawese     Indians     Ask 
Permission  to   Settle  In  Penn- 
sylvania. 

In  Lyle's  History  of  Lancaster 
County,  p.  11  it  is  stated  that  this 
year  the  G'anawese  Indians  went  to 
Philadelphia  to  obtain  permission  to 
settle  in  Pennsylvania.  This  date 
seems  to  be  a  year  or  two  earlier 
than  the  correct  date.  In  Vol.  2  of 
the  Colonial  Records,  p.  191  under  the 
date  of  1705  it  is  stated  that  "five 
years  ago  the  Ganawese  or  Piscata- 
ways  settled  in  this  Province  near  the 
head  of  the  Potomac.  Here  they  just 
had  settled  with  the  consent  of  the 
Proprietary  and  that  the  Conestoga 
Indians  at  that  time  became  a  guaran- 
tee for  the  good  behavior  of  the  Gana- 
wese but  later  in  the  year  of  1705 
these  Ganawese  asked  to  move  to  an- 
other part  of  Pennsylvania." 

Miss  Lyle  in  her  History  also  says 
that  the  Ganawese  settlement  was 
about  Washington  Borough, — See  p. 
12. 

1698— Chalkley's  Visit  to  the  Indians 

in    These    Parts 

Thomas       Chalkley,       the       Quaker 

preacher    in    his    collection    of    works 

printed  by  James  &  Johnson  in  Phila- 


delphia in  1790.  p.  16  says  that  he 
went  about  the  head  of  the  Chesa- 
peake Bay  and  from  there  to  George 
Fruit's  house;  and  that  with  this 
friend  he  went  to  an  Indian  town  not 
far  from  his  friend's  house  because 
he  had  a  desire  to  see  these  people, 
having  never  seen  any  of  them  be- 
fore. I  do  not  undertake  to  say,  how- 
ever, that  it  was  the  Susquehanna 
Indians  that  he  visited,  there  being 
several  tribes  along  the  Bay.  Chalk- 
ley  in  the  same  year  made  another 
trip  of  which  he  tells  us  at  page  23 
of  his  works,  saying  that  he  travelled 
from  Philadelphia  to  Maryland  and 
visited  friends  on  the  western  shore. 
Therefore  he  likely  came  through  the 
Susquehanna  Country  and  most  cer- 
tainly did'  if  he  reached  the  Western 
shore  by  going  around  the  head  of 
Chesapeake  Bay  instead  of  crossing 
it. 

1698— The    Location    of   the   Susque- 
hanna Remnant  Determined. 

In  Vol.  22  of  the  Maryland  Arch., 
'p.  50  a  proceeding  is  set  forth  as 
follows:  "It  is  proposed  that  the  As- 
sembly advise  whether  the  Susque- 
hannock  Indians  where  they  now  live 
be  within  the  bounds  of  the  Province 
of  Maryland  or  not, —  (Md.  Archives, 
14).  And  it  was  decided  that  as  to 
the  Susquehannock  Indians  it  is  con- 
cluded they  are  not  within  this 
(Maryland)  Government;  and  as  to  the 
method  of  holding  an  Assembly,  the 
House  do  not  think  fit  to  draw  up  a 
method," — (Do.  p.  39).  It  was  also 
proposed  "that  the  house  should  give 
some  answer  whether  they  think  it 
necessary  that  the  Government  of 
New  York  should  be  sent  to  about 
the  Indians  and  if  they  are  of  opin- 
ion that  the  Susquehannock  Indians 
do  not  live  within  the  bounds  of  the 
Province  of  Maryland,  his  Excel- 
lency   will    have    nothing   to   do    with 


148 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


them  since  the  House  are  not  willing 
that  an  ordinance  should  be  passed 
against  such  persons  as  entice  people 


enter  into  such  further  articles  as 
may  be  proposed  to  them:  and  as  to 
the    Piscataway      Indians    which     are 


out  of  the  Province.  Therefore  this  daily  expected  to  come  and  settle 
Board  do  quit  themselves  of  incon-  amongst  us,  if  they  should  not  come 
venience  and  danger  that  may  ap-  j  in  before  the  return  of  the  messeng- 
pear."  '  ers  to  the  Susquehanna  Indians,  that 

Here   we    see    that   the    Susquehan-  j  the  Governor  shall  use  such  measures 
nock   Indians   or  the   remnant   of  the  j  as   he  thinks   fit." 

tribe  are  again  on  the  Susquehanna  j  in  this  we  see  it  is  true  that 
River  north  of  the  Maryland  line.  I  the   Piscataways     or     Ganawese     In- 

1698-Maryland  Again  Makes  a  Treaty  |  dians  were  moving  their  home  about 

this  time;    and  this  corresponds  with 


With   the  Susquehannocks. 

In  Vol.  22  of  the  Maryland  Arch., 
p.  168  the  following  note  of  a  treaty 
is  set  forth,  being  a  proceeding  in  the 
Assembly:  "This  House  have  read 
the  treaty  made  with  the  Indians  at 
the  head  of  the  Bay  by  Colonel 
Thompson  and  others  and  do  con- 
ceive that  the  Shawnese  came  from 
the  Southward  and  not  in  any  ways 
belonging  to  the  Government  of  New 
York;  and  the  Susquehannock  In- 
dians   are    at    their      old      habitation 


what  we  have  quoted  from  the  Colon- 
ial Records  and  other  sources. 

1699— An  Act  Proposed  to  Secure  the 
Frontier  of  Maryland  from  the 
Invasion  of  the  Susque- 
hannocks. 

In  Vol.  22  of  the  Maryland  Arch., 
pp.  509  and  510  under  this  date  is 
set  forth  an  Act  of  Assembly  to  pre- 
fect the  frontiers  of  Maryland  and  it 
is  as  follows:  — 

"Whereas  there  has  been  a  murder 


supposed  to  be  without  the  limits  of  i 
this  Province  and  that  this  House  j  committed  by  Indians  on  the  frontier 
has  no  assurance  of  any  nation  of  I  Plantations  of  Potomac  River  within 
Indians  at  the  head  of  the  Potomac."    this   Province;    for  the   prevention   of 

The  treaty  referred  to  as  made  by 
Colonel  Thompson  included  the  Sus- 
quehannocks. 


1699 — An    Embassy    Sent    to    Susque- 
hanna. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Maryland  Arch., 
pp.  422  and  423  a  report  is  given  of 
a   session   of   the  Assembly   of  Mary- 


the  like  for  the  future: 

Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  that  Colonel 
Ninian  Beall  and  Captain  Richard 
Ownes  with  twelve  troopers  and  six 
foot  soldiers  do  range  in  and  about 
the  frontier  plantations  for  the  se- 
curity thereof,  so  long  as  his  Excel- 
lency, the  Lieutenant-Governor  and 
Council;    and    the    committee    herein- 


land  wherein  it  is  stated,  "The  Com-  !  after  appointed  shall  see  convenient 
missioners  think  it  necessary  that  j  to  continue  the  said  rangers  and  that 
James  Frisby,  Esq.,  or  one  of  his  |  the  said  rangers  shall  be  allowed  the 
Majesty's    council    should     be     called  I  sum  of  2   Shillings  and   6   Pence    for 


and  also  the  members  of  the  Bur- 
gesses of  Baltimore  County  with  what 
other  persons  shall  be  thought  fit  to 
be  dispatched  with  all  convenient 
speed  to  the  Susquehanna  Indians  to 
see  if  they  will  ratify  and  confirm  the 
league    already    made    with    them    to 


each  trooper  per  day,  they  finding 
themselves  horses,  arms  and  provis- 
ions; and  that  the  two  commanders 
be  paid  in  money  proportionate  the 
same  rate;  and  that  Thomas  French 
provide  for  the  rangers  the  quantity 
of  600  weight  of  pork  and  1000  weight 


OTHEB    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


149 


of  bisket  to  be  deducted  out  of  the 
pa>  ,  and  the  said  rangers  and  foot 
soldiers  to  be  levy-free  during  ser- 
vice, and  they  shall  duly  range  and 
in  case  any  be  found  to  straggle  and 
not  perform  their  duty  they  shall  lose 
three  days'  pay: 

And  finally,  James  Finley,  Colonel 
Adderson  Thompson  and  John  Hale 
and  what  other  persons  they  think 
fit  be  dispatched  with  all  convenient 
speed  to  the  Susquehanna  Indians  to 
ratify  and  confirm  the  league  former- 
ly made  with  them  and  to  enter  to 
such  further  articles  as  by  his  Excel- 
lency, the  Governor  and  Council  and 
the  committee  hereinafter  appointed 
shall  propose  to  them  that  a  present 
be  given  to  the  said  Susquehanna  In- 
dians and  the  said  committee  join 
with  his  Excellency,  the  Governor 
and  Council  in  advising  such  meas- 
ures as  will  suppress  any  violence 
as  may  be  offered  this  province  by  the 
Indians,  after  the  breaking  up  of  the 
present   Assembly." 

1700— An  Objection  Made  to  the  Bill 
for  Defending  Maryland. 

In  Vol.  24  of  the  Maryland  Archives, 
p.  24  under  this  date  the  bill  for  the 
security  of  Maryland  being  read.  Ob- 
jection was  made  against  the  whole 
bill,  that  his  Excellency  had  lately 
made  a  peace  with  the  Indians  "wheth- 
er it  was  not  more  reasonable  upon 
the  renewing  of  the  peace,  instantly 
to  withdraw  the  rangers  and  let  the 
Indians  have  the  assurance  that  we 
design  firmly  to  observe  our  promise 
and  expect  the  same  observance  from 
them;  and  to  give  no  occasion  to 
diffidence  and  to  leave  the  disposal 
of  the  fort  to  them;  to  do  them  all  the 
right  they  can  by  letting  them  quiet- 
ly enjoy  their  land;  to  secure  the 
friendship  of  the  Susquehannocks 
and  the  Eastern  Shore  Indians — and 
it   was  carried      by     a     majority     of 


voices   against  the   bill." 

Here  we  see  that  one  party  believ- 
ed that  the  Susquehannock  friendship 
would  be  more  securely  obtained  by 
withdrawing  all  troops  and  not  al- 
lowing the  rangers  in  the  disputed 
territory  at  all;  so  the  bill  was  de- 
feated. 

1700  — An  Act  for   Quieting  the  Dif- 
ferences  Between  Maryland  and 
the  Indians. 

In  Vol.  24  of  the  Maryland  Archives, 
pp.  102  and  103  is  set  forth  an  Act 
of  Assembly  by  Maryland  as  follows: 
"Whereas,  differences  have  and 
may  arise  and  grow  between  the  Eng- 
lish and  the  Indians  which  for  the 
want  of  a  speedy  way  of  delivery  the 
same  may  make  great  changes  and  ill 
conveniences,  have  and  may  happen 
therefrom  by  controversey  being 
brought  from  the  remotest  parts  of 
the  Province  to  be  heard  and  testi- 
fied before  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil, the  great  trouble  of  the  persons 
concerned. 

Be  it  enacted  that  the  persons  in 
the  Act  hereinafter  mentioned  and 
appointed  be  and  hereby  authorized 
!  and  empowered  to  hear  and  deter- 
[  mine  all  matters  of  controverseywhat" 
1  soever  that  may  arise  or  happen  be- 
tween the  English  and  the  Indians  in 
i  private  or  personal  controversey 
j  not   exceeding  the  value     of     twenty 

I  Shillings,  that  is  to   say for 

the    Susquehannock,      Shawnese     and 
j  Delaware  Indians  and  others  on  those 
I  frontiers  Col.   John      Thompson     and 
Edward  Blay  be  and  hereby  authoriz- 
ed   to   hear    and    determine   any   such 
matters   and   when   judgment   thereon 
is  given,  either  party  refusing  to  per- 
form   the    same    the    other    party     by 
way  of  distress  take  into  his  custody 
the  goods  and  chattels  of  the  offend- 
ed  and  out  of  the  same     make     full 
i  satisfaction    to   the    party    which    was 


150 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


wronged,  at  the  discretion  so  author- |  Great  men;    whereupon  our  interpre- 
ized    and    the    over-plus    returned     to    ters,  John  Hans  and  Christian  Mounts 


the  owner." 

1700_An  Order  to  Treat  the  Susque- 
hannock  Indians  With  Respect 

In  Vol.    25   of  the   Maryland  Arch., 


being  sworn  both  to  receive  and  truly 
deliver  and  honestly  to  interpret.  The 
Susquehannocks  King  not  being  per- 
sonally present  but  only  his  great 
men,  we  showed  ourselves  much  dis- 


pp.  104  and  106  there  is  set  forth  the  |  appointed   by    reason   of   his    absence, 
following:    "Pursuant  to   an   order  of   acquainting  them  that     we     expected 


his  Excellency,  dated  May  9th,  re- 
quiring these  persons  at  the  head  of 
the  Bay  to  treat  with  the  Susque- 
hannocks, Shawnese  and  Delawares 
as  soon  as  possible  and  to  proceed; 
thereupon  notice  was  given  by  one 
of  the  persons  appointed  to  John 
Hans  to  acquaint  the  said  natives,  the 
Susquehannocks,  Shawnese  and  Dela- 
wares, that  on  some  certain  time  as 
soon  as  possible  to  meet  us  at  John 
Hans's  house,  then  there  as  well  to 
communicate  what  by  this  Govern- 
ment was  given  us  in  charge  as  to 
receive  what  by  their  Kings  and 
Great  men  they  had  to  communicate 
to  us;  at  the  day  and  place,  to  wit: 
the  28th  of  August  1700,  we  the  said 
persons  and  one  of  the  interpreters 
between  five  and  six  o'clock  in  the 
evening,  it  being  late  we  first  re- 
freshed ourselves,  and  acquainted 
those  Indians  that  were  then  present, 
the  Shawnese'  and  Delawares'  Kings 
together  with  their  Great  men,  that 
tomorrow  morning  we  should  pro- 
ceed on  our  said  treaty;  they  seemed 
very  willing  so  we  gave  them  some 
drams  and  they  shook  us  by  the 
hand;    and  we  went  to  our  repose. 

August  29,  it  being  eight  of  the 
clock  we,  the  persons  nominated  ac- 
quainted the  said     Indians     that     we 


him  to  be  present  as  well  as  the  other 
Kings;  but  one  of  the  great  men 
named  Cassawetoway  allias  "In- 
dian Harry'  has  the  English  tongue 
very  fluently,  begging  his  excuses,  ac- 
quainted us  that  two  other  Kings, 
Kindowagahaw  and  Sawwaydoggo- 
hay  (Seneca  Kings)  were  come  to 
give  him  a  visit  and  that  for  these 
reasons  he  could  not  possibly  at- 
tend but  ordered  him  with  the  rest 
of  the  great  men  to  give  their  at- 
tendance to  hear  what  we  had  to 
communicate  to  them  and  what  they 
enacted  in  that  behalf  should  be  con- 
firmed  by  himself. 

Then  we  acquainted  them  that  we 
were  very  glad  to  see  them  here  and 
that  if  the  King  together  with  the 
other  Kings  had  come  to  us,  we 
would  have  kindly  received  and  en- 
tertained them,  which  they  took 
kindly. 

We  proceeded  to  acquaint  them 
that  our  coming  and  calling  of  them 
was  to  ratify  and  confirm  the  treaty 
of  friendship  they  had  already  enter- 
ed into  with  us  and  several  other 
articles  herewith  sent  which  being 
consented  to  and  signed  by  the  sev- 
eral nations.  We  gave  them  nine 
match  coats  and  40  yards  of  printed 
dimity      equally      distributed      among 


would  proceed  upon  the  treaty  and  i  them,  the  more  firmly  to  oblige  them 
accordingly  we  took  our  places,  when  i  to  tl\e  stricter  performance  of  these 
were  present  Ocahale,  King  of  the  i  articles,  now  made,  ratified  and  con- 
Delaware  Indians  and  his  Great  men  l  firmed. 

with  his  interpreter,  Captain  Hagrup;  |  We  further  inquired  of  them  wheth- 
and  Ophesaw  (Opessa),  King  of  the  |  er  any  neighboring  Indians  were  de- 
Shawnese  Indians  with  Boschaccus  j  sirous  of  entering  into  friendship 
his   interpreter,     together     with      his  !  and   amity   with   us  and  the  said   In- 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


151 


dians.  answered  that  at  present  there 
were  not  any  they  knew  of;  and  so 
we  concluded  with  the  Indians  and 
drank  the  King's  health.  Dated  at 
John  Hans'  this  29th  day  of  August, 
1700.  The  Indians  in  token  of  their 
affection  presented  the  Government 
with  15  undressed  deer  skins." 
"Signed  by  us: — 

JAMES  FRISBY, 
JOHX   THOMPSON, 
EDWARD    BLAY." 
"On   the   same  day  we   proposed  to 
the    Susquehannocks,     Shawnese    and 
Delawares  the  following  questions: 

(1)  Whether  they  are  willing  still 
to  confirm  that  former  peace  and 
amity  made  with  us;  to  which  they 
answered  that  they  were  all  very 
willing  and  we  entered  into  a  gen- 
eral amity  and  peace  with  them  for 
this  Province  that  shall  stand  firm 
and  good  forever. 

(2)  Whether  they  are  willing  if  any 
other  Indians  should  commit  any  in- 
juries upon  the  inhabitants  of  this 
Province  that  they  should  be  answ- 
erable for  them  and  to  this  they  re- 
plied that  it  is  just  and  reasonable; 
and  that  they   would   be   accountable. 

(3)  Whether  they  are  willing  up- 
on any  hurt  or  damage  committed  or 
acted  by  any  neighboring  Indians  to 
any  persons  of  this  Government  to 
assist  and  help  us.  To  this  they  an- 
swered they  were  not  only  willing 
but  would  also  pursue  and  take  if 
possible  them  or  any  of  them  and 
bring  them  to  be  dealt  with  all  as  the 
Government  shall  think  fit.  Where- 
upon they  shook  hands  with  us  in  a 
token  of  sincerity  of  their  affection 
and  they  have  set  their  hands  and 
seals  to  this  instrument  this  29th  of 
August,   1700. 


i  THE  DELAWARE  KING,  His  Mark  X 
|  KING  OF  SHAWNESE,  His  Mark.  11. 
I  MARK   OF   SUSQUEHANNOCKS,  -1-. 

1700— The    Above    Mentioned    Treaty 
Confirmed  in  the  Maryland 
Assembly. 

In  Vol.  24  of  the  Maryland  Arch., 
i  p.  151  it  was  ordered  that  the  treaty 
1  made  with  the  Susquehannock,  Dela- 
ware and  Shawnese  Indians  by  James 
Frisby,  Esq.,  Colonel  John  Thompson 
and  Captain  Edward  Blay  should  be 
laid  before  the  House  which  was 
done;  and  the  same  was  confirmed  by 
the  said  House. 

1700— The    Susquehanna    Chiefs  Make 
Another  Deed  to  William  Penn. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives, 
p.  133  is  set  forth  the  following  deed 
from  the  Susquehannock  Chief  to 
William  Penn:  — 

"We  Widdaagh,  alias  Orytyagh, 
and  Andaggy-junkquagh,  Kings  or 
Sachemas  of  the  Susquehannagh  In- 
dians, and  of  the  River  under  that 
name,  and  lands  lying  on  both  sides 
j  thereof,  do  declare  that  for  and  in 
consideration  of  a  parcel  of  English 
,  goods,  unto  us  given,  by  our  Friend 
I  and  Brother,  William  Penn,  proprie- 
l  tary  and  Governour  of  Pensilvania, 
I  and  also  in  consideration  of  the  for- 
|  mer  much  greater  costs  and  charges 
j  the  said  Wiliam  Penn,  hath  been  at 
j  in  treating  about  and  purchasing  the 
j  same.  We  do  hereby  Give,  Grant  and 
!  Confirm  unto  the  Said  William  Penn 
j  all  the  Said  River  Susquehannagh, 
j  and  all  other  Islands  therein,  and  all 
|  the  lands  situate  lying,  and  being 
j  upon  both  sides  of  the  said  River, 
I  and  next  adjoining  to  ye  same,  to  the 
|  utmost  confines  of  the  lands,  which 
i  are  of  formerly  were  the  Right  of  the 
i  People  or  Nation  called  the  Susque- 
|  hannagh  Indians,  or  by  what  name 
I  soever    they    were    called    or    known 


152 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


thereof,  and  also  all  Lakes,  Rivers, 
Rivulets,  Mountains,  Streams,  Trees, 
Woods,  Underwoods,  Mines,  Royal- 
ties, and  other  Mines,  Minerals, 
Quarries,  Hawkings,  Huntings,  fish- 
ings, fowlings  and  other  Royalties, 
Privileges,  and  Powers,  whatsoever 
to  them  or  any  of  them  belonging,  or 
by  them  enjoyed  as  fully,  and  amply 
in  all  respects,  as  we  or  any  of  our 
ancestors  have,  could,  might,  or 
ought  to  have,  had,  held,  or  enjoyed. 
And  also,  all  the  Right,  Title  Inter- 
est, Possession,  Claim  and  Demand, 
which  we  or  any  of  us  may  claim,  to 
have  in  the  same.  And  we  do  here- 
by ratifie  and  confirm  unto  the  said 
William  Penn  ye  bargain  and  Sale  of 
said  Lands,  made  unto  Coll.  Thomas 
Dongan,  now  Earl  of  Limerick,  and 
formerly  Governor  of  New  York, 
whose  deed  of  sale  to  the  said  Gover- 
nor Penn  we  have  seen.  To  have 
and  to  hold,  the  said  Rivers,  Lands, 
and  premises,  hereby  granted,  and 
confirmed  with  their  and  every  of 
their  rights,  Members  and  Appurte- 
nances, unto  ye  sd  Will.  Penn,  his 
heirs  and  assigns,  to  the  only  proper 
Use,  and  behoof  of  the  said  WTill. 
Penn,  his  Heirs  and  Assigns  forever. 
In  witness  whereof  the  said  Will. 
Penn,  his  Heirs  and  Assigns  forever. 
In  witness  whereof  we  have,  for  our- 
selves and  Nation,  hereunto  set  our 
Hands  &  Seals,  the  thirteenth  day  of 
September,    1700. 

His 
WIDAAGH    X 

Mark. 
Alias  ORYTYAGH. 
His 
ANDAGGY    X 

Mark. 
Alias  JUNQUAH. 
Sealed    and    Delivered    In     the     pres- 
ence of 

EDW.  ANTITT, 

HEN.   TREGENC,   Esq., 


EDWARD     SINGLETON, 
DAVID    POWELL, 

JAMES   LOGAN. 

Recorded  page  73,  &c. 

N.  B.  BOILEAU,  Secy. 

The  second  day  of  August,  in  ye 
Year  of  our  Lord,  One  Thousand, 
Seven  Hundred  and  thirty-five  James 
of  the  Northern  Liberties,  of  the  City 
of  Philadelphia,  Esq.  Upon  his 
solemn  affirmation,  according  toLaw, 
Doth  declare  and  depose,  That  he  was 
present  and  did  see  the  within  men- 
tioned Kings,  or  Sachemas,  named 
Widaagh,  its  Orytyah,  al's  Andaggy- 
junkquahSeal  and  as  their  deed  de- 
liver the  Writing  or  Conveyance, 
within  contained,  and  that  the  name 
of  this  Affirmant  thereon  indorsed,  as 
a  Witness  of  the  same,  is  of  his  own 
handwriting.  JAMES    LOGAN. 

Affirmed. 

At  Philadelphia,  the  Day  and  Year, 
above  said,  before  me,  Thomas  Grif- 
fith, One  of  the  Justices  of  Peace  &c, 
WITNESS   my   hand   &   Seal. 

THOMAS    GRIFFITHS... 

Entered  in  the  office  for  recording 
of  Deeds,  for  the  City  and  county  of 
Philadelphia.  In  Book  F.  Vol.  viii., 
page  242,  &c,  the  26th  day  of  August, 
A.  D.,  1735.  Witness  my  hand  and 
Seals  of  my  office,  the  day  and  year 
above.  C.    BROCKDEN,    Recd'r." 

This  deed  is  endorsed,  "Susque- 
hanna River  and  Islands  therein,  and 
Lands  on  both  sides,  granted  by  Wid- 
aagh, and  Andaggy-junkquagh.  Con- 
firming Governor  Dongan's  old  Deed 
to  Governor  Penn." 

This  deed  needs  very  little  com- 
ment as  it  explains  itself  fully.  It 
was  meant  to  be  another  confirma- 
tion of  the  main  Durchase  by  William 
Penn  from  the  Indians  on  the  Sus- 
quehanna River.  In  this  sale  the 
Susquehannocks  as  a  Nation  practi- 
cally ended  their  existence.  They 
now  confirm  to  Penn  completely  this 
large  tract  of  land.     A  large  number 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


153 


of  the  Susquehannocks  are  in  New 
York  State  living  with  the  Five  Na- 
tions, another  portion  of  them  are 
about  the  old  original  Susquehan- 
noc*k  Fort  Country,  along  the  West- 
ern edge  of  what  is  now  Manor 
township.  The  whole  of  them  are 
completely  under  the  Five  Nations 
and  now  they  finally  sell  out  their 
Susquehanna  Lands  and  become  one 
remnant  of  the  conglomerated  tribe 
of  Lancaster  County  Indians,  the  cen- 
tral factor  of  which  were  called  the 
Conestogas.  It  is  true  that  on  the 
Second   of  April.    1701,   together   with 


the  Shawnese,Ganawese  and  Potomac 
Tribes  and  representatives  of  the 
Five  Nations  they  joined  in  a  treaty 
confirming  this  deed  of  the  13th  of 
September,  1700.  Among  other  things 
their  joining  in  was  more  a  matter  of 
form  than  substance.  When  we 
speak  of  the  Conestoga  hereafter  it 
will  be  understood  that  some  of  that 
mixed  tribe  of  Conestogas  were  the 
decendants  of  these  ancient  Susque- 
hannocks but  as  a  Nation  of  dignity 
and  strength  the  Susquehannock 
tribe  is  now  ended.  We  will,  however, 
occasionally  speak  of  individual  Sus- 
quehannocks as  we  proceed. 


END  OF  PART  FIRST. 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES  154 


PART  II. 


THE  CONFEDERATED  INDIAN 
TRIBES  OF  LOWER  SUSQUE- 
HANNA VALLEY  —  CONESTOGAS 
— SHAWNESE  —  CONOYS  —  DE- 
LAWARES  —  GANAWESE  —  AND 
IROQUOIS.  (THE      FIYE     NA- 

TIONS). 

1700— The     Conestoga     Indians     and 

Others   Petition   Against  the 

Abuses  Upon   Them. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penn  &  Logan 
Correspondence,  p.  1  there  is  a  peti- 
tion from  Conondahto,  King  of  the 
Susquehanna  or  Conestoga  Indians 
and  of  Mecallona,  King  of  the  Shaw- 
nese  against  Garland,  Askin  and 
Reed,  setting  forth  that  lately  four 
strange  Indians  came  from  the 
Northward  among  them  which  they 
supposed  from  their  clothing  to  have 
been  servants  of  the  Christians  and 
Mecallona  talking  with  them  found  a 
squaw  and  her  son  nearly  related  to 
your  naked  Indians;'  who  were  a 
powerful  tribe  and  often  molested 
these  petitioners  both  in  their  towns 
at  Susquehanna  and  their  hunting 
grounds;  and  these  petitioners  are 
now  the  frontier  inhabitants  of  the 
Province  of  Pennsylvania.  These  pe- 
titioners also  complain  that  last  win- 
ter Garland  and  Askin  produced  a 
paper  with  a  large  seal  and  said  it 
was  a  warrant  from  the  Governor  to 
deliver  these  Conestogas  and  Shaw- 
nese  but  they  did  not  go.  Then  ten 
days  later  Garland  and  Askin  came 
again  with  James  Reed  and  had  an- 
other paper  with  a  large  seal;  and 
Reed  said  he  was  the  next  man  to  the 
Governor  and  to  show  that  he  was, 
he  pulled  off  his  wig  and  said,  "You 
see.  I  have  two  heads." 

The  Susquehannock  King  also  says 


that  Garland  also  threatened  that  he 
would  carry  them  all  away  and  make 
them  servants  and  that  Garland  also 
laid  threatening  hands  on  them  and 
|  did  them  other  mischief.  This  peti- 
|  tion  is  dated  at  Brandywine,  the  first 
of  May,  1700. 

A  note  found  on  page  1  says  that 
Garland  lived  at  New  Castle  in  1701. 
And  that  he  was  arrested  on  a  com- 
plaint of  the  Shawnese  Indians  for 
having  brought  to  the  Shawnese  set- 
tlement several  anchors  of  rum;  and 
made  the  Indians  believe  that  Penn 
sent  it. 

1700— The  French    Back  of    Pennsyl- 
vania Trade  with  Our  Indians. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penn  and  Logan 
Correspondence,  p.  39  above  referred 
to  it  is  stated  that  the  French  are 
settling  back  of  Pennsylvania,  four 
days  from  New  Castle  and  that  Lewis 
Lenoivin,  who  lived  many  years  in 
Eastern  Pennsylvania  and  traded 
with  the  Indians  is  run  away  to 
them,  the  French,  as  a  spy. 

1700  —  Ganawese    Indians    Move  Into 
Pennsylvania. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Colonial  Records, 
p.  191,  under  the  date  of  1705  it  is 
stated  that  "about  five  years  ago  the 
Piscataway  or  Ganawese  Indians  set- 
tled in  this  Province  near  the  head  of 
the  Potomac,  and  that  they  were  now 
reduced  by  sickness  to  a  small  num- 
ber and  desired  to  quit  their  present 
habitation  which  they  occupied  since 
1700,  at  which  time  the  Conestoga  In- 
dians had  become  their  guarantees  of 
friendship  made  between  them.  And 
now  the  Schuylkill  Indians  desire 
them  to  settle  near  them." 

Here  we  have  a  statement  of  the 
time   when   the   first     of     the     tribes 


155 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


forming  the  new  conglomeration  of 
Indians  came  into  Pennsylvania  and 
also  the  statement  that  at  the  time 
that  they  came  the  Conestogas  agreed 
to  guarantee  their  good  behavior.  At 
page  245  of  the  same  book  it  is  stat- 
ed that  "when  in  1700  the  Piscata- 
ways  settled  in  this  Government  they 
also  went  to  Philadelphia  in  company 
with  Indians  of  Conestoga  and  the 
Shawnese  and  made  a  treaty,  where- 
by these  last  named  Indians  engaged 
to  the  Government  for  the  peaceable 
behavior  of  the  Ganawese";  and  they 
behaved  in  a  peaceable  manner  for 
many  years  after  they  made  their 
promise. 

1700 — Doings   About   Conestoga. 

This  year  says  Miss  Lyle  in  her 
history  of  Lancaster  County,  p.  6 
Chartier  set  up  a  trading  post  about 
a  mile  below  the  Susquehannock 
Fort;  and  also  at  p.  28  that  he  began 
his  trading  about  Conestoga  this 
year,  and  that  this  year  Colonel 
James  Wright  was  appointed  to  look 
after  the  Indians  of  this  section. 

Rupp  says  at  page  54,  that  Bizal- 
ion  was  licensed  to  trade  with  the 
Indians  of  this  section  this  same 
year;  and  Rupp  also  says  at  Page  28 
that  this  year  the  Shawnese  had  their 
Fort  on  the  Upper  Octoraro  near  the 
line  of  where  a  road  afterwards  laid 
out  to  August  Sessions,  1719  of  the 
Chester  County  Court,  passed. 
1700— Penn  Desires  Religious  Schools 
for  the  Indians. 

In  the  first  volume  of  Proud's 
History,  p.  423  Penn  sets  forth  his 
great  concern  that  religious  instruc- 
tions should  be  given  to  the  Indians, 
but  what  was  done  in  this  regard  I 
can  not  find. 

1700  — Clialkley  Journeys   Among  the 

Chesapeake    Indians. 

In  Chalkley's  Works  called  "Chal- 
kley's    Autobiography    of    Travel,"    he 


says,  p.  34  in  speaking  of  the  year 
1700,  that  he  journeyed  through  the 
Indian  Country  and  tells  of  his  con- 
tact with  them,  the  things  he  learn- 
ed from  them  and  what  some  of  their 
strange  ways  and  customs  were. 

1700 — Peter    Bizalion's    Trading 
House. 

In  Vol.  19  of  the  Sec.  Series  of  the 
Penna.  Archives,  p.  317  we  are 
shown  the  central  station  of  Peter 
Bizalion's  trading  operations.  It  is 
there  stated  that  his  main  trading 
post  was  established  this  year  at 
Mahanatawny. 

1700  — The    Pennsylvania   Inhabitants 

Settle   as   Far   South   as   the 

Mouth  of  Octoraro  Creek. 

In     Vol.     1     of     the     Pennsylvania 
|  Archives,   p.    432    we    are   shown   that 
|  the  first  intention  was  that  Pennsyl- 
j  vania  should   extend     South     to     the 
!  junction  of  the     Octoraro     with     the 
Susquehantfa.  In  this   book   under  the 
I  date    of    1734    in    the    instructions    to 
i  Hamilton    &   Georges      it     is      stated, 
|  "Pennsylvania    has    been    possessed  of 
|  and    maintained    its    Government    for 
I  more    than    thirty    years    past    as    far 
South   as    the   Mouth   of   Octoraro   or 
i  near   it;    nor   has   Maryland   ever   ex- 
|  ercised    jurisdiction    over    the    inhabi- 
tants  or   Indians   north   of  that   limit 
until    two    or    three    years    ago." 

I  cite  this  merely  to  show  what 
line  determined  the  Indians  belong- 
ing to  Pennsylvania  and  those  be- 
longing to  Maryland. 

1700— Conestoga  Now  the  Great  Capi- 
tal of  all  the  Susquehanna 
Indian  Tribes. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Colonial  Records, 
p.  604  at  a  treaty  at  Philadelphia  in 
1735  at  which  Thomas  Penn  was  pre- 
sent the  old  deed  of  1700  and  the 
treaty  of  a  few  months  later  ratify- 
ing it  were  brought  out  and  read  to 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


156 


the  Indians  and  in  commenting  upon 
them  the  Governor  says,  "These 
articles  you  see  here  were  made  prin- 
cipally with  the  Susquehannock  In- 
dians who  then  lived  mostly  at 
Conestogoe;  and  the  Shawenese  also 
as  their  friends  came  under  our 
Fathers'  protection  and  entered  into 
the  same  league." 

I  quote  this  simply  for  the  purpose 
of  showing  that  the  head-quarters  of 
the  Indians  of  Eastern  Pennsylvania 
at  this  time  were  Conestoga.  That 
while  there  were  yet  some  Indians 
near  the  Delaware  there  were  not 
many  of  them  because  of  the  advanc- 
ed civilization  on  that  river  and 
those  that  lived  on  the  Schuylkill 
were  also  few  in  number  but  the 
greater  bulk  of  Pennsylvania  In- 
dians were  centered  around  Cones- 
toga  or  the  Susquehanna  at  this 
time,  viz.:  the  Conestogas  or  frag- 
ment of  the  old  Susquehannocks  to- 
gether with  different  branches  of  the 
Iroquois  and  with  them  the  Shaw- 
nese,  Ganawese,  the  Conoys;  and  the 
Delawares,  who  while  they  still  liv- 
ed in  the  Schuylkill  River  were  also 
few  in  number  and  in  1709  moved  to 
the  Susquehanna  River  also  (See  2 
Col.   Rec,   p.   469.). 

1700— A  Line  Surveyed  from  Philadel- 
phia Direct  to  Conestoga 

In  Vol.  2  of  Watson's  Annals,  p.  175 
Mr.  Watson  says,  "In  July,  1700, 
there  was  a  survey  of  a  line  from 
Philadelphia  direct  to  Susquehanna, 
coming  nigh  the  mouth  of  Cone- 
stoga creek,  a  little  more  north, 
(about  four  miles),  near  to  'an  old 
fort  demolished.'  This  was  in  conse- 
quence of  surveyor-general  Holmes' 
purchase  of  all  the  lands  from  Up- 
land creek  to  Pemapeck  creek,  and 
so  backward  to  Susquehanna,  two 
days'  journey.  The  land  is  said  to 
have  been  bought  of  the  Indian 
Kings   and   sakamackers,   for  the   use 


of  William  Penn— bought  of  Shak- 
hoppah,  Secaming,  Malebore,  Tan- 
goras,  Indian  kings;  and  Maskecasho, 
Wawarrin,  Tenoughan,  Tarrecka, 
Nesonhaikin,  Indian  sackamackers.  I 
notice  that  in  the  way  of  the  line  of 
survey,  two  Indian  paths  traverse  it 
obliquely,  northwest  by  north — the 
first  from  Philadelphia,  is  at  Rocky 
Run,  (fifteen  miles),  between  the 
head  waters  of  Ridley  and  Chester 
creeks,  the  second  at  thirty-eight 
miles,  two  miles  beyond  Doe  Run. 
These  facts  I  found  recorded  in  a 
survey  book,  No.  14,  in  the  land 
office,  and  the  above  extracts  are 
from  the  warrant  of  survey  of  Holme. 
Below  follow  other  facts  on  the  same 
subject,  all  tending  to  show  the  treaty 
by  which  the  lands  of  Philadelphia 
city  and  county  are  held." 

Watson  then  sets  out  the  letter 
which  Thomas  Holme  wrote  to 
Shachoppah  and  other  Indians  but 
we  have  already  given  that  in  full 
in  an  article  under  the  date  of  1688, 
entitled,  "The  Boundaries  of  the 
Walking  Purchases,  etc."  We  will 
not  repeat  it  because  we  have  cited 
it  before  for  other  purposes  and  we 
cite  it  now  only  to  make  prominent 
the  fact  of  a  survey  of  a  direct  line 
to  Conestoga  for  this  line  is  an  im- 
portant one  in  our  Colonial  history. 
It  will  be  observed  that  it  lies  almost 
on  what  afterwards  was  The  Great 
Conestoga  Road;  and  indeed,  the 
eastern  end  of  the  Great  Conestoga 
Road,  at  least  to  Haverford  was  in 
existence  at  the  time  of  this  survey. 
We  have  no  doubt  that  the  western 
end  was  a  well  defined  Indian  path 
which  began  as  early  as  the  found- 
ing of  Philadelphia  and  was  well  de- 
fined by  the  year  of  1700,  for  while 
the  Susquehanna  Indians  first  traded 
down  the  river,  when  Penn's  enter- 
prises began  they  began  trading  with 
Philadelphia  and  in  so  doing  made 
and  followed  a  well  defined  road. 


157 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


1701— Shawanese  at  Pequea  Complain 
of  the  Kura  Trade 

At  a  council  held  on  the  third  of 
September,  1701,  it  is  stated  that, 
"Shemekenwhoa,  one  of  the  chiefs 
of  the  Shawana  Indians  solemnly  de- 
clared and  complained  to  the 
Governor  that  Sylvester  Garland  had 
brought  to  the  Indian  settlement  of 
their  nation  several  anchors  of  rum 
to  the  quantity  of  about  140  gallons 
and  that  to  induce  them  to  receive 
it  and  to  trade  with  him  he  pretend- 
ed he  was  sent  by  the  Governor  and 
gave  one  cask  as  a  present  from 
him,  upon  which  being  entreated  to 
drink  they  were  afterwards  very 
much  abused."  The  Council  ordered 
this  matter  to  be  further  inquired 
into.     (See  2  Col.  Rec,  p.  33.) 

This  same  complaint  is  referred  to 
in  the  Penn  &  Logan  Correspond- 
ence in  Vol.  1  at  the  foot  of  page  1 
in  a  note,  where  it  is  stated  by  the 
editor  that  Garland  lived  at  New 
Castel  and  in  September,  1701,  he 
was  arrested  and  brought  before  the 
Council  for  bringing  this  rum. 

The  rum  trade  with  the  Indians  was  a 
great  trouble  to  the  early  Govern- 
ment; and  another  character  who 
violated  the  law  was  John  Hans 
Steelman  who  lived  in  Maryland  and 
without  a  license  dealt  in  liquors 
with  our  Conestoga  Indians,.  (See  2 
Col.  Rec,  p.  21) ;  and  also  the  viola- 
tions of  law  by  Louis  and  Peter 
Bezalion  trading  also  in  liquor  about 
the  Susquehanna  were  grievous.  (See 
2  Coll.  Rec,  p.  18.) 

In  2  Col.  Rec,  p.  45,  at  a  Council 
held  on  the  6th  of  October  it  was 
ordered  that  a  warrant  be  sent  out 
against  Sylvester  Garland  for  selljng 
rum  to  the  Indians,  whereby  he  was 
arrested  and  brought  before  the 
Governor  and  Council  to  defend  him- 
self or  make  answer.  It  seems,  how- 
ever   that    while    the    rum    trade    was 


grievous  among  the  Indians  of  the 
Susquehanna  yet  the  Government 
could  do  little  to  prevent  it;  and  on 
the  6th  of  October  1701,  a  petition 
was  presented  to  the  Assembly  by 
the  inhabitants  of  Chester  County 
to  have  rum  selling  among  the  In- 
dians stopped.  The  Assembly  ap- 
proved the  petition  by  a  majority 
and  ordered  a  statute  to  be  drawn 
against  the  rum  trade  with  the  In- 
dians, (See  Vol.  1  of  the  Votes  of 
Assembly,  pp.  151-153).  The  act 
against  giving  liquor  to  the  Indians 
was  passed  October  28,  1701,  and  is 
found  in  Vol.  2  of  Statutes  at  Large, 
p.  168.  It  provides  among  other 
things  that  liquor  carried  to  the 
Indians  shall  be  forfeited  and  go 
one-third  to  the  Governor  and  two- 
thirds  to  the  party  that  seizes  the 
same;- and  that  the  Indians  were  em- 
powered to  seize  it  the  same  as  any- 
one else;  and  that  also  no  per- 
son shall  receive  in  pawn  any  cloth- 
ing or  goods  belonging  to  the  In- 
dians for  liquor,  and  those  who 
violate  the  act  shall  suffer  penalty 
of  10  pounds  and  the  pawn  might 
be  .seized  by  warrant  by  the  near- 
est Justice  of  the  Peace  and  be  re- 
delivered. 

This  act  to  restrain  the  selling  of 
liquor  to  our  Indians  had  some  dif- 
ficulty in  passing.  Exceptions  and 
amendments  were  proposed  to  it  by 
the  Governor  and  the  Assembly  con- 
sidering the  exceptions  voted  them 
down.  There  were  two  exceptions 
and  both  were  defeated  in  the  As- 
sembly. From  this  we  see  what 
difficulty  our  forefathers  experienc- 
ed in  keeping  the  liquor  traffic  from 
ruining  the  Indians  of  the  Susque- 
hanna. 

As    additional    evidence    of    what    a 

field  the  Indians  of  the  Susquehanna 

and    other    sections    were    for    liquor 

i  traffic,  Proud  in  his  history  of  Penn- 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY   INDIAN    TlRlBES 


IB* 


sylvania  says  at  page  433,  that  a 
-Joint  company  was  organized  to 
^control  the  liquor  business  and  be 
responsible  for  the  consequences 
Ibut  it  met  with  no  favor. 

1701 — Letort    Leaves     Conestoga     for 
Canada 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  100, 
it  is  stated  under  the  date  of  1703 
that,  "James  Letort  who  about  two 
years  ago  went  out  of  this  Province 
to  Canada  returned  and  was  ex- 
amined before  Council  and  magis- 
trates and  no  great  occasion  was 
found  to  suspect  him  of  evil  designs 
against  the  Government,  he  having 
been  bred  in  it  from  his  infancy 
and  behaved  himself  hitherto  well. 
He  was  seduced  to  depart  in  1701 
in  time  of  peace  by  the  instigation 
of  some  others,  nevertheless  as  he 
is  now  come  back  it  was  thought 
wise  to  bring  him  before  Council  to 
explain  his  action." 

This  James  Letort  was  a  very 
picturesque  character  about  Cone- 
stoga  and  we  find  that  he  very 
frequently  was  summoned  before  the 
Council. 

1701 — Indian    Harry    of    Conestoga 

We  now  introduce  another  remark- 
able character  in  the  early  annals 
of  Conestoga  Indian  History  in  the 
person  of  an  Indian  familiary 
known  as  'Indian  Harry'  of  Cone- 
stoga but  his  technical  Indian  name 
was  Cassawetoway  as  we  have  shown 
in  a  former  item. 

It  is  stated  in  2  Col.  Rec,  p.  26, 
that  in  this  year  of  1701  the 
Council  and  Governor  had  entered 
into  considering  the  many  abuses 
arising  from  the  Indians  being  ad- 
mitted to  drink  rum  and  it  was  or- 
dered by  the  next  sitting  of  Assem- 
bly,   that     four      of     the      prominent 

Indians    on    the    Upper    Delaware  and 


Indian  Harry  of  Conestoga  should 
be  sent  for  to  be  consulted  about 
passing  a  law  for  prohibiting  all 
Indians  from  using  rum.  Action 
was  later  taken  on  the  subject  and 
we  will  speak  of  it  in  its  order. 

1701 — The   Potomac    Indians    Allowed 
to    Settle   in   Pennsylvania 

In  Vol.  2  of  Ool.  Rec,  p.  17,  it  is 
set  forth  as  one  of  the  stipulations 
of  the  big  treaty  by  the  Conestogas, 
(which  treaty  we  will  set  forth  in 
full  in  a  later  item)  that  the  Poto- 
mac Indians  with  their  Colony  shall 
have  free  leave  of  the  said  William 
Penn  to  settle  upon  any  part  of  the 
Potomac  River  within  the  bounds  of 
the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  they 
observing  and  practicing  all  and 
singular  the  other  articles  of  this 
treaty.  By  settling  on  the  Potomac 
River  is  meant  any  part  of  the  val* 
j  ley  of  the  Potomac  River.  These 
j  Potomac  Indians  had  become  afraid 
of  savage  tribes  of  the  South  and 
wanted  to  move  towards  our  Sus- 
quehanna country  to  be  near  the 
Conestogas. 

1701— Penn  Discusses  Navigating  the 
Susquehanna  Eiver  to   Carry  In- 
dian  Trade   Cheaper 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penn  &  Logan 
Correspondence,  p.  73,  in  a  letter 
beginning  page  69,  written  by 
William  Penn  to  James  Logan,  Penn 
says,  "I  hope  thy  eye  is  upon  the 
means  to  retrench  expenses;  and, 
pray,  see  the  utmost,  at  a  leisure 
hour  of  poor  Marsh's  project  of 
navigating  flats  up  Schuylkill  and 
Susquehanna  Rivers,  above  Falls;  he 
assuring  me  that  he  could  make  the 
experiment  for  40  shillings.  Be  it 
50  shillings  or  3  pounds  it  were  a 
mighty  advantage."  In  this  I  be- 
lieve there  is  evidence  of  Penn's  de- 
sire to  develop  this  Susquehanna 
country  and  get  an  out-let  for  In- 
dian trade. 


150 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


1701— The    Proofs    of    Penn's    Second 

Visit  to  the  Susquehanna  Kiver 

and  its  Indians 

We  have  before  given  the  evidences 
tending  to  prove  a  visit  by  Penn 
about  1684  to  what  is  now  the  Lan- 
caster County  region  and  we  will 
now  proceed  to  the  proofs  of  a  sec- 
ond visit  made  in  1701,  The  chief 
proofs  are  as  follows: 

1.  Rupp  in  his  history  of  Lancaster 
County,  p.  35,  says  that  Penn  at  a 
former  treaty  promised  the  Shawa- 
nese  chiefs  protection.  To  enable 
him  to  keep  or  fulfill  this  promise 
he  visited  them  in  person  at  Cone- 
stoga, attended  by  many  gentlemen 
of  distinction.  This  he  says  in  a 
note  at  the  bottom  of  the  page  35 
and  speaking  of  the  same  in  context 
he  says,  "His  not  succeeding  in  hav- 
ing legislative  co-operation,  to  pre- 
vent liquor  being  sold  to  the  Indians 
and  debaucheries  being  practiced  on 
them,  to  prevent  their  temporal 
ruin,  he  paid  the  sons  of  the  fore- 
est  a  visit,  participated  in  all  their 
innocent  amusements  and  in  return 
received  their  visits  in  his  own  house 
at  Pennsbury."  According  to  Rupp 
the  purpose  of  Penn's  visit  at  Cone- 
stoga was  to  protect  these  poor  In- 
dians. He  cites  Vol.  2  of  the 
Colonial  Records,  p.  253.  This  is  the 
page  found  in  the  old  or  first  edition 
of  the  Colonial  Records,  which  is 
now  probably  very  rare.  The  page 
in  the  Colonial  Records  most  com- 
monly at  hand  is  p.  244  of  Vol.  2 
and  at  that  place  is  set  forth  what 
James  Logan  told  the  Indians  at 
Conestoga  when  he  visited  them  in 
the  spring  of  1706.  And  speaking  of 
William  Penn,  Logan  said  to  these 
Indians  that  when  he  (Penn)  was 
last  in  this  country  he  visited  those 
Indians  of  Conestoga  and  is  soon  to 
do  the  same  on  his  arrival   in  order 


to   cultivate  the   ancient  friendship."- 

2.  In  Vol.  2  of  Watson's  Annals,  p. 
209,  Mr.  Watson  speaks  of  Nebowayr 
an  Indian  chief  of  the  Delawaresr 
and  says  that  this  chief's  name 
appears  among  the  signers  of  the 
treaty  at  Conestoga  in  1718,  and  that 
the  chief  said  that  he  remembers 
that  he  saw  William  Penn  on  his 
second  visit  to  Conestoga  in  1701. 

3.  In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penn  &  Logan 
Correspondence,  p.  43,  there  is  set 
forth  a  letter  from  Isaac  Norris  to 
Daniel  Zachary,  dated  the  21st.  of 
June,  1701,  in  which  he  says,  "I  am 
just  come  home  from  Susquehanna 
where  I  have  been  to  meet  the  Gov- 
ernor. We  had  a  round  about  journey 
and  pretty  well  traversed  the  wilder- 
ness. We  lived  nobly  at  the  King's 
Palace  in  Conestoga  and  from  thence 
crossed  to  the  Schuylkill  where  we 
fell  in  (reached  it)  about  30  miles 
up  from  hence  (Philadelphia)."  Here 
we  have  a  plain  statement  that 
William  Penn  was  at  Susquehanna 
at  the  Palace  of  the  King  of  the 
Conestogas    in   June,    1701. 

4.  To  make  doubly  sure  that  the 
Governor  spoken  of  was  William 
Penn,  I  cite  Vol.  1  of  the  Penn  & 
Logan  Correspondence,  p.  122,  where 
James  Logan  writes  to  William  Penn 
from  Philadelphia  on  the  9th  of 
July,  1702,  and  he  says  on  speaking 
about  lands  on  the  Susquehanna  and 
about  the  Octoraro  that,  "Griffith 
Owen  and  E.  Shippen  knew  some- 
thing of  the  place  having  been  with 
thee  at  Susquehanna  which  I  did  not." 
In  this  again  there  is  the  more  ex- 
plicit statement  that  William  Penn 
was  on  the  Susquehanna. 

5.  In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec.  p.  272, 
when  Patrick  Gordon  held  a  council 
with  some  of  the  Five  Nations  and 
was  discussing  the  affairs  between 
them  and  the  Conestogas,  who  were 
tributary   to    and    slaves    of   the    Five 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY   INDIAN  TRIBES 


160 


Nations.  They  said  the  first  Gov- 
ernor of  this  place,  Onash,  (That  is 
Governor  Penn)  when  he  first 
arrived  here  sent  to  them  to  sell 
land  and  that  when  the  Governor 
was  at  Conestoga  he  desired  the 
■chiefs  to  speak  about  the  purchases 
of  the  land.  This  is  another  refer- 
ence to  Penn  being  at  Conestoga. 

6.  In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penn  &  Logan 
Correspondence,  p.  41,  in  a  letter 
from  Isaac  Norris  to  Samuel  Chew  the 
15th  of  April,  1701,  and  he  says,  "Our 
Governor  has  gone  out  of  town  to 
meet  with  the  chieftains  of  the 
Indians."  This  may  refer  to  Penn's 
visit  to  Susquehanna,  however,  it 
seems  to  be  nearly  a  month  earlier 
than  Penn's  Susquehanna  visit. 

7.  In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  181, 
Governor  Keith  in  the  year  of  1722 
held  a  treaty  at  Conestoga  and  when 
there  he  said  to  the  Indians,  "The 
last  time  I  was  with  you  at  Cone- 
stoga you  showed  me  a  parchment 
which  you  had  received  from  William 
Penn  containing  articles  of  friend- 
ship between  you  and  him."  This 
again  may  be  a  reference  to  Penn's 
visit  in  1701  but  it  may  likely  refer 
to  the  great  treaty  of  September 
1700  with  the  Conestogaes  at  Phila- 
delphia. Penn  left  for  England  about 
November,  1701,  because  Andrew 
Hamilton  presides  over  the  Assembly 
from  that  date  onward.  See  2  Col. 
Rec,  p.  62. 

At  a  Council  held  July  7,  1739, 
William  Penn's  intercourse  with  the 
Indians  on  the  Susquehanna  is  again 
referred  to  seeming  to  indicate  his 
being  there  about  the  year  of  1701. 
(See  4  Col.  Re,  p.  337.) 

8.  In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  101, 
in  a  discussion  between  the  Governor 
of  New  York  and  the  authorities  of 
Pennsylvania  there  is  a  letter  dated 
1720  and  in  it  occurs  this  passage, 
"Upon    Governor    Penn's    last    arrival 


here  about  20  years  ago  he  held  a 
treaty  with  the  Mingoes  or  Cone- 
stogas  settled  on  Susquehanna," 
which  is  either  a  reference  to  his 
meeting  them  at  Susquehanna  or  of 
the  great  treaty  made  at  Philadelphia 
in  September,  1700.  Also  in  the  same 
book,  p.  149  Governor  Keith  in  1721 
speaks  to  the  Indians  and  says, 
"William  Penn  our  and  your  father 
when  he  first  settled  this  country 
with  English  subjects  made  a  firm 
league  of  friendship  with  all  the 
Indians  in  these  parts  (that  is  Cone- 
stoga) ; "  and  on  page  54  I  find  refer- 
ences to  the  same  effect. 

9.  In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  92, 
James  Logan  speaking  to  the  Cone- 
stogas  in  1720,  speaks  of  William 
Penn  as  their  old  friend  and  refers 
to  his  treaty  20  years  ago;  and  on 
p.  93  he  further  refers  to  Penn's  first 
Councils  with  the  Indians,  and  on 
page  97  he  refers  to  the  same  sub- 
ject. 

10.  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  histori- 
ans including  Watson  refer  to  a  visit 
made  by  William  Penn  to  the  Sus- 
quehanna as  a  second  visit,  which  is 
generally  supposed  to  refer  to  this 
visit  of  1701. 

11.  In  the  first  walking  purchase 
this  land  extended  back  to  the  Sus- 
quehanna and  Penn  seems  to  have 
been  familiar  with  it. 

12.  Another  fact  seeming  to  point 
out  Penn's  familiarity  with  the  Sus- 
quehanna River  and  its  Indians  and 
the  country  generally  is  found  in  Vol 
1  of  the  Penn  &  Logan  Correspond- 
ence, p.  170  where  he  says  that  if 
his  enemies  do  not  begin  to  treat 
him  differently  they  will  "drive  me  up 
to.  Pennsbury  or  Susquehanna  for 
good  and  all."  This  shows  that  the 
Susquehanna  was  familiar  to  him  at 
the  time  he  stated  this  which  was  in 
1702. 

13.  In  Buck's  history  of  Pennsyl- 
i  vania   in   an   article    entitled,     "Will- 


m 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


iam  Penn  in  America"  at  p.  317,  he 
says  in  a  topic  entitled  Penn's 
Journey  to  the  Susquehanna  in  1701, 
and  in  it  he  says,  "June  was  Penn's 
favorite'  month  of  travel.  He  set  off 
about  this  time  'on  a  Journey  into 
the  interior  of  the  Province,  (Isaac 
Norn's 's  letter).  On  this  occasion  as 
tradition  relates  that  Penn  got  lost 
in  the  woods  on  the  hill  on  the 
Northern  or  Chester  County  side  near 
present  Valley  Forge;  and  that  he 
did  not  know  where  he  was,  until  he 
got  on  the  hill  this  side  of  Valley 
Creek  when  by  a  glimpse  of  the 
Schuylkill  and  the  country  to  the 
southward  he  regained  his  way  and 
in  consequence  of  the  same  named 
the  former  hill  Mounty  Misery  and 
the   latter  Mounty  Joy." 

Buck  further  says,  "It  is  probable 
the  Proprietor's   principal   object  was  j 
to  win  over  the  Indians  to  the  Eng-  I 
lish    interest    on    account    of   the    ap-  ' 
proaching1    trouble    with    France,    He  j 
may  allude  to  this  in  a  letter  to  the  j 
Board    of    Trade    &    Plantations,    the  j 
2nd.  of  the  5th  month,  where  he  says, ! 
'I  have  had  divers  meetings  with  the 
several    nations    of    Indians    of   these  i 
parts    as   the    Shawno,    Susquehanna,  | 
Schuylkill    and    Delaware    Indians    by 
arguments   and   presents  to   persuade 
their  submission  to  this  government." 

Buck  further  says,  "This  journey 
of  Penn's  to  the  Susquehanna  we  ob- 
serve has  led  to  some  error.  Janney 
mentions  it  (2nd  Edition,  p.  435)  as  i 
having  taken  place  in  the  Spring, 
An  article  appeared  in  the  Lancas- 
ter Inquirer  on  February  24,  1872,  in 
which  mention  is  made  of  a  monu- 
ment having  been  erected  and  dedi- 
cated the  previous  22nd  of  February 
at  Gap  in  Salisbury  township,  Lan- 
caster county,  on  the  roof  of  a  frame 
building  over  a  fine  spring  of  water 
Where  it  is  said,  'Penn  met  the  In- 
dians and  had  a  council  with  them.' 


It  is  composed  of  a  square  wooden 
shaft  neatly  painted  and  lettered.  On 
the  west  side  is  inscribed  'In  Memory 
of  William  Penn,  Who  Visited  This. 
Place  in  the  Year  1700.'  Mention  is; 
made  that  it  was  chiefly  erected 
through  the  exertions  of  Isaac  Walker,, 
owner  of  the  said  spring  building,, 
who  was  led  to  it  by  his  researches 
on  the  subject.  It  is  probable  that 
Penn  may  have  met  the  Indians  in 
council  here  but  this  visit  must  have 
been  in  June,  1701.  The  mistake 
consists  in  setting  the  time  as  that 
of  one  of  the  deeds  from  the  Indians* 
for  land  which  were  nearly  always 
executed  in  Philadelphia." 

This  article  as  it  appears  in  the  In- 
quirer, I  meant  to  insert  here  in  full  or 
in  part;  but  a  fire  has  destroyed  the 
office  file  copy. 

The  Indians  whom  Penn  met  here, 
if  he  did  so  met  them  here  were  the 
Shawanes,  as  the  old  Shawana  town 
of  that  section  was  very  near  this 
place.  Its  location  may  be  found  on 
any  early  map  of  Lancaster  county 
near  the  head  of  Octoraro  creek,  as 
the  Shawanese  lived  all  along  Pequea 
Creek  and  from  the  mouth  to  the 
source  of  the  Octoraro.  In  the 
Chester  County  records  of  August 
Sessions,  1719  of  the  Quarter  Sessions 
Court  can  be  found  the  courses  and 
distances  of  an  old  road  laid  out  in 
1719,  one  course  of  which  is  stated 
to  lie  near  old  Shawana  town  near 
Octoraro. 

These  are  the  known  proofs  of 
William  Penn's  visit  of  1701  to  his 
brethren  on  the  Susquehanna,  Cone- 
stoga  and  other  adjoining  streams 
and  of  that  visit  there  can  be  no 
doubt.  It  would  seem  that  he  came 
by  the  Southern  route  and  returned 
by  the  Northern  route,  viz:  along 
Conestoga  and  French  creeks,  reach- 
ing the  Schuylkill     River     near     the 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


162 


mouth  of  French  creek,  which  Isaac 
Norris  describes  as  being  thirty  miles 
up  the  Schuylkill  River  from  Phila- 
delphia. 

1701— The   Great   Treaty   With   Cone- 
stogas   and  Others 

We  have  noticed  in  a  former  item 
that  in  September,  1700,  the  Susque- 
hannas  and  other  Indians  of  this 
neighborhood  made  a  deed  of  a  large 
tract  of  land  on  our  River  to  William 
Penn.  To  confirm  this  sale  a  treaty 
was  made  later  which  is  found  in 
Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  15.  It  was 
enacted  on  the  23rd  day  of  April, 
1701,  by  and  between  the  Indians  of 
the  Susquehanna  Territory  and  Wil- 
liam Penn  at  a  Council  on  the  after- 
noon of  the  said  day;  and  it  is  as 
follows: 

"PRESENT:— The  Proprietary  and 
Governor,  with  some  members  of 
Council  and  divers  others,  with  the 
Sasquehannaugh  Indians. 

Connodaghtoh,  King  of  the  Sasque- 
hannah  Minquays  or  Conestogo  In- 
dians, Wopatha  (alias  Opessah),  King 
of  the  Shawnese,  Weewhinjough, 
Chief  of  the  Ganawese,  inhabiting  at 
the  head  of  Patowmeck;  Also,  Aho- 
aksonagh,  brother  to  the  Emperor  or 
great  King  of  the  Onondagoes  of  the 
five  nations,  having  arrived  in  town 
two  days,  with  several  others  of 
their  great  men,  and  Indian  Harry 
for  their  interpreter,  with  some  of 
their  young  people,  women  and  chil- 
dren, to  the  number  of  about  forty 
in  the  whole.  After  a  treaty  and  sev- 
eral speeches,  the  following  Articles 
were  solemnly  agreed  on. 
ARTICLES 

Articles  of  Agreement  Indented, 
made,  Concluded  &  Agreed  upon  at 
Philadia  the  23rd  day  of  ye  month, 
Called  April,  In  the  Year  1701,  Be- 
tween Wm.  Penn,  Proprietary  and 
Governor  of  the  Province  of  Pennsy- 
lvania&    Territories      thereunto      be- 


longing, on  ye  one  part,  and  Conno- 
odagtoh,  King  of  the  Indians  inhabit- 
ing upon  and  about  the  river  Susque- 
hannah  in  the  said  Province,  And 
Widaaph,  (alias  Oretyaghr)  Koque- 
eash  &  Andaggy-Inhekquah,  Chiefs  of 
the  said  nations,  &  Wopaththa,  King 
&  Lemonytungh  &  Pemoyajooagh, 
Chiefs  of  the  nations  of  the  Shawon- 
nah  Indians,  And  Ahookassongh, 
brother  to  the  Emperor,  for  and  in 
behalf  of  the  Emperor,  (&  Weewhin- 
jongh,  Takyewsan  &  Woapaskoa, 
Chiefs,)  of  the  nations  of  the  Indians 
inhabiting  in  and  about  the  Northern 
part  of  the  River  Powtowmeck,  in 
the  said  province,  for  &  in  behalf  of 
themselves  &  successors,  &  and  their 
several  nations,  and  the  People  on 
the  other  part,  as  followeth: 

That  as  hitherto  there  hath  always 
been  a  good  understanding  &  Neigh- 
bourhood between  the  sd.  Wm.  Penn 
&  his  Lts,  since  his  first  arrival  in 
the  peace  Continued  between  Wm. 
Penn  his  Heirs  &  successors,  and 
all  the  English  &  other  Christian  In- 
habitants of  the  said  Province,  and 
the  Said  Kings  and  Chiefs,  and  their 
successors,  &  all  the  Several  People 
of  the  Nations  of  Indians  aforesaid; 
So  there  shall  be  forever  hereafter 
a  firm  and  lasting  peace.  And  that 
they  shall  hereafter  be  as  one  Head 
&  One  Heart,  and  live  in  true  friend- 
ship &  Amity  as  one  People. 

(ITEM)  That  the  said  Kings  and 
Chiefs,  (each  for  himself  &  his 
People  Engaging,)  shall  at  no  time 
Hurt,  injur.e  or  Defraud,  or  suffer  to 
be  Hurt,  Injured  or  defrauded  by  any 
of  their  Indians;  and  inhabitant  or 
Inhabitants  of  the  said  Province, 
either  in  their  Persons  or  Estates, 
And  that  the  said  Wm.  Penn,  his 
Heirs  &  Successors,  shall  not  suffer 
to  be  done  or  Committed  by  any  of 
the  subjects  of  England  within  the 
said   Province,     Any  Act   of     Hostil- 


163 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


ity  or  Violence  wrong  or  Injury,  to 
or  against  any  of  the  Said  Indians, 
but  shall  on  both  sides  at  all  times 
readily  do  Justice,  and  perform  all 
Acts  &  Offices  of  friendship  &  Good 
will  to  oblige  each  other,  to  a  lasting 
peace,  as  aforesaid. 

(ITEM)  That  all  and  every  of  the 
said  Kings  &  Chiefs,  and  all  and 
every  particular  of  the  Nations  under 
them,  shall  at  all  times  behave  them- 
selves regularly  and  soberly.,  accord- 
ing to  the  laws  of  this  Government 
while  they  live  near  or  amongst  ye 
Christian  Inhabitants  thereof,  And 
that  the  said  Indians  shall  have  the 
full  &  free  privileges  and  immunities 
of  all  the  said  Laws  as  any  other  in- 
habitants, they  Duly  Owing  and  Ac- 
knowledging the  Authority  of  the 
Crown  of  &ngiand  and  Government 
of  this  Province. 

(ITEM)  That  none  of  the  said  In- 
dians shall  at  any  time  be  aiding, 
Assisting  or  Abetting  any  other  na- 
tion, whether  of  Indians  or  Others, 
that  shall  not  at  such  time  be  in 
amity  with  the  Crown  of  England  and 
with  this  Government. 

(ITEM)  That  if  at  any  time  any  of 
the  said  Indians,  by  means  of  evil 
minded  persons  and  sowers  of  sedi- 
tion, should  hear  any  Unkind  or  dis- 
advantageous reports  of  the  English, 
As  if  they  had  Evil  designs  against 
any  of  the  said  Indians,  In  such  Case 
such  Indians  shall  send  notice  there- 
of to  the  said  Win.  Penn,  his  Heirs 
or  successors,  and  their  Lieutenants, 
shall  at  all  times  in  such  cases  do 
the  like  by  the  them. 

1  (ITEM)  That  the  said  Kings  and 
Chiefs  &  their  successors,  shall  not 
Suffer  any  Strange  Nations  of  In- 
dians to  settle  or  Plant  on  the  fur- 
ther side  of  Sasquehannagh,  or  about 
Potowmeck  River,  but  such  as  are 
there  already  Seated,  nor  bring  any 
other    Indians    into   any    part   of   this 


Province  without  the  Special  appro- 
bation &  permission  of  the  said  Wil- 
liam Penn,  his  Heirs  and  Successors. 

(ITEM)  That  for  the  preventation 
of  abuses  that  are  too  frequently 
putt  upon  the  said  Indians  in  Trade, 
that  the  said  William  Penn,  his 
Heirs  and  Successors,  shall  not  Suf- 
fer or  Permit  any  Person  to  trade  or 
Commerce  with  any  of  the  said  In- 
dians, but  such  as  shall  be  first  al- 
lowed and  approved  of  by  an  instru- 
ment under  the  Hand  and  Seal  of 
him,  the  said  William  Penn,  or  his 
Heirs  or  successors,  or  their 
Lieut's:  And  that  the  said  Indians 
shall  suffer  no  person  whatsoever  to 
buy  or  sell,  or  have  Commerce  with 
any  of  the  said  Indians,  but  such 
shall  first  be  approved  as  aforesaid. 

(ITEM)  That  the  said  Indians 
shall  not  sell  or  dispose  of  any  of 
their  Skins,  Peltry,  or  furr,  or  any 
other  effects  of  their  hunting,  to  any 
Person  or  Persons  whatsoever  out  of 
the  said  Province,  nor  to  any  other 
person  but  such  as  shall  be  Author- 
ized to  Trade  with  them  as  afore- 
said; And  that  for  their  Encourage- 
ment, the  said  William  Penn,  his 
heirs  and  successors,  shall  take  Care 
to  have  them,  the  said  Indians,  duly 
furnished  with  all  sorts  of  necessary 
goods  for  their  use,  at  reasonable 
rates. 

(ITEM)  That  the  Potowmeck  In- 
dians aforesaid,  with  their  Collony, 
shall  have  free  leave  of  the  said  Wm. 
Penn  to  Settle  upon  any  part  of  Pat- 
owmeck  River  within  the  bounds  of 
this  Province,  they  strictly  observing 
and  practising  all  and  Singular  the 
Articles  aforesaid  to  them  relating. 

(ITEM)  The  Indians  of  Conestogo, 
&  upon  &  about  the  River  Susque- 
hannah,  And  more  Especially  the 
Said  Connaodaghtah,  their  King, 
doth  fully  agree  to,  and  by  these  pre- 
sents,  Absolutely   Ratify  the   Bargain 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


164 


&  Sale  of  the  Lands  lying  near  and 
about  the  said  River,  formerly  made 
to  the  said  William  Penn,  his  heirs 
and  Successors,  And  since  by  Orety- 
agh,  &  Anadaggy-Junkquegh,  parties 
to  these  Presents,  Confirmed  to  the 
said  Wm.  Penn,  his  heirs  and  Suc- 
cessors, by  a  Deed  bearing  Date  ye 
13th  day  of  ye  7br  last,  under  their 
hands  and  seals,  duly  Executed.  And 
the  said  Connoodaghtah  doth,  for 
himself  and  his  Nation,  Covenant  and 
Agree  that  he  will  at  all  times  be 
ready  further  to  Confirm  &  make 
good  the  said  Sale,  according  to  the 
Tenor  of  the  same,  and  that  the  said 
Indians  of  the  Susquehannagh  shall 
answer  to  the  said  William  Penn,  his 
heirs  and  Successors,  for  the  good 
Behavior  and  Conduct  of  the  said  In- 
dians, and  for  their  performing  of 
the  several  articles  here  Expresed. 

(ITEM)  The  said  William  Penn 
doth  hereby,  for  himself ,  his  heirs  and 
Successors  agree,  yet  he  and  they  will 
at  all  times  shew  themselves  true 
friends  and  Brothers  to  all  &  every 
of  ye  said  Indians,  by  assisting  them 
with  the  best  of  their  Advices,  Dir- 
ections &  Counsels,  and  will  in  all 
things  Just  and  Reasonable  befriend 
them,  they  behaving  themselves  as 
aforesaid,  and  Submitting  to  the 
Laws  of  this  Province  in  all  things, 
as  the  English  and  other  Christians 
therein  do.  To  which  they,  ye  said 
Indians,  hereby  agree  and  oblige 
themselves  and  their  Posterity  for- 
ever. 

In  witness  whereof,  the  Said  Par- 
ties have  as  a  Confirmation  made 
mutual  presents  to  each  Other:  The 
Indians  in  five  parcels  of  Skins,  and 
the  said  William  Penn  in  Several 
English  Goods  &  Merchandizes,  as  a 
binding  pledge  of  the  promise,  never 
to  be  broken  or  violated.  And  as 
a  further  testimony  thereof,  have  al- 


]  so  to  these  presents  Sett  their  hands 
and  Seals,  the  day  and  Year  above 
written. 

Signed,    Sealed   &   Delivered   in   the 
|  Presence  of 

Edw.    Shippen, 
Nathan   Stanbury, 
Alexr.    Paxton, 
Caleb  Pussey, 
James  Streater, 
J.   Le   Tort, 
John   Hans    Steelman, 
James    Logan, 
John    Sanders, 
Indian,       alias       Harry 
Shawydoohungh, 

his   (H  I)   mark 
Pemoqueriaehghan, 

his   (Z)   mark 
Passaqussay,    his     [)  ] 

mark." 

This  was  one  of  the  great  treaties 
and  is  nearly  always  referred  to  in 
subsequent  matters  by  the  Deputy 
Governors  with  the  Indians  of  Con- 
estoga  and  Susquehanna  River.  The 
same  treaty  may  be  found  in  Vol.  1 
of  The  Pennsylvania  Archives,  p.  144 
and  this  same  treaty  is  again  referred 
to  in  Vol  1  of  the  Penn  &  Logan  Cor- 
respondence, p.  39  and  it  is  stated 
there  to  have  been  the  most  notable 
event  of  the  year. 

Watson  in  Vol.  1  of  his  Annals,  p. 
24  also  speaks  of  Penn  meeting  the 
different  Indians  in  1701  and  says  that 
"Penn  attended  in  Philadelphia  in 
1701  a  great  Indan  treaty  with  40 
chiefs  who  came  from  many  nations 
to  settle  the  friendship.  The  same 
year  he  also  had  a  great  Indian 
Councill  at  Pennsbury  Mansion  to 
take  leave  of  them  and  to  renew  the 
convenants."  Among  these  40  chiefs 
were  the  Susquehannas  above  men- 
tioned. Watson  also  in  Vol.  2  of  his 
Annals,  p.  156  again  refers  to  this 
treaty. 

Hazard  in  his  Register  in  Vol.  5, 
p.  130  also  refers  to  the  deed  and 
treaty   of   1701,   confirming   the   lands 


165 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


on  Susquehanna  to  Penn  by  those 
Indians  and  states  there  that  this 
confirmation  was  renewed  in  1726, 
and  especially  in  the  great  treaty  of 
Lancaster  in   1744. 

The  Susquehannas,  Conestogas  and 
Other  Neighboring  Indians  Go  to 
Philadelphia  to  Give  Penn  Good- 
Bye,  On   His  Leaving  for  England. 

In  2  Col.  Rec,  p.  46  under  the  date 
of  the  7th  of  October,  1701,  at  a 
Council  held  the  afternoon  of  that 
date,  at  which  William  Penn  and  six 
members  of  Council  were  present 
it  is  recorded,  that  "the  Sachems  of 
the  Susquehanna  and  Shawanah  In- 
dians with  some  of  their  people  hav- 
ing come  to  take  leave  of  the  Pro- 
prietary before  his  departure  for 
England  ,he  informed  them  that  this 
now  was  likely  to  be  his  last  inter- 
view with  him,  at  least  before  his 
return,  that  he  had  ever  loved  them 
and  been  kind  to  them  and  ever 
should  contiue  so  to  be,  not  through 
any  Politick  Design  or  for  interest, 
but  one  of  a  most  real  affection,  and 
Desired  them  in  his  absence  to  Cul- 
tivate friendship  with  those  he  would 
leave  behind  in  authority,  as  they 
would  always,  in  some  degree  con- 
tinue to  be  to  them  as  himself  had 
ever  been.  The  Governor  also  in- 
formed them  that  the  Assembly  was 
now  enacting  a  Law,  according  to 
their  desire,  to  prevent  their  being 
abused  by  the  Selling  of  Rum,  with 
which  Orettyagh,  one  of  the  Sachems 
in  the  name  of  the  rest,  Exprest  a 
great  Satisfaction  and  Desired  that 
that  law  might  effectually  be  put  in 
Execution  and  not  only  discoursed  of 
as  formerly  it  had  been;  they  had 
long  suffered  by  the  Practice  but  now 
hoped  for  a  redress,  and  that  they 
should  have  reason  to  complain  no 
more. 


And  for  the  more  effectually  an- 
swering so  good  a  design,  the  Gov- 
ernor Desired  that  whenever  any 
transgressed  the  said  Law,  and  Came 
Contrary  amongst  them,  to  agree- 
ment they  would  forthwith  take  care 
to  give  information  thereof  to  the 
Government,  that  the  offenders  they 
might  duly  be  prosecuted;  which 
they  promised  to  observe,  and  that  if 
any  Rum  were  brought  they  would 
not  buy  it  but  send  the  person  who 
brought  it  back  with   it  again. 

Then   the   Governor   informed   them 

that  he  had  charged  the  members  of 

Council, and    then    also    renewed      the 

same  charge,  that  they  should  in  all 

I  respects  be  kind  to  them,  and  enter- 

j  tain  them  with  Courtesy  and  Demon- 

I  strations    of    Goodwill    as    he    himself 

I  had   ever   done,  which  the   said  mem- 

[  bers   promised   faithfully    to   observe; 

J  and  making  them  some  presents  they 

|  withdrew." 

It    is   difficult  to   imagine   a     more 

I  beautiful   meeting     and     leave-taking 

:  than    this   must   have    been — the    sav- 

j  ages  in   their   simplicity   and  honestv 

i  on  one  hand  and  the  goodly  William 

|  Penn  and  his  Council  equally  sincere 

and  honest  on  the  other  hand.       This 

leave-taking    is    also    noticed    in    Vol. 

6   of  Hazard's   Register,   p.   72   but  as 

it  is  exactly  the  same  copy  from  the 

Colonial   Records,  we  will  not  repeat 

it.     Penn    left   for     England     a     few 

weeks   after   this   incident. 

According  to  the  Colonial  Records 
this  leave-taking  occured  in  Phila- 
delphia. It  seems  that  a  little  later 
Penn  made  a  great  leave-taking 
event  for  in  Vol.  2  of  Watson's  An- 
nals, p.  156,  Mr.  Watson  says  that  in 
1701  Penn  held  a  great  Indian  Coun- 
cil at  Pennsbury  to  take  leave  of 
them. 

1701— Difficulties  Growing  Out  of  the 

Use  of  Rum   at   Conestoga 

Continue. 

In  6  Hazard's  Register,  p.  11  it  is 
set  forth  that  the  "Proprietary  in- 
formed the  Council  of  the  great 
abuses  committed  in  Indian  trade  and 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


166 


the  great  dangers  that  might  arise 
from  thence,  and  the  advantages  that 
might  accure  to  the  province  in  gen- 
eral from  it.  Proposed  that  some 
measures  might  be  concerted  for  the 
regulation  thereof,  and  redressing 
the  grievances  that  we  generally  la- 
boured under  upon  the  score  and 
•especially  by  means  of  two  French- 
men, Louis  and  P.  Beasalion,  who 
have  been  suspected  to  be  very  dan- 
gerous persons  in  their  traffique  with 
the  Indians  in  this  troublesome  con- 
juncture of  affairs. 

Resolved  that  it  was  absolutely 
necessary  the  said  two  Frenchmen 
should  be  confined  and  restrained 
irom  inhabiting  or  trading  amongst 
the  Indians,  and  that  some  way 
should  be  agreed  to  carry  on  the 
trade  by  a  certain  number  or  Com- 
pany who  should  take  all  measures 
to  induce  the  Indians  to  a  true  va- 
lue and  esteem  of  the  Christian  reli- 
gion by  setting  before  them  a  good 
example  of  probity  and  candour  both 
in  commerce  and  behaviour  and  that 
care  should  be  taken  to  have  them 
duly  instructed  in  the  fundamentals 
of  Christianity.  And  the  further 
consideration  hereof  is  referred  to 
next  meeting  of  the  Board. 

The  Governor  also  acquainted  the 
Board,  That  reports  were  brought 
that  some  of  the  five  nations  of  In- 
dians had  sent  an  embassy  to  our 
Indians  on  Delaware  requiring  their 
aid  and  concurrence  and  that  it  was 
suspected  the  French  of  Canada  had 
been  endeavoring  to  debauch  the 
said  Indians  from  their  fidelity  to  the 
Crown  of  England. 

Resolved,  That  care  should  be 
taken  to  inquire  into  the  grounds  of 
the  said  reports — and  then  adjourn- 
ed." 

The  same  is  found  in  Vol.  2  of  the 
Colonial  Records,  p.  18.  I  mention 
this    because    Peter    Bezalion's    name 


is  used  and  that  at  once  connects 
these  irregularities  with  the  Susque- 
hanna  Country. 

The  Shawnese  also  complain  against 
Garland  for  selling  rum  to  the  In- 
dians on  Susquehanna.  This,  how- 
ever, we  have  spoken  of  before.  Their 
complaint  was  made  by  Shemeken- 
woa  one  of  the  Chiefs  of  the  Shaw- 
nese, about  him  bring  140  gallons  of 
rum  and  making  them  very  drunk, 
see  2  Col.  Rec,  ».  33.  This  same  com- 
plaint is  noticed  in  a  somewhat  dif- 
ferent form  in  Vol  6  of  Hazard's  Re- 
gister, p.  34  and  it  was  there  decid- 
ed that  Indian  Harry  of  Conestoga 
should  be  sent  for  to  overcome  the 
eviL 

An.  aditional  difficulty  that  Penn 
had  to  deal  with  about  Conestoga  and 
the  trade  there  of  rum,  was  in  the 
fact  that  John  Hans  frequently  pro- 
mised Penn  to  meet  him  and  help 
him  to  carry  out  the  laws  as  to 
liquor  fully,  but  refused  to  do  so. 
In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives,  p. 
143,  Penn  writes  a  letter  to  John 
Hans  and  says,  "Thou  hast  often 
promised  to  visit  this  place  in  order 
to  treat  with  me  about  the  Indian 
Trade,  but  hast  as  often  disapointed 
me.  Thy  present  management  there- 
of amongst  us  is  directly  contrary  to 
our  Laws.  I  have  therefore  Stopt  thy 
Goods  intended  for  Lechay,  until 
thou  come  thyself  and  give  further 
satisfaction."  This  is  under  the  date 
of  1701. 

1701— A  False  Story     Arises     About 
the   Coming  of  the  Piscataways. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penn  &  Logan 
Correspondence,  p.  43  William  Penn 
in  a  letter  from  Pennsbury  to  James 
Logan  dated  the  30th  day  of  June, 
says  "I  forgot  a  material  point — the 
last  Indian  instrument  from  the  Con- 
estoga Indians — which  I  must  have, 
or  a  copy,  before   I  can  answer  Col. 


167 


ANNALS"  OF  THE  STTSQUEHANNOCKS"  ANI? 


Blackinston's  letter,  a  false  story  fir- 
ing two  or  three  of  their  foolish 
people  of  our  inciting  the  Piscata- 
Ways  from  Maryland,  instead  of  their 
seeking  to  us:  but  Governor  Blackis- 
ton  would  not  believe  it  Fail  not, 
therefore  to  send  it  to  me  with  all 
speed." 

1701 — Susquehanna  Indians   5Tow   Co- 
operate Strongly  with  Penn- 
sylvania* 

Proud  in  his  History  of  Pennsy- 
lvania, in  Vol.  1,  p.  430  says  that  this 
year  the  Susquehannas  made  a  pro- 
mise with  Pennsylvania  that  they 
would  not  allow  any  strange  Indians 
to  settle  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Susquehanna  River  but  would  inform 
the  people  and  help  to  put  them  off 
the  further  side  of  the  Susquehanna 
River. 

The  Five  Nations  also  now  show 
very  strong  love  for  Pennsylvania  and 
Penn  in  a  message  to  Council  on  the 
15th  of  September,  1701  says,  "I 
must  tell  you  the  good  news  of  the 
Governor  of  New  York's  happy  issue 
of  his  Conferences  with  the  five  na- 
tions of  Indians,  that  he  hath  not 
only  made  peace  with  them  for  the 
Ring's  subjects  of  that  Colony,  but, 
as  I  had  by  some  letters  before  de- 
sired him,  for  those  of  all  other  gov- 
ernments under  the  Crowns  of  Eng- 
land, and  also  the  nations  of  Indians 
with  those  respective  Colonies,which 
certainly  merits  our  acknowledg- 
ments." 

1701— Evidences     of  the     Great  Sus- 

queliannas     Living     Within     the 

Bounds  of  our  County. 

In  Vol.  7  of  Hazard's  Register,  p. 
395  it  is  stated  that  great  Indian  re- 
lics and  remains  were  found  near  the 
neighborhood  of  Columbia  and  that 
they  were  probably  buried  there  200 
years.  The  Article  is  as  follows: 
"COLUMBIA,    (Penn.)    June    2.       IN- 


DIAN RELICS:  A  gentleman  visit- 
ing this  place  from  Philadelphia,  had! 
his  attention  attracted  a  few  days; 
since,  while  near  the  canal  basin,  by 
the  singular  appearance  of  the  earth,, 
which  resembled  an  Indian  mound  or 
tumulus,  such  as  he  had  before  seen. 
On  digging  down  a  short  distance- 
his  suspicions  were  confirmed;  the 
skeletons  of  three  Indians  were 
found,  supposed  to  be  those  of  a  male 
female  and  a  young  child.  On  being 
exposed  to  the  air,  the  bones,  with 
the  exception  of  the  teeth,  and  a  few 
of  the  large  bones  of  the  male,  crum- 
bled to  dust.  They  were  buried  in 
a  sifting  posture  and  had  on  their 
heads  an  earthen  vessel,  at  the  spout 
of  which  was  carved  the  figure  of  a 
human  face.  Between  the  feet  of  the 
one  taken  to  be  the  male,  were 
found  an  iron  hatchet,  several  arrow 
heads,  and  seven  smooth  stones 
nearly  round;  the  smallest  weighing 
about  a  quarter  of  a  pound,  the 
others  varying  in  regular  gradation 
to  the  seventh,  which  weighed  two 
pounds  and  a  quarter.  These  stones 
were  supposed  to  indicate  the  num- 
ber of  children  which  the  deceased 
had.  Between  the  feet  of  the  female 
were  found  two  stones  of  a  medium 
size  with  those  found  by  the  male. 
How  long  these  remains  had  been  de- 
posited there  it  is  impossible  to  tell; 
probably  not  less  than  200  years.  It 
is  supposed  that  a  great  many  In- 
dians lie  buried  along  the  banks  of 
the  river,  but  it  is  not  often  their 
bones    are    discovered. — SPY." 

And  in  Vol.  8  of  Hazard's  Regis- 
ter, p.  48  similar  remains  were  found 
about  the  neighborhood  of  Bain- 
bridgeand  that  article  is   as  follows: 

"A  few  weeks  since  we  took  occa- 
sion to  speak  of  some  Indian  Relics 
that  were  discovered  north  the  Canal 
Basin  in  this  place.  Since  then  the 
workmen   in   Section    No.    18    of    the 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


163 


Canal,  about  two  miles  this  side  of 
Bainbridge  came  upon  one  end  of  an 
old  Indian  burial  ground.  The  bones 
had  so  completely  gone  to  dust  that 
they  could  only  be  distinguished 
from  the  natural  soil  by  a  difference 
in  color.  A  great  many  articles  of 
use  and  ornament  were  found;  ther 
were  crocks,  hatchets,  tomahawks, 
arrow  heads,  bullets,  buck-shot,  thim- 
bles, beads,  pipes,  etc.  The  pipes 
are  made  of  clay,  and  are  spoken  of 
as  being  very  perfect  and  beautiful, 
with  the  head  of  a  fox  engraved  on 
the  bowl;  so  highly  is  one  of  them 
valued  by  the  finder,  that  he  has  re- 
fused to  take  less  than  five  dollars 
for  it;  together  with  ornaments;  the 
beads  were  of  different  kinds,  and 
unlike  any  we  had  seen  before.  It 
is  thought  that  a  short  distance 
from  where  the  excavation  was  made 
towards  the  river,  the  earth  would 
be  found  to  be  filled  with  these  cur- 
iosities.—COLUMBIA    SPY." 

1701— Some  of  the  Shawnese  Located 
at  the  Head  of  Pequea  Creek. 

We  have  before  called  attention  to 
the  location  of  the  Old  Shawana 
fort  near  the  head  of  Octararo  some- 
what towards  Pequea  Creek;  and  for 
it  see  previous  articles. 

That  there  was  a  Shawana  town 
there  as  early  as  1701  is  additionaly 
proved  by  the  following  statements 
found  in  the  Second  Series  of  the 
Penna.  Archives,  Vol.  19,  p.  625  where 
it  is  stated,  "That  the  Commission- 
ers being  informed  that  MathiasVan- 
hebber  from  Maryland,  taking  with 
him  Henry  Hollingsworth,  hath  late- 
ly surveyed  a  considerable  tract  of 
land  near  the  head  of  Pequea  Creek 
In  this  Province,  including  within 
the  same  The  Old  Shawannah  Town, 
etc.; — "and  again  it  is  stated"  that 
500  acres  being  granted  to  Col.  John 
French    in   or    near    the      Shawannah 


old  fields,  on  Pequea  Creek,  as  a  con- 
sideration of  his  services  to  the  Pro- 
prietor." 

From  this  we  -see  that  while  these 
proceedings  are  dated  1718,  the 
lands  are  referred  to  as  the  Old 
Shawannah  Fields  where  the  Shaw- 
nese  lived  as  early  as  1701  and  be- 
fore. 

At  the  same  place  it  is  stated  that 
300  acres  should  be  surveyed  to 
Peter  Chartier  where  his  father  Mar- 
tin is  settled  on  Susquehanna  River; 
a  warrant  was  also  directed  to  Moses 
Comb  at  the  request  of  his  brother- 
in-law  Peter  Bazilion  for  200  acres 
among  the  other  surveys  about  Con- 
estoga. 

I  quote  this  simply  to  show  that  in 
1701  that  these  Indian  operations 
were  going  on  about  Conestoga  and 
Pequea. 

1701 — Christian    Inhabitants    are    Lo- 
cated Near   Conestoga. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  16  in 
one  of  the  items  of  the  great  treaty 
of  the  affairs  on  the  Susquehanna 
river  it  is  stipulated,  "That  all  and 
every  of  the  Kings  and  Chiefs,  and  all 
and  every  particular  under  them, 
shall  at  all  times  behave  themselves 
regularly  and  soberly  according  to 
the  laws  of  this  Government,  while 
they  live  near  or  amongst  the  Chris- 
tian   inhabitants    thereof." 

Now  as  the  only  Indians  concerned 
in  this  treaty  were  the  Conestogas 
(Susquehanna- Minquays),  the  Shaw- 
nese  and  the  Ganawese,  and  this  re- 
fers to  therm  In  warning  the  Chris- 
tian inhabitants  it  seems  to  indicate 
that  there  were  some  whites  then  at 
this  date  of  1701  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Conestoga.  They  were,  however, 
only  trades  and  not  regular  settlers. 
We  shall  notice  that  in  a  year  or  two 
later  that  there  will  be  references  to 
Christian  inhabitants  living  at  and 
near   Conestoga. 


169 


ANNALS  OF  THE   SrjSQtTEHANNOCKS  AND 


1701— The   Earliest  Lands   Taken   Up 
by  the   Whites  Among  the    Con- 
estogas  and  the  Other  Sus- 
quehanna Indian?, 

In  Vol.  19  of  the  Second  Series  of 
the  Penna.  Archives,  p.  245  it  is  set 
forth  that  the  land  commissioners  of 
Pennsylvania  granted  to  Cornelius 
Empson  and  twenty  others  20,000 
acres  of  land  on  Octoraro  Creek  at 
one  bushel  of  wheat  rent  per  hun- 
dred acres.  Then  warrants  were  made 
out  for  15,000  acres  as  may  be  seen 
page  280,  to  the  following  persons 
for  the  following  amounts,  being  a 
part  of  the  above  named  tract:  — 
Cornelius  Empson,  John  Richards, 
James  Brown,  Henry  Reynolds,  John 
Bales,  Edward  Beeson,  James  Cooper, 
Randall  Janney,  Andrew  Job,  John 
Churchman,  Ebenezer  Empson,  John 
Guest,  Joel  Baily  for  1000  acres  each 
and  to  Robert  Button,  Samuel  Set- 
tler and  Jeser  Brown  each  for  500 
acres;  and  surveyed  off  for  William 
Penn's  own  use,  3000  acres.  It  is 
described  as  all  in  one  tract,  begin- 
ning at  the  Northern  Barrens  be- 
tween the  main  branch  of  Northeast 
River  and  Octoraro  Creek,  and 
bounding  it  to  the  Southwards  with 
an  East  and  West  line  parallel  to  the 
line  of  the  Province,  and  Northward 
to  the  barrens. 

In  the  same  book  under  the  same 
date,  1701,  page  27g  it  is  stated  that 
a  warrant  should  be  made  to  William 
Clayton  for  1000  acres  of  land  at 
Susquehanna,  "with  the  rest  there." 
whoever  they  were. 

These  grants  of  land  on  the  Sus- 
quehanna, I  believe,  are  the  very  ' 
earliest  that  were  made  to  indivi- 
duals by  the  authorities  of  Pennsyl- 
vania in  the  neighborhood  of  and 
among  the  Indians  of  these  two 
Rivers. 


1702— Earliest    Preaching    to    the    In- 
dians at  Conestoga. 

We     have     heretofore     stated      that 
William  Penn  visited  the  Indians   on 
:  the  Susquehanna  twice  and  from  his 
J  nature    one   can    not    doubt    that    he 
gave    them    religious    instruction    be- 
cause    this     was     constantly   on   his 
|mind.     But  the   earliest   preaching  of 
;  which    we    have    any    proofs     was     in 
j  1702     by    Rev.     Jonas     Airens     who 
|  preached  that  year  to  the  Conestoga 
|  Indians  at  Conestoga.  Record  of  this 
I  may   be    found    in   Vol.    30   of   Penna. 
Magazine    of   History    and    Biography 
|  in  a  note  at  the  bottom  of  page  291. 
I  There  is   not  much  to  be  said   about 
|  it    and    it    is    likely    that    there    were 
j  only    a    few    sermons    preached;    and 
j  that   it  was   not  a  missionary    move- 
jment  extending   over    any    length    of 
time.     A    little    later    Thomas    Chalk- 
jley   preached   to   the   Conestogas,   and 
|  considerably    later    Count    Zinzendorf, 
the  last  named   about  the  year   1742. 

1702— The  First  Mention  of  the  Sus- 
quehanna Road. 

In  Vol.  19  of  the  Second  Series  of 
the  Penna.  Archives,  p.  303  under 
the  date  of  1702  it  is  stated  that 
Joseph  Fisher  and  several  other 
land  owners  of  Dublin  Township, 
"remonstrated  that  the  Sasquehan- 
nah  road  laid  out  through  the  said 
Township  is  run  too  much  to  the 
Northward  by  which  means  the  set- 
tlements on  that  side  are  too  short 
and  those  on  the  South  too  long." 
This  shows  that  at  the  early  date  of 
1702  the  Indian  affairs  on  Susque- 
hanna were  of  sufficient  importance 
to  agitate  constructing  a  road  to 
their  locality.  The  first  road  which 
Anally  did  reach  the  Susquehanna 
was  begun  in  1683  and  reached  the 
river  in  1714,  but  it  was  in  use 
before  the  latter  date.  In  Nicholas 
Scull's   map    of   1759    connected   with 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


170 


the  Penna.  Archives.  Dublin  Town- 
ship is  situated  immediately  North  of 
Philadelphia   county,   as   it  then  was. 

1702 — James  Logan's  Earliest  Visit  to 
the  Conestogas. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penn  &  Logan  Cor- 
respondence, p.  179  James  Logan 
says  in  a  letter  of  this  year  written 
to  William  Penn,  "I  design  next 
month  for  Conestoga,  God  willing,  to 
treat  with  the  Indians  there  and  con- 
firm them,  for  we  have  many  re- 
ports about  the  attempts  of  the 
French  to  debauch  all;  and  Indian 
Harry  has  never  since  he  went  to  the 
Onondagoes  last  year  been  here,  but 
he  solemnly  promised  to  return  this 
way."  However,  in  turning  to  p. 
179  of  the  same  book,  Logan  again 
says  in  1703  in  a  letter  to  William 
Penn,  that  though  he  had  designed 
to  go  to  Conestoga  that  he  put  off  the 
journey,  waiting  for  Indian  Harry  to 
come  back  from  Canada. 

I  cite  this  item  to  show  the  efforts 
that  were  constantly  made  by  the 
French  to  get  the  Pennsylvania  In- 
dians over  to  them.  We  remember 
that  in  the  early  years,  the  Jesuit 
Father  had  very  many  meetings  with 
our  Susquehannocks,  and  as  Queen 
Ann's  War  was  now  approaching  it 
was  considered  a  great  point  to  get 
these  Pennsylvania  Indians  disaffect- 
ed' from  the  English. 

1702— Indian   Harry   at    Philadelphia. 

This  year  as  is  told  us  in  Vol.  1  of 
the  Penn  &  Logan  Correspondence, 
p.  125,  Indian  Harry  was  in  Philadel- 
phia about  the  end  of  July  but  that 
he  went  on  to  the  Onondagoes  to 
bring  advice  from  them  how  matters 
stood  concerning  the  Conestoga  In- 
dian affairs.  We,  of  course  remem- 
ber that  the  Conestogas  and  all  the 
Indians  along  the  Susquehanna  were 
•  tenants,and  in  a  manner  slaves  of  the 
Five  Nations   and  whenever  anything 


of  importance  was  to  be  done  by  the 
Conestogas,  advice  from  the  Five  Na- 
tions was  always  necessary  before 
anyone  dared  to  make  any  move. 

1702 — The   Conestogas  on  a  War-like 
Expedition   to   the   South. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  70  at 
a  meeting  of  the  Council  held  on  the 
17th  of  September,  it  was  stated  that, 
"information  having  been  given  to 
this  board  by  Sylvester  Garland,  an 
Indian  trader  of  New  Castle  that  half 
a  dozen  Indians  called  Tackwheetap 
&  Posackaselt,  two  of  them  of  Dela- 
ware and  the  rest  of  Conestogoe,  on 
Susquehannah,  who  had  lately  re- 
turned from  the  Southwards  from 
hunting,  were  seen  at  the  said  Cones- 
togoe with  several  parts  of  women's 
attire,  viz.:  a  Petticoat,  White  Silk 
hood,  Lace,  etc.,  about  them,  and 
that  upon  a  certain  occasion  Expres- 
sed themselves  as  if  they  murdered 
the  persons  from  whom  they  had 
taken  them.  It  was  consulted  what 
method  of  Inquiry  or  process  should 
be  taken  with  ye  said  Indians,  see- 
ing they  were  by  their  Several  Treat- 
ies obliged  to  be  answerable  to  the 
English  for  what  injuries  or  out- 
rages they  should  commit  against 
them,  and  it  was  Resolved,  that  a 
Message  with  an  Interpreter  was 
necessary  in  the  first  place  to  be 
sent,  but  there  being  no  interpreter  of 
that  language  to  be  found  who  could 
be  depended  on  for  such  a  service 
till  Harry,  the  Indian  should  return, 
who  was  gone  to  the  Onondagoes, 
and  every  day  expected  back  again, 
It  was  further  resolved,  the  whole 
should  be  deferred  until  the  said 
Harry's  return,  upon  which  a  full  in- 
quiry should  be  made,  and  ye  treaty 
with  the  ye  Conestogoe  Indians  re- 
newed and  strengthened.  In  ye 
meantime  it  is  expected  that  ye  Gov- 
ernor of  Maryland,  who  seems  ear- 
lier concerned  and  has  earlier  infor- 


171 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


mation,  will  make  inquiry  also." — 
This  article  sufficiently  explains  it- 
self and  I  need  add  nothing  of  an 
explanatory  character  to  it. 
1702— The  French  Make  Peace  With 
the  Iroquois. 
In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penn  &  Logan 
Correspondence,  p.  88  it  is  stated  in 
a  letter  from  James  Logan  to  Wil- 
liam Penn,  that  "in  the  Monthly  Mer- 
cury for  January  there  is  under  the 
head  of  "France"  a  passage,  which  if 
true  would  be  of  bad  consequence  to 
us,  viz.:  that  the  Government  of 
Canada  has  made  a  peace  with  the 
Iroquois,  which  will  oblige  the  great- 
er care  in  what  has  been  said.  Al- 
bany, by  it,  seems  ruined;  and  we 
shall  be  greatly    exposed    when    that 

barrier  of  the  Five  Nations  is  remov- 
ed." 

I  cite  this  because  whatever  the 
Iroquois  did  affected  the  Conestogas 
and  as  the  Iroquois  broke  their  alle- 
giance with  the  English  and  made  a 
treaty  of  peace  with  the  French  of 
Canada,  then  the  Conestogas  were 
compelled  to  choose  whether  they 
would  obey  their  masters  the  Iro- 
quois, or  defy  them  and  keep  their 
peace  with  the  English.  We  may  add 
here  that  they  never  broke  their 
agreements    with    the    English. 

1702  — Penn     Wants    Settlements    on 
the    Susquehanna   and   Chesapeake. 

In  a  letter  written  by  James  Logan 
to  William  Penn  in  1702,  it  is  stated  in 
Vol.  1  of  the  Penn  &  Logan  Corres- 
pondence, p.  122,  that  a  settlement 
on  the  navigable  part  of  the  North- 
east river  is  to  be  made  and  that  it 
was  to  be  located  half  way  between 
New  Castle  and  Conestoga,  and  the 
letter  sets  forth  that  another  point  in 
favor  of  the  settlement  is,  that  it  is 
a  convenient  stage  from  the  lower 
parts  to  Susquehanna  which  would 
much  encourage  a  settlement  of  that 


also.  The  letter  goes  on  to  say  that 
Griffith  Owen  who  was  with  Penn  at 
Susquehanna  know  the  place.  The 
letter  then  says  that  Logan  approves 
of  Penn's  inclination  to  have  settle- 
ments on  Chesapeake  to  trade  be- 
tween  Pennsylvania. 

This  I  cite  simply  to  show  the  im- 
portance of  our  Indians  living  up  in 
this  country  because  they  had  a  cer- 
tain bearing  upon  the  settlements  in 
that  locality. 

1702 — Conestoga   Indians    Have    Ceas- 
ed Their  Visits  to  Philadelphia, 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penn  &  Logan 
Correspondence,  pp.  148  and  149,  un- 
der the  date  of  1702  it  is  stated  that 
Indian  Harry  is  still  with  the  Onon- 
dagoes  but  promises  to  stop  on  his 
return,  he  did  not  do  so.  This 
caused  fear  on  the  part  of  the  whites 
and  they  found  that  he  was  return- 
ed home  to  Conestoga  two  months 
ago  but  that  the  Conestoga  Indians 
are  quiet,  however,  that  they  "  for 
this  last  year  have  seldom  come  near 
us;  some  of  them  are  uneasy  and 
threaten  to  disturb  the  remote  set- 
tlers of  land:  such  as  the  New  Ger- 
man tract,  which  they  clamor  is  not 
purchased." 

The  importance  of  this  topic  lies 
in  the  fact  that  here  under  the  date 
of  1702  is  a  "New  German  Tract" 
spoken  of  somewhere  near  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  Conestoga  Indians. 
This  is  fully  five  years  and  may  be 
seven  years  before  the  settlements 
began  either  in  the  Pequea  or  Cones- 
toga Valleys,  and  the  "New  German 
Tract"  likely  refers  to  bargains 
which  Penn  was  .making  in  England 
with  German  People  indicating  to 
them  in  a  gneral  way  where  their 
land's  would  be.  Another  noticeable 
thing  in  this  item  is  the  apparent 
doubt  which  the  Conestogas  enter- 
tained   as   to   what    they    should    do. 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


172 


Indian  Harry  had  no  doubt  brought 
home  from  Canada  the  news  that  the 
Five  Nations  were  thinking  of  joining 
the  French,  and  his  suspicious  ac- 
tion in  not  stopping  on  his  way  back 
but  going  directly  to  Conestoga 
would  confirm  that  there  was  some 
treachery  on  foot  between  the  Five 
Nations  and  the  Conestogas  toward 
the  English  and  the  Conestogas  seem 
to  be  on  the  verge  of  breaking  faith. 
However,  we  will  see  later  that  all 
turned   out  well. 

•  As  to  this  German  tract,  it  may  be 
that  the  20000  acres  granted  in  1701 
to  Cornelius  Empsom  near  Octoraro 
is  what  is  referred  to.  See  a  former 
item  on  this. 

1702  —  Thomas      Chalkley      Journeys 
Through  the  Susquehanna  In- 
dian Country. 

In  Thomas  Chalkley's  works,  a 
book  which  we  have  referred  to  her- 
tofore,  pp.  38-39  he  tells  of  his  jour- 
ney in  this  neighborhood  and  among 
the  Indians  thereof ;  but  I  am  not  able 
to  say  positively  that  he  did  com- 
municate with  the  Conestogas  on  this 
trip.  We  will  find  definite  informa- 
tion about  his  later  missionary 
journeys  among  the  Susquehannas 
and  Conestogas. 

1703— Louis      Mitchell     or     Michelle, 
Martin  Chartier  and  Others  Live 
at  Conestoga  With  the  In- 
dians. 

In  Rupp's  history  of  Lancaster 
County,  p.  53  he  says  that  in  the 
year  of  1703  the  Canton  of  Bern  in 
Switzerland  sent  Louis  Mitchell  to 
look  for  vacant  lands  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. Martin  Chartier  is  also  de- 
scribed as  carrying  messages  from 
Philadelphia  to  the  Shawnas  at  Pe- 
quea  near  Conestoga,  where  he  had 
a  trading  station.  On  p.  54  Rupp 
says,  though  Mitchell  was  the  person 
who  first  lead  the  rest  there  to  Con- 


estoga, yet  others  had  come  in 
since;  and  these  were  the  pioneer 
whites  in  Conestoga. Rupp  also  says 
at  p.  45,  quoting  the  Colonial  Rec, 
which  we  have  also  quoted  in  a  for- 
mer item,  that  Martin  Chartier  had 
long  lived  among  the  Shawana  In- 
i  dians. 

I  1703— The   French    Again    Trying    to« 

Wean    the     Conestoga    Indians 

From  the  English. 

|  ,  In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penn  &  Logan 
I  Correspondence  p.  227  James  Logan 
ion  the  2nd  of  September  of  that  year 
!  writes  a  letter  to  William  Penn  in 
|  which  he  says,  "Indian  Harry  of  Con- 
!  estoga  is  now  here  and  acquaints  us 
j  with  the  great  endeavors  of  the 
I  French,  but  I  have  not  fully  dis- 
|  coursed  with  him."  The  letter  also 
!  states      that     French       are       settling 

among  the  Five  Nations  and  are  at 
|  peace  with  them;  and  have  emissar- 
|  ies  all  about  us.  This  is  sufficient  to 
i  show  that  the  French  were  trying  to 

get  the  good-will  of  the  Five  Nations 
j  and  of  course  the  Five  Nations  abso- 
!  lutely  controlled  the  Conestoga  In- 
|  dians. 

1 1703  —  Letort     and     Bezalion     Again 
Held  in   Bonds. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  100 
|  the  following  report  is  made  of  a 
Council  held  at  Philadelphia  the  17th 
of  August   this   year,   as   follows:  — 

"James  Letort  who  about  two 
years  agoe  went  out  of  this  Province 
to  Canada,  and  returned  last  spring, 
having  been  upon  his  return  exam- 
ined before  several  of  the  Council 
and  magistrates,  and  no  great  occa- 
sion found  to  support  him  of  any 
evil  designs  against  this  Government, 
he  having  been  bred  in  it  since  his 
infancy,  had  hitherto  behaved  himself 
inoffensively  and  was  seduced  to  de- 
part in  time  of  peace  by  the  Instiga- 
tion of  some  others,  without  any  evil 


173 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU  SQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


intentions  that  could  be  made  appear  | 
in   himself  and   being    now    in    town, 
together  with  Peter  Bezalion  another 
Frenchman     and     Indian     Trader,     it 
was  Judged   necessary   to   call     them 
both  before  the  Council,  and  for  fur- 
ther  satisfaction   to   take   security    of 
them   for  their  behavior  towards  the 
Government,      accordingly    they    were 
'  sent  for  and  obliged  each  to  give  Se- 
curity   in    five    hundred    pounds    Ster- 
ling,  that   they   should   behave   them- 
selves as  good  subjects  of  the  Queen 
and  of  this  Government,  and  hold  no 
correspondence      whatsoever    with    ye 
enemy,  but    at    all    times    during    ye 
Warr     make     best     discoveries      they 
could  do  all  designs  that  should  come 
to  their  knowledge   against  this   Gov- 
ernment, or  any  others  of  the  Queens 
Subjects."     In    this    article    we    plain- 
ly   see    how    constantly     the    efforts 
were  going    on    about    Conestoga    to 
get   our    Indians   turned     against    the 
English. 

1703  —  James    Logan's   Intended   Trip 
to   the   Conestoga  Indians. 

In  a  letter  to  William  Penn  dated 
the    13th    of    March,    1703,    and    found 
in  Vol.   1   of  the   Penn  &  Logan  Cor- 
respondence,    p.      79,      James     Logan 
says,   "I   design   next  month  for  Con- 
estoga, God  willing,  to  treat  with  the 
Indians    there    and    confirm    them    for 
we    have    many    flying    reports    about 
the  attempts  of  the     French     to     de- 
bauch   all;     and    Indian     Harry    has 
never  been  here  since  he  went  to  the 
Onondagoes     last     year,     though     he 
solemnly     promised     to     return     this 
way."      But    it    appears   in   the   same 
book,    pp.    197-198    that   Logan    never 
made  this  trip. 
1703— Bazilion  Again   Suspected. 
In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penn  &  Logan  Cor- 
respondence,  p.   224   in  a  letter  from 
James  Logan  to  William  Penn,  Logan 
states  that  it  is  not  safe  to  let  Baza- 


lion  to  be  at  large,  as  he  is   a  dan 
gerous  man  against  the  English. 


1703— Randall  Janney  to  be  Sent  to 
Susquehanna. 

In  Vol.   1   of  the    book    last    above 
quoted,    p.   214,   William   Penn   writes 
a   letter   to   Logan    which    begins    at 
page  211,  saying  that  he  recommends 
Janney    about   the    Susquehanna   pur- 
chase;  and  that  Logan  shall  use  him 
I  kindly.      His     purpose    there    was    to 
|  look   after   the   intended   New   County 
and  also  to  keep  tally  on  Indian  do- 
:  ings. 

j  1703— Penn  Desires   Tobacco  and  In- 
dian   Products    to    be    Shipped 

Down  the  Chesapeake. 
In  the  same  Vol.  last  cited,  p.  180 
it  is  stated  that  a  ship  to  carry  7  or 
800    hogsheads    of    tobacco    down    the 
Chesapeake  is  about  being  built    and 
that  the   costs   of   it  may   not  exceed 
3000   pounds,   if  built   at  best     hand; 
and    the    cables    and    rigging   may   be 
had  from  England. 
1703  —The    Settlement    at    Octoraro 
Trades  With  the  Indians. 
In  the  same  Vol.  last  quoted,  p.  203 
in  a  letter  by   Isaac  Norris  to  Jona- 
|  than   Dickinson,   he   speakes     of     the 
I  fact   that   the   settlement   of   lands    at 
the    head    of    the    Northeast    river    or 
Octoraro  gives   value   to   our   Susque- 
hanna  lands,   and   that    our    Susque- 
|  hanna   country,    considering   the   time 
I  of  the  year   is  very  healthy.     It  may 
be    collected    from    the     letter    as     a 
whole    that     some     trading    is    being 
conducted  by  the   Indians  with  these 
parts. 

1703— A  Number    of  Indians    Remove 

from  Conestoga. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  131  in 

the  proceedings  of  a  Council  held  the 

beginning   of   the  year   of   1704   there 

is    an    item    which    indicates   that   a 

|  number  of  Indians  about  the  end  of 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


174 


the  year  1703  left  at  Conestoga.  The 
article  states  that  Martin  Chartier 
who  long  lived  upon  the  Susque- 
liannna  was  examined  in  relation  to 
himself,  the  Indians,  "and  those  that 
liad  lately  left  Conestoga.  And  there 
not  being  sufficient  occasion  to  put 
him  any  further  trouble,  he  was  dis- 
missed." 

This  is  the  only  thing  that  I  can 
find  on  the  subject.  I  can  not  tell 
who  or  what  tribe  of  Indians  are  re- 
ferred to  or  whether  a  large  or  small 
number  left  Conestoga.  It  does  not 
refer  to  the  Shawnese  because  they 
did  not  leave  until  quite  some  time 
later  than  1703.  But  this  is  enough 
to  indicate  to  us  that  certain  bodies 
of  these  Indians  were  in  the  habit  of 
shifting   their   homes. 

1703  —  Whites  Among  the  Indians  at 
Conestoga. 

It  seems  as  early  as  1703  there 
were  some  whites  among  the  Con- 
estoga and  other  Indians  about  Sus- 
quehanna, not  to  settle  there  but  to 
trade  with  them.  Rupp  at  p.  39  has 
briefly  stated  the  history  on  this 
point  and  he  says  as  follows:  — 
"Though  no  actual,  settlements  had 
been  made  prior  to  1708,  or  1709,  in 
Lancaster  County,  a  few  whites  had 
their  abodes  among  the  Indians  on 
the  Susquehanna.  —  These  were  In- 
dian Traders,  viz.:  Joseph  Jessop, 
James  LeTort,  Peter  Bezalion,  Mar- 
tin Chartier,  all  Indians,  and  upon 
the  Susquehanna;  and  one  Mitchel,  a 
Swiss.  Nicole  Godin,  an  active 
young  fellow,  but  rather  a  sneak,  and 
one  Francois.  These,  however,  had 
no  license  to  trade  among  and  with 
the   Indians. 

It  appears  from  a  French  letter 
from  Madame  Letort,  the  French 
woman  at  Conestoga,  directed  to  Ed- 
mund Farmer,  bearing  date  15th  of 
March,  1703-4,  that  the  Towittois  In- 


dians had  come  down  and  cut  off 
the  two  families  of  neighbor  Indians 
at  Conestoga,  and  tihat  they  were  all 
there  under  great  apprehensions  of 
further  mischief  from  them,  and  were 
preparing  to  demand  succor  of  the 
government  in  case  the  disorders 
should  be  continued. 

The  subject  mentioned  in  the  let- 
ter, was  considered  in  council, 
March  22;  and  it  was  resolved  that 
messengers  be  forthwith  despatched 
to  Conestogoe,  by  way  of  New  Castle, 
to  know  the  truth  of  the  information, 
the  relation,  as  it  appeared,  being 
somewhat  suspicious,"  This  item 
needs  no  further  explanation. 

1704— Rumors  of  a  Plot  to  Carry  Off 
tli€>  Shawnese. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  145, 
the  Council  heard  that  the  Shawnese 
were  about  to  be  carried  away  by 
some  strange  Indians  and  they  sent 
for  Peter  Bezalion  to  be  informed  of 
the  fact.  The  minutes  of  Council  on 
this  subject  are  as  follows:  "'  Peter 
Bezalion  ye  French  Trader,  coming 
to  town  and  being  sent  for  informed 
ye  Board  That  he  had  heard  that 
those  of  the  five  nations  who  intend- 
ed shortly  down  this  way,  had  a  de- 
sign of  carrying  off  the  Shawnese  In- 
dians, both  settled  near  Conestogoe, 
and  those  near  Lechay,  (now  Eas- 
ton),  were  their  enemies ;  which 
being  fully  considered,  it  was  resol- 
ved that  it  would  be  necessary  to 
send  an  Embassy  as  well  in  behalf 
of  our  friends  and  allies,  as  the 
Shawnese  are  as  of  ourselves,  and 
that  all  the  belts  of  wampum  be 
procured  and  sent  up  that  were  col- 
lected among  the  Indians  three  years 
agoe  for  that  purpose."  No  parti- 
cular comment  is  necessary  on  this 
item  as  it  explains  itself. 

1704  —  Indian    Harry's    Brother    Re- 
ports the  Doings  of  the  Five 
Nations. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  155, 
at  a  Council  held  on  the  9th  of  Aug. 


175 


ANNALS   OF  THE  STTSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


this  year  it  is  reported  that,  "  In- 
dian Harry's  brother,  late  of  Cones- 
togoe,  being  arrived  in  town  from  the 
five  nations,  was  examined  with 
James  Le  Tort  and  Peter  Bizaillion, 
Concerning  those  of  the  said  five  na- 
tions, that  have  been  so  long  expect- 
here;  and  Peter  Bizaillion  was  or- 
ordered  to  attend  again,  about  five 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon." 

In  this  there  is  exhibited  the  further 
movements  and  difficulties  which  the 
English  had  at  all  times  to  keep  the 
Five  Nations   faithful. 

1704— The  Chiefs  of  the  Fire  Nations 

Came  to  Philadelphia  to  Make 

a  Treaty. 

In  the  same  book  just  cited,  p.  158 
it  appears  at  a  Council  held  on  the 
28th  of  August  this  year  that,  "Kag- 
undanoyagh  one  of  the  Chiefs  of  the 
Onondagoes,  with  7  or  8  others  of  ye 
chiefs  of  ye  Five  Nations,  being  come 
down  to  Philadelphia  in  order  to  hold 
a  treaty  to  settle  a  correspondence 
With  this  Government.  They  were 
called  before  the  Council,  the  Lieu- 
tenant Governor  being  by  reason  of 
sickness  unable  to  attend." 
1704— Nicole  Godin  Above  Conestoga 
Keports  Indian  Depredations 
in  that  Neighborhood. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  138 
we  have  the  following  information, 
which  concerns  not  only  the  Senecas 
but  the  Indians  from  Potomac  and 
Conestoga.  The  report  of  the  pro- 
ceedings is  as  follows:  "Edward  Far- 
mer, acquainted  ye  Governor  that 
according  to  this  order,  he  had  in- 
formed ye  Assembly  of  what  he  had 
heard  from  the  Trader  Nicole  Godin, 
viz.:  That  upon  ye  return  of  ye  Caro- 
olina  Indians,  who  was  taken  (as  we 
said)  by  some  of  ye  five  nations  last 
year,  and  after  escape  went  home- 
wards through  this  province,  some  of 
ye  Carolina  Indians,  to  ye  number  of 


1 40,   in   revenge,  were  lately  come  and 
|  had    set   upon   some   of   those    Potow- 
|  mock,   but  they   taking  to  their  fast- 
|  ness  and  being  secured,  ye  others  de- 
j  clared  to  them  that  they     (of     Caro- 
jlina),    had    been    for   many  years    at- 
i  tacked   and   Injured   by   some   Indians 
|  from*  ye   Northwest,    whom    they    had 
always  hitherto  taken  to  be  those  of 
|  Canada,    but    now     found     who     they 
I  were,  viz:    ye  Senecars  and  those  of 
Potomock    and    Conestogoe,    and    that 
they    were    resolved    to    be    revenged,, 
and  that  the  three  nations  had  join- 
ed and   would   shortly   come   up   and 
either     destroy     or     be    destroyed    by 
them. 
That  upon  this  information,  ye  as- 
I  sembly  thanked  the  Governor  for  his 
|  care  in  sending  them  an  account  of  it 
|  and  upon  hearing  there  were  two  In- 
dians sent  from  some  of  ye  five  na- 
tions to  this  Government,  on  a  mes- 
sage,     requested     that    ye    Governor 
would  be  pleased  to  examine  ye  said 
Indians  to  night,  by  Ja.  Le  Tort  for 
an  Interpreter,     and     that     the     said 
Nicole  should  be  for  to  night,  and  ye 
said    Indians    be    examined    with    him 
tomorrow." 

1704— Suspicious  Actions   of  Nicholas 
Gateau. 

At  a  council  held  the  15th  of  May, 
1704  the  following  report  was  made 
concerning  Gateau  who  was  an  In- 
dian trader  and  operated  among  the 
Conestogas  and  other  Indians  living 
on  Susquehanna.  The  report  is  found 
in  Vol.  2  of  Col.  Rec,  p.  131  and  is  as 
follows:  "A  petition  from  Nicholas 
Gateau,  the  French  cook,  of  this  town 
was  read,  shewing  that  when  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  Government  was 
in  the  Council,  he  had  preferred  a 
petition  praying  that  according  to 
the  Laws  of  this  Government  he 
might  be  naturalized  in  this  Pro- 
vince and  Territories;  that  his  said 
Petition  had  been  granted  and  an  in- 
strument prepared,  but  that  by  the 
Governor's   happy   arrival   the   Execu- 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN  TRIBES 


176 


tion  of  it  was  prevented,  and  there- 
fore humbly  prays  that  the  Governor 
would  continue  the  same  unto  him, 
and  that  he  might  be  naturalized. 

Ordered,  that  the  said  Nicholas. Ga- 
teau, upon  his  taking  the  requi- 
site oaths,  (viz.:)  fidelity  to  the 
Queen,  the  abjuration  of  th'e  Pope's 
Supremacy,  and  fidelity  to  the  Pro- 
prietary, be  naturalized,  and  an  In- 
strument prepared  for  it  according  to 
Law." 

1704 — Suffering  of  the  Conestoga  In- 
dians in  the  Winter  of  1704. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penn  &  Logan  Cor- 
respondence, p.  359,  it  is  set  forth  in 
a  letter  from  Isaac  Norris  to  Daniel 
Zachary  that  the  winter  was  very  se- 
vere. The  letter  is  as  follows: — "As 
the  longest  English  liver  has  never 
known  such  a  winter  as  this  for  the 
abundance  of  snow  so  we  have  never 
had  such  a  vacation.  All  avenues 
were  stopped  and  traveling  wholly 
impeded  till  just  now.  The  post  has 
not  been  here  these  six  weeks,  which 
makes  the  time  pass  on  very  melan- 
choly, and  the  more  particularly  for 
the  want  of  hearing  from  you  as  us- 
ual. This  makes  me  assured  it  will 
be  as  welcome  to  thee  to  hear  thy 
little  boy  is  well,  and  our  family,with 
friends  generally.  Our  river  has  been 
fast  these  six  weeks,  and  people  go 
and  come  with  carts,  sleds,  horses, 
etc.,  as  on  land.  Dutch  sleds  are 
mightily  in  fashion  here  this  winter." 

On  the  following  page  of  the  same 
book,  Isaac  Norris  writes  a  letter  to 
John  Askew  on  the  same  subject, 
which  is  as  follows:  "We  have  had 
the  deepest  snow  this  winter  that  has 
been  known,  (by  the  longest  English 
liver  here;)  no  traveling,  all  avenues 
shut;  the  post  has  not  gone  these 
six  weeks.  The  river  still  fast; 
people  bring  loads  over  it,  as  they 
did  seven  years  ago  when  thou  wast 
here;  many  creatures  like  to  perish." 


I  have  thought  these  two  items 
might  be  of  interest  in  this  connec- 
tion as  that  would  show  the  condition 
in  the  bleak  winter  around  Conesto- 
ga  at  the  time  when  the  only  houses 
I  in  It  were  Indian  huts  or  wigwams. 

1704  —  Strange   Indians    Kill    Several 
Families  of  Conestogas. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  121 
there  is  set  forth  a  report  made  be- 
fore Council  of  information  which 
Madame  Ann  Letort,  the  French- 
woman at  Conestoga  gave  concern- 
ing the  slaughter  of  Indians  there; 
and  it  is  as  follows:  "A  French  let- 
ter from  Ann  Letort,  the  French 
woman  at  Conestogoe,  directed  to 
Edward  Farmer,  bearing  date  of  the 
15th  Instant,  being  brought  to  the 
Governor,  informing  that  ye  Towit- 
tois  Indians  had  come  down  and  cut 
off  two  families  of  neighbor  Indians 
at  Conestogoe,  and  that  they  were  all 
there  under  great  apprehensions  of 
further  mischief  from  them,  and 
were  preparing  to  demand  succor  of 
this  Government  in  case  the  disor- 
ders should  continue.  The  Governor 
laid  the  said  letter  before  the  Board 
tp  be  considered  how  far  the  said  in- 
formation ought  to  be  regarded,  and 
would  be  judged  necessary  to  be  done 
therein. 

Resolved   that    some   messenger    or 
messengers    be    forthwith    despatched 
away  to  Conestogoe,  by  way  of  New 
Castle,    to   know  ye   true   grounds   of 
the   said   Information,  ye   Relation   as 
it  now  appears  being  somewhat  sus- 
picious.     This     is    the    same    incident 
j  quoted  from  Rupp  in  a  prior  item  it 
I  is  repeated  here  because  the  records 
j  of  Council  are  here  in  full. 

1704  —  Gateau       Complains      Against 
G'odyn  at  Susquehanna. 

In  a  minute  of  Council,  p.  181  of 
Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  it  is  set  forth 
that     Nicholas     Gateau     exhibited    a 


irr 


ANNALS  OF  THE  StTSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


complaint  that  sundry  goods  were 
taken  from  him,  some  by  Nich.  Godyn 
at  Sasquehannah;  and  others  were  in 
possession  of  William  Slooby  and  he 
begs  that  justice  be  done  him. 

1704-1  Report  that  Chartier  &  Two* 

Other  French  Indian  Traders  are 

About  to  Leave  Sus~ 

In  the  Vol.  last  cited,  p.  182  it  was 
reported  to  Council  that  Chartier  and 
other  French  traders  were  acting 
suspiciously  about  Susquehanna  and 
on  this  information  that  they  were 
about  to  depart  out  of  the  Govern- 
ment. It  was  ordered  that  the  Sher- 
iff of  New  Castle,  being  nearest  to 
their  abode  take  it  into  charge  and 
be  diligent  to  observe  the  motions 
and  designs,  and  if  he  finds  any 
grounds,  he  shall  arrest  and  secure 
Chartier  and  his  accomplices.  This 
item  is  important  in  connection  with 
Our  Indian  on  Susquehanna  because 
it  locates  the  group  of  these  French 
traders  definitely  at  this  time  that  are 
said  in  the  item  to  live  on  Susque- 
hanna, and  it  is  further  'pointed  out 
that  the  Sheriff  of  New  Castle  is  clos- 
est to  them.  This  shows  that  they 
were  living  on  the  lower  Susquehanna 
perhaps  below  Columbia  at  this  time. 
Their  dealings  with  our  Indians  were 
extensive   and   intimate. 

1704  — The   Old   Indian   and   Swedish 
Road  Still  in  Use  to  Sus- 
quehanna. 

In  an  item  found  page  122  of  Vol. 
2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  which  we  have 
heretofore  quoted  it  is  stated  that 
Council  resolved  to  send  messengers 
to  Conestoga  by  way  of  New  Castle. 
I  here  simply  recall  our  attention  to 
the  fact  that  as  early  as  1646  there 
was  evidence  which  we  found  in  Cam- 


I  panius    Holm    and    Acrelius    that    the 

!  route   taken    by   the   ancient    Susque- 

hannocks  and  the    Swedes  who  were 

settled  in  the  neighborhood  of  what  is 

i  now      Wilmington,      led    across      the 

I  country  by  the  way  of  New  Castle  to 

J  Susquehanna   river    and   then    up   the 

|  river  to  the  Indian  Town.     The  item 

j  this   road  by  the  way  of  New  Castle 

we  now  quote  seems  to  indicate  that 

|  was  still  a  favorite  one  between  the 

!  Lower  Delaware  Settlements  and  the 

|  Susquehanna  Country. 

1704— The  Great  Rum  Trade  with  the 
Conestoga  Indians  Continues. 

At  a  Council  which  was  held  the 
9th  day  of  May,  1704,  a  member  of  the 
Board  informed  that  body  of  the 
great  abuses  committed  by  carrying 
rum  from  New  Castle  to  Conestoga. 
In  this  item  we  see  that  the  rum 
trade  still  continues  there  in  great 
force. 

In  addition  to  what  we  have  just 
j  said  it  is  set  forth  in  the  same  Book, 
p.  141  that  Ortyiagh,  the  Chief  of  the 
Conestoga  Indians  made  a  complaint 
through  Edward  Farmer  that  he 
should  "complain  to  the  Governor  of 
the  great  quantity  of  rum  continually 
brought  to  their  town  insomuch 
that  they  are  ruined  by  it  and  having 
nothing  left  but  have  laid  out  all, 
even  their  clothes  for  rum;  and  may 
now,  when  threatened  with  war  be 
surprised  by  their  enemies  when  be- 
sides themselves  with  drink  and 
thereby  be  utterly  destroyed." 

1704  — Letort,   the   Indian   Trader    of 

Conestoga,  in  Jail. 

On  page  163  of  Vol.  2  of  the  Col. 
Rec,  "A  petition  from  James  Letort 
a  prisoner  in  the  Common  Gaol  of 
Philadelphia,  was  read  setting  forth 
that  he  had  always  been  faithful  and 
bore  true  allegiance  to  the  Crown  of 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


178 


England,  and  was  ready  to  give  such 
further  security  as  should  be  thought 
reasonable,  yet  was  abridged  of  his 
Liberty  and  detained  a  prisoner,  and 
praying  for  relief  therein;  it  is  order- 
ed to  be  further  considered,  and  then 
adjourned." 

On  the  31st  of  October  this  petition 
of  James  Letort  was  considered,  and 
as  it  is  set  forth  on  page  170  of  the 
last  named  book,  "it  was  ordered  that 
unless  the  said  Letort  can  give  suf- 
ficient security  for  his  good  behavior 
in  the  sum  of  1000  Pounds,  to  be  pro- 
duced at  the  next  setting  of  the 
Council,  he  still  be  detained  as  a 
prisoner." 

1705  —  The    Ganawese    Come    to    the 
Susquehanna   Country. 

At  a  Council  held  the  11th  of  May, 
1705  as  is  reported  in  Vol.  2  of  the 
Col.  Rec,  p.  191,  "Manangy,  the  In- 
dian Chief  of  Schuylkill  came  to  wait 
on  the  Governor  in  behalf  of  the 
Ganawese  or  Piscataway  Indians, 
settled  in  this  Province  near  the 
head  of  Polomock,  being  now  reduc- 
ed by  sickness  to  a  small  number, 
and  desirous  to  quitt  their  present 
habitation,  (where  they  settled  five 
years  ago),  with  the  Proprietor's 
consent  the  Conestogoe  Indians  then 
becoming  Guarantees  of  a  Treaty  of 
Friendship  made  between  them,  and 
shewing  a  belt  of  Wampum,  they 
had  sent  to  the  Schuylkill  Indians  to 
engage  their  friendship  and  Consent, 
that  they  may  be  permitted  to  settle 
in  the  said  place,  which  if  he  pleased 
to  agree  to,  they  will  come  and  wait 
on  him  themselves  with  a  suitable 
present. 

The  Governor  gave  them  a  kind  in- 
vitation, by  the  said  Menangy,  to 
come  and  settle  as  near  us  as  they 
should  think  fitt,  provided  they  would 
take  care  and  live  peaceably,  and 
that  the  said     Manangy ,  and    ye    In- 


dians  of  that   place   with   him   would 
appear    and    engage    they    should    be- 
have themselves  well  and  dutyfull  to 
j  this   Government." 

It  will  be  observed  here  that  these 
i  Indians      came       into       Pennsylvania 
ifrom  the   South   in   the  year  of   1700, 
|  but  they  settled  on  the  extreme  low- 
er boundary  about  the  head  branches 
of  the  Potomac;    and  they  now  mov- 
ed   to    Conestoga.        I    can    not    find 
whether  they  entered  into  the  Cones- 
toga  tribe  and  became  a  new  element 
in    its    already    conglomerated  consti- 
tution   or   kept   their    separate    tribal 
manners    and    lived    separate.        They 
were  reduced  to  a  very  small  number 
and   may  have  formed   a   little   group 
by  themselves. 

1705— The   Conestogas   Fear  that  the 
Marylanders  are  Going  to   Ex- 
terminate Them. 

In  the  book  and  at  the  page  last 
mentioned  it  is  stated,  "Two  Indians 
from  Conestogae  also  waited  on  the 
Governor,  informing  him  that  they 
had  been  alarmed  by  the  people  of 
Maryland,  and  were  told  that  they 
had  design  to  come  and  take  or  cut 
them  off,  upon  account  of  an  injury 
done  to  some  of  that  Province  by 
some  of  the  five  nations,  of  which 
they  were  wholly  innocent,  and 
therefore  desired  this  Government's 
protection,  that  as  they  have  behaved 
themselves  well  and  peacably,  they 
might  still  continue  to  live  in  quiet- 
ness   and   unmolested. 

The  Governor  assured  them,  that  if 
they  were  clear  of  the  violences  done 
lately  upon  the  family  of  the  English 
in  Maryland,  and  would  not  Espouse 
the  Cause  of  or  shelter  any  who 
should  committ  any  injuries  against 
the  Queen's  subjects,  they  should  al- 
ways be  protected." 

This  item  discloses  to  us  that 
these  small  tribes  about  the  Susque- 
hanna     were      again    undergoing    the 


179 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


dangerous  experiences  which  their 
ancestors  the  old  Susquehannocks 
had  undergone  two  generations  be- 
fore:— that  is,  the  five  nations  com- 
mitted depredations  in  Maryland  and 
blamed  it  upon  the  Conestogas.  We 
remember  that  1675  before  the  Five 
Nations  had  conquered  the  Susque- 
hannocks those  Indians  of  the  Five 
Nations  used  to  commit  murders  in 
Maryland  and  blame  it  on  the  Sus- 
quehannocks and  it  was  this  sad  cir- 
cumstance that  brought  Major  Tru- 
man and  Colonel  Washington  to 
slaughter  the  five  Susquehannock 
chiefs  and  take  the  first  steps  in  the 
extermination  of  the  Susquehannock 
Nation. 

1705 — James    Logan    Holds    the   First 

Treaty     at     Conestoga     Since 

Penn's  Last  Tisit. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  244 
under  the  date  of  the  6th  of  June, 
1706  James  gave  an  account  of  the 
treaty  which  he  had  held  at  Cones- 
toga  in  October,  1705.  The  reason 
that  he  did  not  report  it  before  was 
that  he  wanted  to  make  the  report  in 
the  presence  of  the  Indians  with 
whom  he  had  held  the  treaty;  and 
on  this  day  the  Chiefs  of  the  Cones- 
togas,  Shawnese  and  Ganawese  on 
Susquehanna  had  come  to  town 
(Philadelphia)  to  confer  about  pub- 
lic affairs  and  had  brought  Indian 
Harry  with  them  as  interpreter,  and 
were  now  present  in  the  council 
chamber.  This  report  to  Council  of 
the  treaty  he  made  with  them  in  1705 
was  made  in  their  presence  so  that 
they  could  object  if  he  reported  any 
part  of  it  wrongly,  and  it  served  the 
further  purpose  of  fully  informing 
them  that  the  treaty  which  had  been 
made  in  the  far  away  woods  along 
the  Conestoga  would  reach  the 
authorities  at  Philadelphia  in  fact 
and  in  truth.  The  report  which 
Logan  gave  on  what  happened  at 
Conestoga    is    set    forth    as    follows: 


"The  Secretary  not  having  done  it 
'  in  Council  before,  gave  the  Board  an 
account  of  the  message  to  the  said 
Indians,  in  October  last,  undertaken 
by  order  of  Council,  upon  the  re- 
peated reports  we  had  of  great  un- 
easiness among  the  Indians,  by  rea- 
son of  the  Ganawese,  who  had  fled 
from   Maryland,    as   follows,   viz: 

That  in  Company  of  some  persons 
S  from   Chester,   viz. :    the    Sheriff     and 
Clark  of  that  County,  and  the   Sher- 
■  iff   of  New   Castle,     Hercules   Coutts, 
Hermannus     Alricks,     with     Edward 
Shippen,  Junr.,  and  others  being  ten 
in    number,    he    carried    thither    some 
English   goods   for    a   present   and   at 
|  Conestoga  as  the  Chief  place  he  first 
;  treated  with  them,  telling  them,    (ac- 
|  cording   to   the   minutes   then   taken), 
|  that  he  was  come  from  the  Governor 
|  of   Pennsylvania,     who     had     always 
j  been   a  friend     to     all     the     Indians 
j  within   the   bounds   of   it.     That   Gov- 
ernor William  Penn,  since     he     first 
came  into     this     countrey,     with     all 
j  those   under  him,   had   always   inviol- 
j  ably  maintained   a   perfect  friendship 
I  with  all  the  natives  of  the  Countrey, 
that  he  possessed  of  it  at  his  first  ar- 
I  rival. 

That  when  he     was     last     in     the 

Countrey   he    visited      those      of   that 

place    and    his    son    upon   his    arrival 

did  the  same,  in  order  to  cultivate  the 

I  ancient      friendship      between      them, 

I  that  he  and  his  posterity  might,  after 

|  his   father's    example   maintain    peace 

and  a  good  understanding  with  them 

and  their  heirs. 

That  the  Governor,  who  now  is  at 
;  Philadelphia,  is  sent  over  to  them  by 
I  Governor  Penn  in  his  stead,  would 
have  come  also  and  seen  them,  but 
other  business  obstructed,  he  intend- 
ed it  however  as  soon  as  possible  he 
could  with  conveniency. 

That  he,   (the  Secretary)   with  that 
Company  were   now     come,     not     to 


OTHER    LANCASTER   COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


180 


make  any  new  treaty  with  them,  for 
that  he  hoped  would  be  needless, 
those  that  have  been  already  made 
being  in  full  force  and  sufficiently 
strong,  but  to  enquire  of  them,  as  our 
brethren,  how  matters  stood  with 
them,  whether  anything  had  happen- 
ed among  them,  and  whether  all 
things  were  well  with  them  in  this 
time  of  open  war,  of  which  we  de- 
sired a  full  account  of  them. 

That  Governor  Penn  had  often  em- 
ployed his  thoughts  how  to  prevent 
any  affronts  or  injuries  of  any  kind 
being  put  upon  them,  and  how  they 
might  the  most  advantageously  be 
furnished  with  what  they  wanted 
from   the   English. 

That  notwithstanding  all  his  care 
things  had  not  been  so  well  managed 
as  desired,  but  that  now  we  were  re- 
solved to  fall  upon  measures,  more 
effectually  to  put  in  practice  what 
had  been  so  much  wished  for  in  vain. 

That  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania 
which  is  the  great  Council,  was  now 
about  to  sit  at  Philadelphia  to  make 
necessary  laws  for  the  good  of  the 
publick,  that  in  order  to  have  some 
good  law  made,  also  for  their  advan- 
tage, they  were  desired  three  or  four 
of  their  Chiefs  and  wisest  men  to 
Philadelphia,  to  agree  on  such 
things  as  would  be  most  proper  to  be 
past  into  laws  for  that  purpose. 

That  he  was  not  willing  to  insist 
on  any  further  particulars  at  this 
time,  upon  the  various  reports  that 
had  been  spread  in  the  Countrey  con- 
cerning them,  which  principally  oc- 
casioned their  visit,  referring  till 
they  should  meet  at  Philadelphia,only 
he  would  mention  two  things  of  great 
importance  at  the  present  time,  and 
which  he  must  lay  before  them: 
First,  that  they  should  take  great 
care  of  giving  ear  to  Malicious  Re- 
ports spread  and  carried  by  ill  men, 
for  that  we  heard  they  had  been  al- 
armed    at     the     Christians     putting 


J  themselves     in     arms     in     all     these 
j  parts    and    mustering.  The    reason    of 
|  this    was    the    war   with    the    French, 
and  was     designed     rather     to     help 
than  to  hurt  them,  but  as   they  and 
we  are  brethren  each  must  be  assis- 
tant to  the   other,   and   therefore   the 
English    took    up      arms      to      defend 
j  themselves,     and     the     Indians     also 
1  against  both  their  enemies. 

That  notwithstanding  they  ought 
|  all  as  far  as  possible  to  avoid  war, 
!  for  peace  was  most  desirable,  and 
j  war  must  be  only  for  defence. 

That  we  were  also  informed  some 

!  of  the  Maryland  Indians  then  among 

them   had    differed   with    the   English 

there,   and   were   afraid   to   return   or 

come    among   the     English     of     that 

Government.       If  so  they  might  then 

|  continue  among  us  till  matters  were 

|  fully      settled,      that     our      Governor 

would  treat     with     the     Governor     of 

|  Maryland    in    their    favour,    but    they 

j  must  not   quarrel   with   any     of     the 

subjects   of  England,   for   we    are    all 

under     one     Crown     and  are  as  one 

;  people. 

That  these  Indians  then  called  the 
I  Piscataway    Indians    about   five   years 
:  ago  when  they  came  to  settle  within 
\  this    Government    came    to      Philadel- 
•!  phia  in  company  with  those  of  Con- 
l  estoga    and   the    Shawanois,    who    en- 
|  gaged  to  our  government     for     their 
|  peaceable    deportment    and      behavior 
amongst  us  that  hitherto 
behaved  accordingly,  and 
that   ther   would    continue    so   to    do. 
After  which  he     summoned     up     his 
discourses    and    desired    them    to    re- 
member well   what  he  had   said    and 
give  him  an  answer  at  next  meeting 
to-morrow.       The   Secretary     further 
informed  the  Board  that  the  next  day 
sitting  again  in  Council     with     their 
Chiefs   at  Conestogoe,  they  made  an- 
swer: 

That  in  Consideration  of  our  Visit, 
though  they  were     very     poor,     they 


they     had 
we     hoped 


181 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


presented  us  with  some  skins.     That  ! 
they     could     not     possibly     come     to 
Philadelphia     so     soon     as     desired,  ] 
being  now  late  in  the  year,  but  in  the  | 
Spring  they  will  all  come  in  a  body.  | 
That    they    did    not   understand    what  j 
we  meant  by  ill  reports,  which  being 
further  explained  to  them,  they     an- 
swered,   (Viz.    the     Ganawese),     that 
some  of  the  Virginians  had  much  dis-  , 
turbed  them,  killed  one  of  their  men  j 
and  abused  several  others,  that  being 
uneasie   they   thought   it   not   safe   to  j 
continue   there,   and   were   now   come  ! 
hither    where    they   hoped    they  might 
live   peaceably,  that  on     their     sides  i 
whatever   was     reported    they   meant 
nothing  but   peace   and  friendship.  To  j 
which  he  answered  that  they   should 
be    safe   here,    and    desired   them    not 
to  go  further  from  us  till  matters  be 
fully  settled  with  Virginia  and  Mary- 
land, that  in  the  mean  time  we  would 
be  kind  to  them  and  they  should  not 
want.        They    proceeded    to      answer 
that  they  knew  not  of  any  ill  reports 
at  present,  that  when  they  heard  any 
they  should  wholly  disregard  them. 

That  he  further  added  that  he  un- 
derstood John  Hans  was  building  a 
log  house  for  trade  amongst  them, 
which  made  uneasie,  and  desired  to 
know  whether  they  encouraged  it.  To 
which  they  answered  that  they  did 
not,  and  were  desired  not  to  suffer 
any  Christians  to  settle  amongst 
them  without  the  Governor's  leave. 
They  added  that  they  desired  us  to 
trade  with  them  and  for  the  present 
to  trust  them,  for  it  was  very  low 
with  them.  The  Secretary  further 
added  that  among  the  Shawanis,  with 
whom  their  chief  abode  was,  he  had 
also  held  a  treaty  to  the  same  pur- 
pose with  that  at  Conestogae,  and 
received  very  near  the  same  answers; 
that  he  had  made  them  presents  of 
Stroudwater  and  Indian  Jewels  to  the 
value  of  nearly  20  Pounds  and  had 
received   some   skins   in    return.which 


being  sold  to  the  best  advantage 
amounted  to  6  Pounds  and  no  more. 
Then  he  left  them  all  in  a  very  good 
temper,  very  well  pleased  and  oblig- 
ed with  the  message,  and  exceeding- 
ly disposed.  That  he  with  the  Com- 
pany had  made  a  journey  among  the 
Ganawese,  settled  some  miles  above 
Conestogoe  at  a  place  called  Conne- 
jahera,  above  the  fort,and  had  confer- 
ences with  them,  which  seemed 
wholly  to  compose  all  their  appre- 
hensions, and  that  he  had  reason  to 
believe  he  left  these  three  nations  in 
a  perfect  good  understanding  with 
us,  of  which  he  thought  it  necessary 
more  particularly  to  acquaint  the 
Board  at  this  time,  because  the  pre- 
sent conference  would  in  some  mea- 
sure be  grounded  upon  that  message. 

The   said   account   being   ended   the 

Governor    ordered   the    Interpreter   to 

acquaint     the     said    Indians   that   he 

fully  designed   to  have   seen  them   at 

their  own  town  before  this  time,  but 

unexpected    business    falling    in    pre- 

|  vented   him,   notwithstanding   he   still 

\  continued   his   resolution   by   the   first 

j  convenient   opportunity,    in   the   mean 

!  time     he     was     glad  to  see  them  all 

|  here,   and   desired   they     would     pro- 

!  ceed  to  inform  him  of  what  they  had 

j  new    or   what   had   occurred    to    their 

j  notice. 

Upon    which    Andaggyjunguagh,  the 
!  Chief   of   Conestogoe,    laid   before   the 
;  Governor,  a  very  large  Wampum  belt 
!  of      21      rows,     with      three      hands 
!  wrought   in    it   in    black,      (the      rest 
j  white)  which  belt,  he  said,was  pledge 
of     peace     formerly  delivered  by  the 
|  Onondagoe    Indians,    one   of   the   Five 
Nations     to     the     Nantikokes,     when 
j  they  made   the   said  Nantikokes   trib- 
utaries;   that    the      Nantikokes    being 
I  lately   under    some   apprehensions     of 
j  danger   from   the   Five  Nations,   some 
J  of  them  had  this   spring  come  up  to 
|  Conestogoe      and      brought    this    belt 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


182 


with  tliem,  and  that  they  had  another 
of  the  same  also  at  Conestogoe,  to 
show  to  those  of  the  Five  Nations 
that  were  expected  shortly  to  come 
down  to  receive  the  Nantikokes  tri- 
bute; that  they  brought  this  belt 
thither,  that  we  might  also  shew  it 
to  those  of  the  Five  Nations  who 
might  come  down  this  way,  that  they 
might  see  they  had  made  peace,  and 
that  we  are  at  peace  with  our 
neghboring  Indians.  Much  time  was 
spent  in  discoursing  this,  as  also  in 
conferring  which  the  Shawonois,who 
owned  themselves  under  some  misap- 
prehensions from  the  Five  Nations, 
and  then  adjourned  till  morning." 
The  report  of  this  treaty  is  so  full 
that  we  need  add  nothing  to  it  by 
way  of  comment 

This  last  item  again  shows  us  the 
location  of  Susquehanna  Fort  at  this 
time. 

1705 — Location  of   Susquehanna   Fort 

at  This  Time.  Bazalion  and  Two 

Conestoga   Indians   Attend 

Council. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Colonial  Records, 
p.  186  it  was  ordered  on  the  23rd  of 
May,  1705  that  notice  shall  be  given 
to  the  two  Indians  from  Conestoga 
and  to  Peter  Bezalion  to  attend  to- 
morrow morning  at  9  o'clock.  It  was 
at  this  meeting  that  the  Conestogas 
gave  the  news  to  Council  that  they 
were  afraid  of  the  Maryland  authori- 
ties; and  what  they  said  and  did  has 
already  been  stated  so  that  it  need 
not  be  repeated. 

As  to  Peter  Bezalion  it  might  be 
important  here  to  state  that  he  is 
buried  in  the  church  yard  of  the  St. 
John's  Episcopal  church  at  Compass, 
just  over  the  Lancaster  County  line 
from  Waterloo  in  Salisbury  town- 
ship on  the  head  branches  of  the 
Pequea  Creek.  The  inscription  on 
his  tombstone  is  as  follows: 

"In   Memory   of 

Peter  Bezellion 
i  who  departed   this  life 

July  18th,   1742 

Aged  80  years. 


[  Whoe'er   thou    art  with   tender   Heart 

Stop,  Read  and  Think  on  me 
I  once  was  well  as  now  thou  art, 
As  now  I  am  so  shalt  thou  be." 

1 1705 — A  Law  to  Further  Protect  the 

Indians    from   Frauds   and 

Insults. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col  Rec,  p.  213  it 
is    set  forth   that   the  Assembly  have 
forwarded    to   the   Council    a   bill   en- 
l  titled,  "An  Act  for  Better  Improving 
Good  Correspondence     With  the     In- 
dians."    One  object  of  the  Act  was  to 
|  limit  the  amount  they     could     spend 
I  for  Indian  treaties.  At  page  216  it  is 
set     forth     that     the     Governor     and 
j  Council     thought     the      sum     of     50 
j  pounds   was   too     small     for     Indian 
|  treaties   for   one  year,   but     the     As- 
|  sembly  would   not   agree   to   a  larger 
|  amount.     The   act  was   finally   passed 
jthe   12   of  January,   1706   and  may  be 
|  found  in  Vol  2    of     the     Statutes     at 
1  large   p.   279.     The   assembly   won   its 
;  point  in  this  Act  because  it  provides 
:  that  no  more  than  50  pounds  may  be 
j  spent  yearly. 

1 1705— James   Logan's   Letter  to   Penn 
on  His  Conestoga  Trip. 

In  Vol.  2   of  the     Penn     &     Logan 
|  Correspondence,  p.  83  is  to  be  found 
j  a  letter  written  by  Logan  to  William 
]  Penn  the   9th  of     October,     1705,     in 
j  which   he   says    in    part,    "I   have   for 
j  several    weeks      past      upon      various 
!  business    been    obliged    to     be     from 
j  home,     a     journey     to  Conestogoe,  in 
I  order    to    compose     some     misunder- 
standings       apprehended      to      arise 
I  among   there    and    some   other   neigh- 
boring  Indians,     as     the     Shawanois 
and    Ganawois      lately      settled     near 
them,  being  fled  from  Maryland,  took 
me  up  about  10  days."     This  is  about 
all  he   says  to  William   Penn   on  the 
j  subject    but    the    proceedings    in    full 
j  are  found  in  the  Colonial  Records,  as 
i  we  have   above   stated. 


m 


ANNALS  OF  TOE  STJSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


f  706  —  Conestogas,       Shawnese      and 

Ganawese  go  to  Philadelphia 

On  Business. 

If  one  had  been  in  the  Council 
Chamber  on  the  6th  of  June,  1705 
they  would  have  found  there  a  large 
company  of  Indians  from  the  Sus- 
quehanna, who  came  down  to  confer 
on  public  business.  We  have  refer- 
red to  this  before  showing  that  James 
Logan  took  advantage  of  their  pre- 
sence to  explain  to  the  Council  in  the 
presence  of  the  Indians  the  treaty  he 
had  made  at  Conestoga  in  October, 
1705.  But  this  visit  by  these  Indians 
was  made  by  them  for  other  pur- 
poses. We  remember  that  the  Con- 
estoga Chiefs  laid  before  the  Gover- 
nor a  very  large  belt  of  wampum  with 
21  rows  with  3  black  bands  wrought 
in  it  and  the  rest  white  and  gave  the 
explanations  which  we  have  above  set 
forth.  The  next  day  the  Board  took 
up  the  question  of  what  this  belt 
meant  and  why  the  Indians  left  it 
there  to  be  shown  to  the  Five  Na- 
tions. The  Council  were  very  much 
puzzled  and  somewhat  frightened  by 
this  account  of  the  Conestogas,  es- 
pecially as  the  Nantikokes  desired  it 
to  be  brought  to  the  attention  of  the 
Five  Nations  when  those  chiefs 
should  come  through  Philadelphia  on 
their  way  to  Conestoga.  The  decis- 
ion of  Council  is  set  forth  at  page 
247  of  the  book  last  cited,  where  it 
is  stated  that  the  subject  being  de- 
bated for  some  time,  and  the  Indians 
more  particularly  examined  about  it, 
it  was  resolved  at  length  upon  their 
declaring  that  they  had  another  of 
the  same  at  Conestoga  to  be  shown 
to  the  Five  Nations  that  the  belt 
should  be  kept  here  according  to 
their    proposal." 

1706  — The    Governor    Explains    Our 
Laws  to  the  Conestoga  Indians. 

In  the  same  work  and  at  the  page 
last   mentioned    is    is    stated    that   on 


this   7th   cf   June,   1706   the   Governor 
caused  the  late  law  for  improving   at 
better  Correspondence  with     the     In- 
dians   to   be    read    and    explained     to 
those  that  had  come  down  from  Con- 
estoga.    "They    were    acquainted  upon 
it,   that   this     Government     took     all 
possible  care  to  have  all  matters  re- 
lating to  them   regulated  to  the  best 
advantage,  that  now  they  had  made  a 
law   to    prevent   any  injuries  to    them 
from  the  Christians,  and  laying  great- 
!  er   punishments   on   those  that  should 
commit  them,  than  if  they  were  done 
to   the   English   themselves.     That  we 
I  had  also  enacted  in  that  law,  that  no 
person    should    trade   with    them,    but 
|  such    as    should    first   have    a    license 
i  from  the  Governor,  under     his     hand 
j  and  seal,  upon  making  out  of  which 
j  license,    the    persons      licensed     were 
j  obliged  to  observe  certain  orders  and 
jrgulations,  that  the     Indians     should 
be  in  no  wise  abused  by  them.  That 
I  it  now  concerned  them  to  take   care 
i  among     themselves,     that     this     law 
!  should  be  kept  in  force,  for  the  trad- 
ers coming  among  them  could  not  be 
|  discovered    but    by    the    Indians,    and 
therefore    they    were    desired    to    see 
that  it  be  duly  observed.     They  then 
desired  that  only  two  persons  should 
be   allowed   to   trade   with   them,    for 
that  number  would  be  sufficient,   but 
it  was  answered  that  they  would  be 
the  more   subject   to   be   imposed   on, 
i  the  fewer  should     trade     with     them, 
and  it  would  be  to     their     advantage, 
|  provided   that   all    traders    were    sub- 
I  ject  to  a  regulation. 

They   further     desired     that     none 
might  be  suffered  to  go   up  into  the 
Countrey     beyon.d     their     towns,     to 
meet    the      Indians      returning     from 
;  hunting,  for  they  sustain  great  dam- 
ages by  that  practice,  by  being  made 
I  drunk   at   their   return     before     they 
|  get     home     to     their    wives    and    so 
!  were  imposed  on  and  cheated  by  the 
i  traders  of  all  their  labors. 


OTHER  LANCASTER   COUNTY   INDIAN    TRIBES 


184 


Under  this  they  were  desired  to 
take  care  among  themselves  that 
none  of  their  people  should  sell  any- 
thing to  the  traders  till  they  came 
home  to  their  own  town  and  in  the 
licenses  that  should  be  given  in  the  I 
future,  the  Governor  would  take  care  ' 
to  oblige  them  not  to  go  higher  into 
the  Countrey  than  the  noted  Indian 
Towns  and  to  trade  nowhere  else. 

Then  they  presented  a  parcel  of  i 
Deer,  Fox  and  Racoon  skins,  of  about 
14  Pounds  in  value,  (according  to 
the  prices  they  now  bear),  which 
they  offered  for  a  confirmation  of 
the  Chain  of  Friendship  between  us,  j 
and  desired  that  we  might  all  still 
Continue  Friends  and  Brothers  as 
we  have  always  hitherto  been,  which 
being  kindly  accepted  and  orders 
given  to  provide  goods  to  return 
them  for  their  present,  the  Council 
adjourned." 

In  this  we  again  see  what  a     var-  j 
lety  of  matters  it  was  necessary     to  j 
take   up   and   settle   between   our    In-  j 
dians  on   Susquehanna  and  the   Gov- 
ernment;   and   what   a   sensible   view 
the  Indians  took  of  all     these     mea- 
sures for  their  benefit. 

1706  — The    Costs  of  Logan's  Treaty 
With  the  Conestoga  Indians. 

On  the  25th  of  June,  1706,  as  shown 
in  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  248  the 
Secretary,  James  Logan,  "laid  before 
the  Board  an  account  of  the  charge 
of  the  last  treaty  had  with  the  In- 
dians of  Conestogoe,  at  Philadelphia, 
amounting  on  the  debtor  side  to  36 
pounds,  2s  and  5d;  on  the  Creditor 
13  pounds,  17s —  which  makes  the 
balance  22  pounds,  5s  and  5d,  which 
account  being  approved  and  approved 
of  by  the  Board,  it  is  ordered  that 
the  Treasurer  forthwith  pay  the  bal- 
ance of  it  of  that  50  Pounds  per 
Annum,  allowed  by  the  Assembly 
for  that  purpose." 


1706 — Governor  Evans    Goes   to    Con« 
estoga  to  Make  a  Treaty. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  251  at 
a  Council  held  the  31st  of  August, 
this  year,  Governor  Evans  represent- 
ed to  the  Council  that  it  being  of 
great  importance  during  this  war 
time  to  maintain  a  good  understand- 
ing with  the  Indians  and  secure 
them  to  the  Queen's  interest  against 
the  effeorts  of  the  enemy  to  de- 
bauch them,  he  had  proposed  to 
make  a  visit  very  hastily  to  those  of 
Conestoga  and  the  adjoining  settle- 
ments and  he  asked  that  it  be  made 
a  public  charge;  and  the  Board  if  the 
Governor  did  undertake  the  trouble 
of  the  journey,  that  his  visit  to  them 
since  they  expect  to  see  him  at  their 
own  town,  might  be  of  great  public 
service. 

On  this  encouragement  Governor 
Evans  made  the  visit  and  the  treaty 
and  on  the  19th  of  September  he  re- 
ported it  to  Council  (p.  252),  saying 
that  he  had  further  "a  necessity  of 
going  to  Conestoga  lately  for  which 
he  found  when  he  arrived  there  that 
there  had  been  very  great  occasion 
and  he  hoped  it  would  prove  of 
great  service."  This  seems  to  be  the 
only  report  of  the  treaty  and  what 
questions' he  took  up  and  disposed  of 
is  now  shown.  But  in  Vol.  2  of  the 
Penn  &  Logan  correspondence,  p.  159 
James  Logan  writing  to  Wm.  Penn 
says  in  a  letter  dated  August  1706  in 
speaking  of  John  Evans,  "  There 
are  perhaps  some  articles  that  per- 
haps may  shock  thee,  particularly 
that  of  the  Conestogoe  journey  but  it 
is  exactly  as  everything  is  as  they 
have  charged.  The  ill  flavor  of  that 
treaty  made  by  Governor  Evans  is 
they  accused  him  of  making  gain  out 
of  it.  In  a  letter  found  in  the 
hook  last  mentioned,  p.  267  in 
Logan  says  concerning  John  Evans 
that  the  Assembly    have    long    since 


1S5 


ANNALS   OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


accused  him  of  making  out  of  this 
treaty  a  lewd  voyage  to  Susque- 
hanna with  the  violest  character  of 
his  and  his  retinue's  practices  with 
the  wives  and  daughters  of  the  In- 
dian people  of  Conestoga." 

The  scandal  of  this  treaty  at  Con- 
estoga was  taken  note  of  by  the  As- 
sembly and  on  the  28th  of  Decem- 
ber, these  staid  old  Quakers  in  an 
address  to  Governor  Evans  say  in 
Vol.  1  of  the  Votes  of  Assembly,  Part 
2,  p.  131,  "If  men  employed  or  con- 
cerned in  Indian  treaties  or  trade 
will  take  these  opportunities  to 
exact  upon  or  defraud  the  Indians 
and  commit  such  vile  abominations 
with  them,  as  we  are  informed  some 
have; done  to  the  great  scandal  of 
Christianity,  the  poor  heathen  will 
have  too  much  cause  to  conclude 
that  it  is  better  to  remain  in  their 
natural  state,  than  to  advance  to- 
wards the  Christian  religion,  espec- 
ially as  they  conclude  that  the  prac- 
tices thereof  will  give  them  no 
better  examples,  than  we  understand 
some  have  done  lately  and  formerly, 
in   their   Indian   visits." 

Rupp  says  at  p.  44,  in  speaking  of 
this  treaty  that,  "It  appears  that  the 
Indians,  at  Conestoga  were  quite  an 
object  of  attention. Fearful  they  might 
be  alienated,  Governor  Evans  con- 
ceived it  of  the  utmost  importance 
under  these  existing  circumstances 
'to  maintain  as  far  as  possible,  a  per- 
fect good  understanding  with  the  In- 
dians, and  to  labor  to  keep  them  se- 
cure in  the  Queen's  interest  against 
the  machinations  used  by  the  enemy 
to  debauch  them  from  the  people  of 
the  province.'  To  effect  this,  he  pro- 
posed, in  August,  1706,  the  year  after 
Chalkley's  errand  to  them  as  a  mes- 
senger of  Peace,  to  visit  very  speed- 
ily the  Indians  of  Conestoga,  and  the 
adjacent  settlement.  He  went,  and 
had  a  personal  interview  with  them 
at   Conestoga;    and   it   proved,   as   he 


hoped  of  great  service. 

It    was    then,    perhaps,    he   was   so 
eloquently    addressed    by    an    Indian 
Orator,  who,  as  the  Poet  says  spake: 
'Father — we   love   quiet;      we     suffer 
i  the   mouse   to   play,  .when   the   leaves 
j  are  rustled  by  the  wind  we  fear  not; 
when  the  leaves  are  disturbed  in  am- 
bush, we   are  uneasy;    when  a  cloud 
i  obscures  your  brilliant  sun,  our  eyes 
!  feel  dim;   but  when  the  rays  appear, 
they  give  great  heat  to  the  body,  and 
I  joy  to  the  heart.     Treachery  darkens 
;  the  chain  of     friendship,     but     truth 
makes   it  brighter   than   ever.       This 
is  the   peace  we  desire." 

I  quote  this  just  as  Rupp  gives  it 
and  if  the  Governor  was  capable  of 
j  the  abominable  acts  he  is  charged 
!  with  having  committeed  (and  his  re- 
tinue) after  the  beautiful  addresses 
the  Indians  made  to  him,  he  must 
have  been  a  character  entirely  un- 
worthy of  his  place  and  could  not 
find  any  excuse  whatever  except  that 
which  malefactors  frequently  use  — 
that  he  was  drunk  and  did  not  know 
what  he  was  doing. 

This   action   of     Evans     illustrates 
how    completely    vile    acts    are    kept 
alive   through   the   long   ages   of  his- 
tory;   for   the   good  old   schoolmaster, 
Robert  Proud,   p.   481   of  his   History 
of  Pennsylvania,   also   calls   attention 
to    what    he    styles    Governor    Evans' 
abominable    acts    at    Conestoga.     And 
he  further  says  that  the  Assembly  in 
1707  drew  up  a  remonstrance  against 
Evans  and  made  this  conduct  at  Con- 
'■  estoga     one     of     the     main     points 
against   him.       This    remonstrance   is 
I  found  in  Vol.  1   of  the  Votes  of  As- 
'  sembly,  Part  2,  p.  180  and  in  it  they 
I  say  p.  181  that  a  complaint  was  made 
I  to  the  House  that  some     who     lately 
I  went  with  Governor  Evans  to  Cones- 
j  toga   to   visit   the    Indians    committed 
|  vile   abominations  with  them,  and  in 
'  remonstrance   they   conclude   by   say- 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


186 


ing  that  the  Lieutenant  Governor  | 
being  in  Penn's  absence  in  chief 
command  of  the  province,  ought  to  be  j 
virtuous,  but  that  he  has  by  his  ex-  | 
cess  and  misdemeanors  dishonored  | 
God  and  the  Queen  and  brought  the  | 
Government  of  Pennsylvania  to  great  ! 
public  scandal. 

1706— Thomas   Chalkley's  Visit  to  the  j 
Conestoga  Indians. 

Rupp   in   his   History   of   Lancaster  I 
County,   p.   41   says  that  in  the  year 
1705    Thomas    Chalkley    was    visiting  ! 
some  of  his  brethren   at  Nottingham 
in  Maryland  and  that  Chalkley  said  at  J 
that  same  time  that  he  had  it  on  his 
mind  to  visit  the   Indians   living     at 
Conestoga.      Rupp  then  quotes  it  as  i 
being  in  1705  but  Chalkley  fixes  it  in  j 
his  Journal  as  in  1706.       Rupp  then 
gives   the    following     description     of  j 
what  took  place:    "We  got  an   inter-  ! 
preter,  and  thirteen  or  fourteen  of  us 
travelled  through  the     woods     about 
fifty  miles  carrying     our     provisions  | 
with    us,     and     on     the     journey  set  1 
down  by   a  river,     and     spread     our  j 
food  on  the  grass  and  refreshed  our- 
selves  and  horses,  and  then  went  on  j 
cheerfully    and    with    good    will,    and 
much    love   to   the    poor    Indians    and  j 
when  we  came  they  received  us  kind-  i 
ly,   treating  civilly  in  their  way.  We 
treated  about  having  a  meeting  with 
them     in     a     religious     way;      upon  j 
which    they    were    very     grave,      and 
spoke  one  after  another,  without  any 
heat    or    jarring — and    some    of      the 
most   esteemed   of  the   women   speak 
in   their   councils.       I    asked    our    in- 
terpreter, why  they   suffered  or  per- 
mited   the   women   to   speak   in   their 
Councils?      His    answer    was,      'that 
some  women   were   wiser   than   some 
men.'     'Our   interpreter  told  me  that 
they   had     not     done     anything     for 
many   years   without   the   councils   of 
an     ancient    grave    woman;     who,     I 
observed   spoke  much  in  their  Coun- 


cils; for  as  I  was  permitted  to  be 
present  at  it,  and  I  asked,  what  it 
was  the  woman  said?  He  told  me 
she  was  an  empress;  and  they  gave 
much  heed  to  what  she  said  amongst 
them;  and  that  she  then  said  because 
we  did  not  come  to  buy  or  sell  or 
get  gain,  but  come  in  love  and  respect 
to  them — and  desire  their  well  doing 
both  here  and  hereafter;'  and  fur- 
ther continued  'that  our  meetings 
among  them  might  be  very  beneficial 
to  their  young  people' — and  related  a 
dream  which  she  had  three  days  be- 
fore, and  interpreted  it,  viz.:  'That 
she  was  in  London,  and  that  London 
was  the  finest  place  she  had  ever  saw 
— it  was  like  to  Philadelphia;  but 
much  bigger — and  she  went  across 
six  streets,  and  in  the  seventh  she 
saw  William  Penn  preaching  to  the 
people,  which  was  a  great  multitude, 
but  she  and  William  Penn  rejoiced 
to  see  each  other;  and  after  meeting 
she  went  to  him,  and  he  told  her  that 
in  a  little  time  he  would  come  over 
and  preach  to  them  also,  of  which 
she  was  very  glad.  And  now  she 
said  her  dream  was  fulfilled,  for  one 
of  his  friends  was  come  to  preach 
to  them.' 

She  advised  them  to  hear  us,  and 
entertain  us  kindly;  and  according- 
ly they  did.  There  were  two  nations 
of  them,  the   Senecas  and   Shawnese. 

We  had  first  a  meeting  with  the 
Senecas,  with  which  they  were  much 
affected;  and  they  called  the  other 
nation,  viz.:  the  Shawnese,  and  in- 
terpreted to  them  what  we  spoke  in 
their  meeting,  and  the  poor  Indians, 
and  particularly  some  of  the  young 
men  and  women,  were  under  a  solid 
exercise  and  coneern.  We  had  also 
a  meeting  with  the  other  nation,  and 
they  were  all  very  kind  to  us,  and  de- 
sired more  such  opportunities;  the 
which,  I  hope,  Divine  Providence  will 
order  them  if  they  are  worthy  there- 
of. 


187 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


The  Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ  was 
preached  freely  to  them,  and  faith 
in  Christ,  who  was  put  to  death  at 
Jerusalem,  by  the  unbelieving  Jews; 
and  that  this  same  Jesus  came  to 
save  people  from  their  sins  and  by 
his  grace  and  light  in  the  soul,  shows 
to  man  his  sins,  and  convinceth  him 
thereof;  delivering  him  out  of  them, 
and  giving  inward  peace  and  comfort 
to  the  soul  for  well-doing;  and  sor- 
row and  trouble  for  evil-doing;  to 
all  which  as  their  manner  is,  gave 
public  assent;  and  to  that  of  the  light 
of  the  soul,  they  gave  a  double  as- 
sent, and  seemed  much  affected  with 
the  doctrine  of  truth,  also  the  benefit 
of  the  holy  scriptures  was  largely 
opened  to  them. 

After  this  we  returned  to  our  res- 
pective habitations,  thankful  in  our 
hearts  to  the  God  and  Father  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ.  Several  of  the 
friends  that  went  with  me  expressed 
their  satisfaction  in  this  visit,  and  of- 
fered themselves  freely  to  go  again 
to  the  like  service." 

I  find  the  same  in  Chalkley's  Jour- 
nal, p.  49  where  he  says  he  had 
meetings  as  he  travelled  on  the  road 
at  Nottingham  river,  Northeast 
River,  Bush  River,  Gunpowder  River 
and  Susquehanna  River  but  he  seems 
to  fix  the  date  at  1706,  and  the  same 
thing  which  is  set  forth  in  Rupp  is 
found  pp.  49,50,  51,  52  in  Chalkley's 
Journal. 

1706  — More      Germans      Buy      Land 
Among  the  Conestoga  Indians. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Penn  &  Logan  Cor- 
respondence, p.  110,  William  Penn 
writes  to  Logan  from  England  and 
says  that  "The  German  persons 
press  me  not  for  the  30,000  acres  of 
land  in  New  Castle  County  but  the 
Conestoga  land."  We  here  see  that 
the  Germans  are  now  preparing  to 
make  their  home  among  these  Con- 
estoga Indians  as  early  as  this,  where 


I  they  obtained  rights  from  Penn  but  of 
i  course  they  did  not  settle  until  a 
i  year   or   more   later.       It   seems   that 

the  Conestoga  Indians  were  satisfied 
i  to  receive  these  new  neighbors  for 
I  in  the  same  letter  Penn  writes  and 
j  says,    "  I    am    glad   that   the   business 

of  the  Conestogas  and  other  Indians 
i  came  off  so  easily. 

1706 — Relation   of   the   Minquays   and 
the   Five    Nations. 

In   15   Hazard's     Register,     p.     181 
Conyingham   says   that  the  Minquays 
|  or  their  nation  was  part  of  the  Five 
Nations  and  settled  at  Conestoga  and 
were   thence     called     Conestoga     In- 
dians.      They     sent     messengers     to 
Penn's    Commissioners      at      Sackam- 
axan    in    1682;    some    of   their    chiefs 
attended  the  conference  or  treaty  of 
William   Penn   in     December   of     the 
same  year   when   certain   lands   were 
I  assigned  them   as   residences  forever, 
I  the  right  of  the  soil  having  been  pur- 
!  chased   of  the   Indians   by   Penn.     He 
I  also    says    that    these    Conestoga    In- 
!  dians  were  remarkable  for  their  love 
|  of  peace  and  fidelity  of  their  promis- 
es.    He  says  that  it  is  recorded  that 
once  every  year  they  send  a  delega- 
tion  to   the   Governor   with    presents, 
assuring  him  of  their  fidelity   of  the 
!  first  treaty  or  treaties. 

1707 — Governor  Evans  Second  Treaty 
at  Conestoga. 

Some   time    during   the    late    Spring 
I  of    1707    word    came    from    Conestoga 
j  that      Nicole      Godyn      and      another 
Frenchman  named  Francois  were  en- 
deavoring to  get  the  Indians  on  Sus- 
quehanna  and  Conestoga     to     desert 
the  English  and  join  the  French.  This 
required     immediate     attention      and 
I  Council    decided    that    the    Governor 
should  make  another  journey  to  Con- 
,  estoga,  which  he  did  in  June  of  that 
j  year.    He  returned  about  the  middle 
,  of  July   and   gave   a  full   account  of 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


188 


this  treaty  which  is  found  in  Vol. 
2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  pp.  386  to  390,  and 
it  is  as  follows: 

"  The   Governor   with   Messrs.   John 
French,    William    Tonge,    Mitchell  Be- 

zalion,   Grey,    and   four 

other  servants,  set  out  from  New 
Castle  the  27th  of  June  and  the  next 
morning  arrived  at  Otteraroe  where 
the  Governor  was  presented  with 
some  skins  from  the  Indians,  and  the 
same  night  we  arrived  at  Pequehan, 
being  received  by  Martines  by 
Opessah  and  some  Indian  Chiefs,who 
conducted  us  to  the  town,  at  our  en- 
trance into  which  place  we  were  sa- 
luted by  the  Indians  with  a  volley 
of  small  arms.  On  Monday  we  went 
to  Denkanoagah,  upon  the  river  Sas- 
quehanna,  being  about  nine  miles 
distance  from  Pequehan.  Sometime 
after  our  coming  here  a  meeting  was 
held  of  the  Shawanois,  Senequois  and 
Canoise  Indians  and  the  Nantikoke 
Indians  from  the  seven  following 
towns,  viz:  Matcheattochousie,  Match- 
couchtin,  Witichoquoam,  Natahquois, 
Techquois,  Byengeahtein,  and  Pohe- 
commdati.  An  Indian  presented  to  the 
Governor  and  his  Company,  and  all 
ye  Indians  there  present,  a  large  pipe 
with  tobacco,  out  of  which  every  one 
smoakt,  and  then  the  Governor  ac- 
quainted the  Indians  that  he  had  re- 
ceived a  message  from  the  Senequois 
Indians  of  Conestogoe  and  those  of 
Pequehan,  how  that  several  strange 
Indians  were  amongst  them,  and 
desired  his  presence  there;  that  al- 
though he  had  the  charge  and  care  of 
many  thousands  of  the  Great  Queen 
of  England's  subjects,  yet  he  has  now 
come  to  this  place  to  know  their  de- 
sires, and  was  willing  to  serve  them 
in  whatsoever  lay  in  his  power;  to 
which  a  Nantikoke  Indian  replied, 
that  they  were  extremely  glad  the 
Governor  was  with  them  and  that 
they  had  waited  ten  days  to  see  him. 
Adjunke,     one  of  the     Sachemaes     of 


Conestogoe  said,  he  was  well  satis- 
fied with  the  Relation  the  Nantikoke 
Indians  had  given  him  of  their  af- 
fairs. Yet  notwithstanding  he  was 
very  desirous  they  should  make  it 
known  to  the  Governour  that  he 
might  also  be  satisfied  with  it,  a  Nan- 
tikoke Indian  took  into  his  hands  a 
Belt  of  Wampum  from  a  line  where- 
on there  was  hung  nineteen  others, 
and  several  strings  of  beads,  and 
said  they  had  been  given  to  under- 
stand the  Queen  had  sent  orders,  that 
the  Indians  should  live  in  peace  with 
one  another  and  that  they  were  sent 
to  give  some  of  those  belts  in  behalf 
of  the  Governor  of  Maryland,  and 
themselves,  to  the  Five  Nations  as 
our  Indians  also  to  do  for  others  and 
Pennsylvania  and  themselves,  if  the 
Governor  thought  fit,  in  order  to  re- 
new their  league  with  the  Five  Na- 
tions. 

Govr.  How  long  have  you  been  at 
peace  with  those  nations?  Nant.  In- 
dian.    27  years. 

Governor.  What  is  the  reason  then 
I  of  so  many  belts  of  Wampum  and 
j  Strings   of   Beads? 

Nant.  Indian.  We  send  them  as  a 
I  tribute. 

Governor.       I    am    very    well    satis- 
fied with  what  has  been  told  me,  and 
with   what  the   Governr   of   Maryland 
has  done,  and  had  I  been  acquainted 
with    this    business   at   Philadelphia,  I 
would  have   sent  a  belt  of  Wampum 
as   a   token   of  friendship,   to   the  five 
nations;  but  some  of  those     five     na- 
tions  were   with   me   not   long   since, 
j  by  whom  I  sent  a  belt ;  and  then  Ad- 
junke took  a  belt  in  his  hands,  say- 
!  ing  he  meant  to  send  it  to  the  Five 
!  Nations  for  Penn  and  themselves. 

Indian  Harry,  by  order  of  the  Con- 
|  estoga .  Sachemaes,  spoke  in  English 
|  to  the  Nantikoke,  who  all  understood 
j  that  language  as  follows,  viz :  You 
I  are  going  to  the  Onondagoes;  be  sure 
I  keep    on   your    way ;    many    may    tell 


189 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


you  several  things  to  fright  you,  and 
that  they  are  great  men,  and  you  will 
be  killed.  You  keep  on  your  way  and 
believe  them  not,  for  you  will  find 
the  King  of  the  Five  Nations  a  very 
good  one,  and  as  good  a  king  as  any 
amongst  the   Indians. 

Governor.  I  am  very  glad  to  see 
you  altogether  at  this  time,  and  it  is 
my  desire  and  shall  be  my  endeavor, 
that  you  all  live  in  peace.  Your 
enemies  are  ours,  and  whosoever 
shall  pretend  to  injure  you,  I  will  en- 
deavor that  you  shall  have  satisfac- 
tion made  for  it.  Then  the  confer- 
ence ended,  and  the  Governor  treated 
ye  Indians  at  Dinner,  and  at  night  re- 
turned to  Penquehan. 
Pequehan,  30th  June  Present: 

Shawnoise  Indians  and  some  of  the 

Five  Nations. 
Opessah  spoke  in  behalf  of  the  youth 
of  his  Town,  as  follows,  viz: 

We  thank  the  Governor  for  his 
kindness  in  supporting  our  people. 
We  are  happy  to  live  in  a  Countrey 
at  Peace,  and  not  in  these  parts, 
where  we  formerly  lived;  for  then 
upon  our  return  from  hunting,  we 
found  our  town  surprised  and  our 
women  and  children  taken  prisoners 
by  our  enemies. 

Governor.  The  Indians  may  be  as- 
sured of  my  protection,  for  we  are 
one  people.  If  in  your  absence  any 
of  your  enemies  endeavor  to  hurt  any 
of  your  wives  or  children,  they  shall 
redress;  for  I  esteem  an  injury  done 
to  you  as  to  myself. 

Opessah.  It  was  the  Nantikoke 
and  Canoise  Indians  who  sent  for 
our  Father  the  Governor,  and  not  we 
therefore  we  are  very  sorry  they  er 
tertained  him  no  better,  but  since  they 
have  not  been  so  kind  as  they  ought 
we  hope  the  Governor  will  accept  r 
our  small  present  which  we  now 
make  him;  for  we  are  sensible  the 
ways  are  bad,  and  that  the  bushes 
wear     out     your     clothes     for     which 


reason   we  give  these  skins   to  make 
j  Gloves,    Stockings    and    Breeches,     in 
place  of  those  wore  out. 

Governor.     I   am  well   pleased  with 
j  my  journey,     and     shall     be     always 
i  ready  to  do  the  like  to  preserve  peace 
'amongst  you   at  home;    and  maintain 
;  your   alliances   abroad.       I   have   now 
!  (to    let    you    see     what     confidence     I 
1  have  in  you)    trusted  myself  in     the 
I  midst  of  you,  with  a  very  few  of  our 
great    Queen's    subjects,    although      I 
could   have    easily   brought    with    me 
very    great   numbers.       I    have     been 
j  told   that  some   ill   designing   persons 
j  have  frequently  raised  reports  of  my 
I  intention    to    destroy    you ;    Pray,    let 
j  me  know  the   authors   of     these     re- 
ports, and  they  shall  be  punished  ac- 
i  cording  to   their   Deserts.     I    am   and 
!  always  have  been  ready  to  do  you  all 
j  manner  of  good  offices  and  will  con- 
tinue  in  the  same  mind  toward  you, 
therefore    if   any      person      insinuates 
i  the   contrary   to   you,   it   is   my   mind 
|  that    you    secure    their    persons,    and 
I  give  me  immediate  notice  of  it.  There 
!  has  been  formerly    several    alliances 
made     with     you,     which     you     well 
know   we   on   our   parts   have   observ- 
ed punctually;    and  so  shall  continue 
to   do   so,   and  wish  you  may   do  the 
same. 

Then  an  Indian  spoke  in  behalf  of 
|  the  women.  We  are  concluded  in 
!  the  alliances  before  spoken  of  as  well 
as  our  men ;  so  we  ask  the  Gover- 
nor's protection,  and  desire  that  the 
Governor  will  kindly  accept  this  pre- 
sent of  skins,  which  freely  we  make 
him,  as  a  Testimony  of  our  kindness. 

Governor.  I  do  accept  your  present 
very  kindly,  and  thank  you  for  the 
same;  and  you  shall  always  find  me 
ready  to  protect  and  defend  you  and 
will  continue  to  trust  you  as  friends 
and  sisters.  After  which  the  Gover- 
nor spoke  to  the  messenger  from  the 
Five   Nations   as   follows,   viz: 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


190 


You  must  be  sure  you  remember  to 
acquaint  your  chiefs  that  you  have 
seen  me  here,  and  at  the  Shawnoise 
Town;  and  of  the  friendship  and  al- 
liance that  is  betwixt  us  and  the  In- 
dians. 

Opessah,  I  hope  the  Governor  will 
give  us  his  hand  in  token  of  his 
friendship. 

Governor.  I  will  give  not  only  my 
hand,   but  my   heart. 

During  our  abode  at  Pequehan 
several  of  the  Shannois  Indians,  from 
ye  Southward  came  to  settle  here 
and  were  admitted  so  to  do  by 
Opessah,  *  with  the  Governor's  con- 
sent; at  the  same  time  an  Indian 
from  Shaonois  Town,  near  Carolina, 
came  in  and  gave  an  account  that 
450  of  the  flat-headed  Indians  had  be- 
seiged  them;  and  that  in  all  probab- 
ility, the  same  was  taken.  Bezalion 
informed  the  Governor  that  the  Sha- 
onois of  Carolina  (he  was  told),  had 
killed  several  Christians;  where- 
upon the  Government  of  that  pro- 
vince raised  the  said  flat-headed  In- 
dians, and  joined  some  Christians  to 
them,  beseiged,  and  have  taken  as  it 
is  thought,  the  said  Shaonois  town. 

On  Tuesday,  1st  of  July,  we  went 
to  Conestogoe,  and  lay  there  that 
night,  and  the  next  morning  proceed- 
ed on  our  journey,  and  arrived  in  the 
evening  within  3  miles  of  an  Indian 
village,  called  Peixtan.  The  Gover- 
nor had  received  information  at  Pe- 
quehan, that  one  Nicole,  a  French 
Indian  trader  was  at  that  place 
against  whom  great  complaints  had 
been  made  to  the  Governor  of  which 
he  acquainted  the  chief  Indian  of 
Peixtan,  as  also  of  his  design  to 
seize  him;  who  willingly  agreed  to 
it,  but  advised  the  Governor  to  be 
very  cautious  in  the  manner:  their 
being  only  young  people  at  home, 
who  perhaps  might  make  some  resis- 
tance, if  it  were  done  without  their 
first  being  told  of  it;   for  this  reason 


|  we  lay     short     of     the     village     that 
|  night;    but   early   in  the  morning  we 
j  went  within  half  a  mile  of  the  town, 
|  and    leaving    our    horses,    marched    a 
|  foot  near  the  same ;  from  whence  the 
j  Governor  sent  Martine  to  the  village ; 
|  Ordering   him   to   tell   Nicole   that   he 
|  had  brought  two  Caggs  of  rum  with 
j  him,  which  he  had  left  in  the  woods, 
for    fear    any  Christians    were    there ; 
and  withal  to  perswade  Nicole  to  go 
with  him  to  taste  the  rum.Martine  re- 
turned with  James  Letort  and  Joseph 
Hessop,       two     Indian     traders,     but 
could   not   prevail   with  Nicole;    upon 
this  Martine  was  sent  back  with  or- 
j  ders  to  bring   down  some  of  the   In- 
I  dians,    and    Nicole    with    them;    then 
:  we    drew    nearer    to    the    town,    and 
j  laid  ourselves  in  the  bushes  and  Mar- 
j  tine  returned  with  two  Indians,whom 
|  the  Governor  acquainted  with  his  in- 
I  tent  of   taking   Nicole,   telling   at   the 
I  same    time,    he    had    spoken    with    to 
|  the  Uncle  of  one  of  them  upon  that 
'head,    who    ordered    the      Indians      to 
j  submit   to  the   Governor's   commands, 
•  with     which     they     were     contented, 
though  we  preceived     too     well     the 
:  contrary,     by     their     inquiring     how 
|  many  we  were,  and  how  armed;   and 
i  by  the  concern  they  seemed  to  be  in, 
|  when  they  found  we  were  more  men 
than  they  in  number:  but  still  Nicole 
was  wanting;    it  was  therefore  resol- 
ved to  try  once  more  if  he  could  be 
got  into  the  woods,  accordingly  Mar- 
tine  went   again,   and   brought  Nicole 
to  that   place  where  we  lay  conceal- 
ed, and  asking  him  to  drink  a  dram, 
he    seized   him;    but     Nicole     started 
from   him   and   run   for   it,   when   im- 
mediately   we    started    out    and    took 
him,    and    presently    carried    him    to 
the  village,    (through  which  we  were 
obliged  to  pass),  and  there  we  found 
some    Indians    with    guns      in      their 
hands,    who    looked    much    displeased 
at  what  we  had  done,  but  we  being 


191 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


in  readiness  against  any  surprise, 
they  thought  it  not  fitt  to  attempt 
anything;  here  we  stayed  about  half 
an  hour,  and  then  started  for  Turpy- 
hocken;  having  mounted  Nicole  up- 
on a  horse  and  tied  his  legs  under 
the  belly;  we  got  within  a  mile  of 
Turpyhocken  about  two  of  ye  clock 
on  Friday  morning,  and  about  7  the 
Governor  went  to  the  town,  from 
thence  we  went  to  Manatawny  that 
night,  and  the  next  day  to  Philadel- 
phia." 

Upon  the  Governor  having  made 
this  report  it  was  "Ordered  that  a 
message  be  sent  by  Martin  Chartiere, 
an  inhabitant  among  the  said  Shaw- 
anois,  at  Peckquea,  near  Conestogoe, 
and  now  in  Philadelphia,  desiring  the 
Chief  of  said  Shawonois,  himself,  or 
two  or  three  of  the  Council,  together 
with  some  of  the  principal  of  those 
strangers,  to  come  to  Philadelphia  as 
speedily  as  they  conveniently  can, 
and  give  the  Governor  an  account,  of 
the  said  strangers,  and  their  reasons 
of  leaving  their  native  Country,  to 
transport   themselves   hither."    (390). 

The  difficulties  which  required  this 
treaty  and  journey  are  set  forth  in 
the  last  named  book,  p.  385,  as  fol- 
lows: 

"The  Governor  informed  the  Board 
that  having  lately,  upon  an  extraor- 
dinary occasion,  made  a  journey 
among  the  Indians  upon  Sasquehan- 
nah,  he  had  caused  a  journal  of  his 
transactions  with  them  to  be  drawn 
up,  which  he  thought  fit  to  lay  be- 
fore the  board,  but  finding  it  to  be 
somewhat  deficient  he  should  defer 
it  until  the  next  meeting. 

But  that  what  he  had  now  more 
immediately  to  consult  the  Board  up- 
on is,  that  he  had  before  his  said 
journey  received  information,  and 
had  taken  the  depositions  of  two  evi- 
dences, that  one  Nicole  Godin,  a 
French  man,  a  bold  active  young  fel- 


I  low  who  had  not  long  kept  aboard  in 

'  the  woods  amongst  the   Indians,   and 

\  was   with   them   in   Philadelphia  about 

three  years  ago,  and  had  been  using 

endeavors    to    incense     these     people 

against  the  English,  to  stir  them  up 

to  enmity  against  the  subjects  of  the 

Crown,   and   to   join    with   our   public 

!  enemy   the    French    to    our     destruct- 

I  ion ;    upon   which   information,  he   re- 

I  solved  before  his  return  to  have  him 

■  apprehended,     which     after  a  tedious 

i  journey  and   considerable     difficulties 

\  he  had   accordingly     performed,    and 

brought  him   a   prisoner   to   Philadel- 

'  phia,   in   the  Common   Gaol   of  which 

he   now   lies. 

Also,  that  another  native  of  France 
I  or     its      Domainions,      Francois      by 
name,   having   for   some   time    contin- 
I  ued    among    our    Indians    on    Sasque- 
I  hannagh,    without    any    license,      had 
I  principally     concerned     himself  in   a 
barbarious      murder,      committed      by 
!  the    Shawanois    upon    one      of      their 
captive   enemies,  for   which   act,     be- 
cause it  would  be  accounted     to     be 
done  by  a     Christian     and     therefore 
might   be   of   very     ill     consequence; 
|  the  Governor  had  caused  him  also  to 
be      apprehended      and      brought      to 
1  Philadelphia,     where     he   likewise   is 
now  in  Gaol." 

No   further   comment  need   be   add- 
!  ed   to   this    as   what   is    set   forth   ex- 
plains it  in  full.     It  is  interesting  to 
observe,  however,   that  all   the   excit- 
ing proceedings  took  place  along  the 
old   Sasquehanna  from   the   mouth   of 
the  Pequea  Creek  to   a  point  beyond 
Chickies.        It    is    also    observed    that 
I  the  Governor  and  his  party  came  by 
the    Southern    route   by    the    way    of 
J  New    Castle    and    Octoraro    and    went 
home  by  way   of  the  Northern   route 
up      the      Conestoga     Creek     and     by 
|  French  Creek  to  the   Schuylkill.  Both 
of  these  routes  as  we  remember  were 
I  ancient  roads  or  paths,  the  Southern 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


192 


the  Old  Swedish  Road  in  their  trade 
with  the  Susquehannocks,  and  the 
Northern  the  path  which  William 
Penn  speaks  of  in  Vol.  1  of  Hazard's 
Register,  p.  400  as  being  the  com- 
mon course  the  Indians  used  when 
he  first  met  them,  in  trade  with  his 
people  on  the  East. 

1707— The  French  Traders   Want  the 

Conestoga     Indians     to     Help 

Them  to  Dig  Ore. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  403, 
under  the  date  of  February  24,  this 
year  it  is  set  forth  that,  "upon  a  mes- 
sage from  the  Indians  of  Conestoga, 
by  Harry,  the  interpreter,  they  met 
accordingly;  and  the  said  messenger 
laying  upon  the  board  six  loose 
strings  of  white  Wampum  for  his 
Credentials,  declared  that  he  was 
sent  by  the  Queen  and  Principal  men 
of  Conestoga  aforesaid,  to  the  Gov- 
ernor and  Council  here,  to  acquaint 
that  divers  Europeans,  viz:  Mitchell 
(a  Swiss),  Peter  Bezalion,  James  Le- 
tort,  Martin  Chartier,  the  French 
Glover  of  Philadelphia,  Frank  a 
young  man  of  Canada,  who  was  late- 
ly taken  up  here,  being  all  French 
men,  and  one  from  Virginia,  who  al- 
so spoke  French,  had  seated  them- 
selves and  built  houses  upon  the 
branches  of  the  Potomac,  within  this 
Government,  and  pretended  that 
they  were  in  search  of  some  Mineral 
or  ore,  that  in  the  Governor's  name 
they  had  required  the  Indians  of 
Conestoga  to  send  some  of  their 
people  with  them  to  assist  them  and 
be  serviceable  to  them,  for  which  the 
Governor  would  pay  them;  That 
those  of  Conestoga,  not  thinking 
these  proceedings  to  be  consistent 
with  their  past  treaties  and  leagues 
of  friendship,  desired  to  know  wheth- 
er the  said  persons  were  really  sent 
by  the  Governmnt,  and  had  thus 
seated  themselves  by  their  approba- 
tion,  and   whether   they   had   any   or- 


ders to  desire  the  assistance  of  the 
said  Indians,  if  not  that  they  then 
might  be  called  home.  The  said  In- 
terpreter further  added,  that  al- 
though Mitchell  was  the  person  who 
had  first  led  them  thither,  yet  he  had 
left  them  many  weeks  past,  and  pre- 
tended that  he  wanted  one  Clark,  of 
Maryland,  (who  is  said  to  be  now  un- 
der an  Attainder,  by  an  act  of  As- 
sembly of  that  Government),  to  as- 
sist him  in  the  discovery;  and  the 
said  messenger  being  asked  divers 
other  questions  relating  hereunto  he 
was   ordered   to   withdraw. 

The    Council    takes      the      Premises 
into      consideration,      first      inquired 
whether   any  of  the  above  mentioned 
persons     had     a     license  to  trade,  in 
pursuance    of    the    Act    of    Assembly, 
lately  passed  in     this     Province,     for 
maintaining    a   better    correspondence 
with  the   Indians,  and  thereupon   the 
form  of  the  license  was  read,  and  an 
account    of    all    those    who    were    lic- 
ensed  in   pursuance  of  the   said  law, 
was    produced   by    which   it    appeared 
that  none  of  those  before  mentioned 
is   licensed,    saving     Peter     Bezalion, 
and  that  if  they  had  all  been  so,  yet 
that  would  not  justify  them  for  seat- 
ing themselves  in   such  a  manner  as 
has    been    before    expressed.     Where- 
j  upon  it  was  resolved  that  an  answer 
;  should  be  prepared  to  be  sent  to  the 
|  said  Queen,  in  which  her  care  in  ac- 
!  quainting  this   Government  with  what 
I  the  messenger  had  related,  should  be 
j  acknowledged,    and    that    the      afore- 
!  mentioned    persons    should    be    forth- 
with  required   to   repair   to   Philadel- 
phia, to  give  an   account  of  the   rea- 
sons   of   their    seating   themselves    in 
the    aforesaid    phace,    and    the    Secre- 
tary is  ordered  to    the    said    answer 
against  four  of  the  clock  in  the  after- 
noon,  to   which   time   the   Council   is 
adjourned." 
No  comment  need  be  added  to  this 


193 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU  SQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


item  more  than  to  say  that  the  whites 
in  this  neighborhood  of  Conestoga 
were  very  ready  to  use  these  Con- 
estoga Indians  for  any  purpose  which 
would  be  of  advantage  to  them. 

1707— Governor   Evans    Explains   the 
Cause  of  His  Making  the  Second 
Treaty    Without    the  Per- 
mission of  Council. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  393, 
it  is  stated  that  the  Council  came  to 
this  resolution  concerning  the  Gov- 
ernor's last  treaty  at  Conestoga,  viz: 
"That  the  Governor's  last  expedition 
among  the  Indians,  occasioned  by  a 
message  to  him  from  those  of  Cones- 
togoe  and  the  adjacent  places,  upon 
the  Nantikokes  designed  journey  to 
the  Five  Nations,  was  necessary  for 
the  good  and  for  the  service  of  the 
Public,  and  that  the  Governor  shew- 
ed his  care  of  it  therein;  that  there- 
fore all  the  necessary  charges  of  the 
said  journey  ought  to  be  defrayed  by 
the  public.  But  inasmuch  as  the 
circumstances  of  time  would  not  al- 
low the  Governor,  being  then  at  New 
Castle  to  communicate  the  said 
journey  to  and  advise  the  Council 
concerning  ye  same,  and  seeing  the 
law  for  defraying  such  charges  to 
provide,  that  all  messages  and 
treaties  that  are  to  be  allowed  by 
the  Public,  are  first  to  be  ordered  by 
the  Governor  and  Council.  The 
Board,  therefore,  is  doubtful  that 
there  allowing  of  the  said  accounts 
will  scarce  be  sufficiently  warranted 
by  the  said  law,  and  the  considera- 
tion of  the  former  journey  is  referred 
to  the  next  sitting." 

The  Governor  had  some  difficulty 
in  having  the  expense  of  this  treaty 
paid  but  on  the  25th  of  August,  1707 
the  Council  again  considered  the  mat- 
ter and  finding  that  it  was  impossible 
for  the  Governor  to  consult  the 
Council   before   going  and     that     the 


!  Nantikoke    Indians   were      being      de- 
tained at  Conestoga  by  the  Conestoga 
Indians   to   await   the    Governor's    ar- 
rival, which  would  have  been  a  fur- 
|  ther  expense  if  he  had  not  gone,  and 
\  that   he    went    at    great    fatigue,    that 
j  his  expenses   of  going,  being  for  the 
j  public  good,  should  be  paid. 

1707— Nicole    Godyn    Captured  at 

Conestoga. 
In  Vol.  2   of  the  Col.   Rec,   p.   385, 
as   we   have    already    set   forth,   it   is 
stated    that    Nicole    Godyn    was    cap- 
tured   by     Governor     Evans    and   his 
party    in    the    neighborhood    of    Bain- 
I  bridge.       I  set  this  out  in  a  separate 
j  item  simply  to  give  it  prominence,  as 
it  was  an  important  event. 

1707 — Martin  Chartier  the  Indian 
Trader  Dies. 

Miss   Lyle   in   her   history    of   Lan- 
I  caster   County,   p.    6   says    that   about 
this  time  Martin  Chartier  the   Indian 
Trader   died.     She    says    of   him,   that 
several  years  before  his  death,  which 
occurred  in     1708,     he     removed     his 
trading  post  to  a  point  about  a  mile 
|  above     the     Indians     fort    in    Manor 
township.      His     son    Peter    Chartier, 
married   a    Shawnese   squaw    and    in- 
!  duced    the    most    warlike    portion    of 
j  the  tribe  to  join  the  French  against 
j  the   English,   during  the   French    and 
Indian  Wars,  of  1754-63.     This  Peter 
Chartier    was    undoubtedly      a      very 
dangerous  character  as  we  have  seen 
1  in  former  items.  He  was  called,  a  man 
I  with  a  viper's  blood  running  through 
!  his   veins,   meaning  the   blood   of  the 
Shawnese,   who   were    always    treach- 
erous and  warlike. 

1708— Peter  Bazilion  Takes   Up  Land 

Above  Conestoga. 

In  Vol.  19  of  the  2nd.  Series  of  the 

|  Penna.  Archs.,  p.  496  at  a  meeting  of 

|  the  Board  of  Property,  held  the  11th 

,of  October,  1708,  it  is  set  forth  that 


there    was   "granted    unto   Peter   Biz- 


OTHER    LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


194 


allon,  Indian  Trader,  upon  his  hum- 
ble request,  free  liberty  to  build  to 
himself  a  house  and  plant  necessary 
fields  for  his  own  use  on  any  of  the 
lands  above  Conestoga,  not  possess- 
ed or  made  use  of  by  the  Indians,  to 
be  held  by  him  during  the  Proprie- 
tary's and  Governor's  pleasure  or 
his  Lieutenant's  or  Comm'rs,  and  no 
longer,  he  paying  one  deer  skin 
yearly  for  the  privilege." 

I  quote  this  because  it  is  commonly 
thought  that  Bazallon  passed  most  of 
his  life  in  the  central  and  eastern 
part  of  what  is  now  Lancaster 
County,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that 
much  of  the  time  was  spent  on  the 
Susquehanna. 

1708— The  Conestoga  Indians  Com- 
plain That  the  French  are  Build- 
ing Houses  There. 
In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  403, 
in  an  item  which  we  have  already 
stated,  I  notice  the  following  which 
the  Conestoga  Indians  complain 
against,  that  the  "French  had  set 
themselves  and  built  houses  upon  the 
branches  of  the  Potomac  within 
Pennsylvania."  I  merely  cite  this 
to  make  prominent  the  French  op- 
erations and  especially  the  building  of 
houses,  North  of  the  Branches  of  the 
Potomac,  over  the  Pennsylvania  line. 

1708  —  Swedish    Lutheran   Missionary 
at  Conestoga. 

In  Rupp's  History  of  Lancaster 
County,  p.  456  he  sets  forth  that,  "In 
1708  or  1709  a  Swedish-Lutheran  in 
the  capacity  of  a  missionary  resided 
among  the  Conestoga  Indians  to  in- 
struct them  in  the  Christian  reli- 
gion." On  page  455  he  says,  that 
at  an  earlier  period  "missionaries  of 
the  Swedish  church  visited  the  In- 
dians within  the  present  limits  of 
Lancaster  County  and  the  French 
also  paid  some  attention  to  the  In- 
dians."      It    is    likely    also      that     as 


i  early  as  this  date  some  of  the  Men- 
:  nonite  preachers  reached  the  Cones- 
toga Country,  though  actual  settle- 
I  ment  seems  not  to  have  begun  until 
i  1709. 

1709  —  Governor     Gookin    Invites    the 

Conestoga   Indians    to   Join   With 

the  English  in  a  War  Against 

the  French  in  Canada 

Charles   Gookin,  the  new  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania,  now  appears  on  the 
scene,    having    succeeded    the    wicked 
Governor   Evans.       He   first   appeared 
before    Council    on    the    2nd    of    Feb- 
ruary, 1709,   (2  Col.  Rec,  p.  427).  Hp 
!  desired    to    visit    the    Conestoga    In- 
!  dians   as   early   as   he   could   but   not 
j  having  done  so,  at  a  Council  held  thp 
I  8th  day  of   June,   it  was   ordered   that 
I  "The    Secretary     forthwith     dispatch 
|  a  messenger  to  the  Indians  of  Cones- 
|  togoe,  etc.,  with  instructions  in  writ- 
j  to  excuse  the  Governor's  not  coming 
j  because  the  Assembly  is  now  sitting 
on  an  affair  of  great  importance,  and 
for   a  credential   to  take   a  good  belt 
I  of  wampum   with     him ;      to     inform 
them    that   if    they    design    to    pay     a 
visit    to    the    Five    Nations    they    are 
now  busy  in  engaging  with  the  Eng- 
lish   in    a    war    against    Canada,     for 
which   vast    preparations     are     made 
from  England;    that  if  those  of  Con- 
estogoe,   the   Shawnois,   etc.,   can   en- 
gage, and  will  prepare  themselves  to 
join    immediately    in    this    expedition, 
their    young   men    should    all    provide 
themselves  for   it  without  delay,   and 
they  shall  receive  by  the  Queen's  or- 
der,   sent    for    that    purpose,    a    good 
reward,    every    man    a    gun,    etc.,    and 
that  their  answer  to  this  by  some  of 
their  old  men,  and  a  good  interpreter 
is   immeditely  desired. 

That  whether  they  can  engage  or 
not  we  shall  be  glad  to  see  some  of 
them  here,  and  the  Governor  will 
shortly  make  them  a  visit,  etc.     And 


195 


ANNALS   OF   THE    SU3QUEHANNOCKS    AND 


then  adjourned."     See  2  Col.   Rec,  p.  ' 
461. 

1709— The     Conestogas     Willing     to 

Join    the    Expedition,    But   the 

Same  is  Postponed. 

In  Vol.   2   of  the  Col.   Rec,   p.   467,  j 
it    is    reported      that     Captain      John  j 
French    had    gone    to    the   Conestogas 
for  their  reply  to  the  above  proposi- 
tion, which  they  agreed  to.  The  same 
is  set  forth  as  follows: 

"Captain  John  French  having  gone 
in  a  message  to  Conestogo,  brought 
for  answer  from  the  Indians  there, 
that  they  would  forthwith  call  in  all  I 
their  young  men,  and  with  all  their 
force  come  to  Philadelphia  in  order 
to  proceed  to  Albany,  and  join  in  the 
expedition  against  Canada;  but  the 
Assembly  having  positively  voted 
against  joining  with  that  Expedition, 
or  raising  any  money  for  that  pur- 
pose; it  is  resolved,  that  a  message 
be  again  sent  to  these  Indians,  de- 
siring them  to  defer  their  coming  to 
Philadelphia,  for  that  the  Governor 
will  speedily  make  them  a  visit."  As 
far  as  these  records  state  the  In- 
dians were  very  willing  to  join  this 
expedition. 

1709— The  Conestogas  Come  to  Phila- 
delphia to  Inquire  About  the  Ex- 
pedition and  to  Make  Fur- 
ther Treaty. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  469, 
under  the  date  of  July  25,  1709,  it  is 
set  forth  that,  "The  chiefs  of  several 
nations  of  Indians  living  on  Susque- 
hanna, viz:  Andaggy-junquagh/VVash- 
tachary,  Chiefs    of   the 

Mingoes,  Owechela,  Passakassy,  Sas- 
soonan  and  Skalitchy,  Chiefs  of  the 
Delaware  Indians,  settled  at  Pesh- 
tang  above  Conestogoe  and  other  ad- 
jacent places,  Peter  and  Pipskoe, 
Chiefs  of  the  Ganawese,  with  their 
several      interpreters,      viz:        Indian 


Harry  for  the  first,   Sam,  son  of  Es- 
sepenawick,  for  the  second,  and  John 
Montague,  a  Ganawese  Indian  for  the 
last,   being  all   arrived  here   with  sev- 
eral attendants,  three  days  ago  upon 
apprehension   that   by   the   Governor's 
last  message   to  them   they   were   ex- 
pressly  sent   for   about   some   earnest 
business;    they    now    met    the    Gover- 
nor in  Council,  who  ordered  the  Sec- 
retary to  tell  them  through  their  in- 
terpreter,   and      Peter      Bizaillon,      to 
this  effect;    That  upon  the  first  mes- 
sage the  Governor  had  received  from 
them    about    six    weeks    ago,    desiring 
his  company  at  Conestoga,  he  had  re- 
|  turned  an  answer  by  Lieutenant  Col- 
i  onel  French  of  New  Castle     that     he 
could  not  then  possibly  come  to  them 
because  of  the  affairs  of  Government 
here,   from   which  he   could     not     be 
spared.     That   he   had   sent  them   no- 
tice   that    the    visit    which    they    pro- 
posed to  the  Five  Nations  with  their 
tribute,  might  be  unseasonable  at  this 
time,  because  those  nations  were  en- 
gaging in  a"  great  expedition  with  the 
English    against    Canada,      of      which 
they  would  probably  hear  from 'them 
in  a  little  time,  that  it  would  be  well 
if  they   would   prepare   themselves  to 
join    in    it,    and  that  he  had  invited 
some   of  their   chiefs   to   call   on   him 
at  Philadelphia;    that  he   received  an 
answer  to  this  from  the  Mingoes,  or 
those    of    Conestoga    especially,      that 
they  would  call   in  all     their     young 
i  men,    and    march    immediately      with 
j  their    whole    force    to      Philadelphia; 
but  that  this   appearing   inconvenient 
and    not    likely   to   answer     the     end 
proposed,    the    Governor    had      imme- 
diately dispatched  away  another  mes- 
senger to     them,     to     prevent     their 
coming,    and    inform    them    that   him- 
!  self  having  now     more     leisure,     in- 
tended  in  a  few  days  to  see  them  in 
;  their   own   places.       That  accordingly 
,  he   with   Colonel    Evans   and     several 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


196 


ethers,  had  sent  out  and  proceeded 
bej^ond  New  Castle  in  the  way,  but 
there  found  himself  so  indisposed  by- 
reason  of  a  great  Cold  he  had  taken, 
that  he  could  not  contniue  hs  Jour- 
ney and  therefore  sent  another  mes- 
sage to  them  by  Jonas  Askew,  the 
Interpreter,  to  inform  them  of  the 
matter — to  tell  them  he  was  sorry  he 
was  so  far  disappointed  as  that  he 
could  not  see  them  at  that  time,  but 
that  if  some  of  their  chiefs  should 
think  fit  any  time  this  fall  at  Phila- 
delphia he  should  be  glad  to  see 
them  there  and  if  it  would  suit  their 
affairs  to  be  here  within  two  months, 
it  might  be  the  more  convenient  be- 
cause in  that  time  the  late  Gover- 
nor and  Secretary  intended  both  for 
England,  to  see  the  Indians  old 
friend,  the  Proprietor  William  Penn, 
to  whom  they  might  by  them  send 
any  message  and  that  the  Governor 
then  further  desired  them  to  consider 
what  he  could  do  for  their  service, 
and  he  would  answer  them  in  it.  That 
this  was  the  substance  of  what  had 
passed,  and  therefore  that  he  had  not 
expressly  called  them  in,  as  they  had 
been  given  to  understand.  However, 
that  he  was  now  very  glad  to  see 
them,  and  that  they  should  be  heart- 
ily welcome  to  him.  The  Governor 
then  told  them  himself  that  though 
he  had  not  expressly  sent  for  them, 
yet  he  was  glad  to  see  them  come  so 
cheerfully  in;  that  he  was  lately 
come  from  England,  and  was  sent  to 
them  by  their  friend  and  brother 
William  Penn,  the  chief  Governor  and 
father  of  this  country,  who  had  giv- 
en him  at  his  coming  away  a  spec- 
ial charge  to  be  very  kind  to  the  In- 
dians and  to  treat  them  as  his 
friends  and  brothers,  which  he  ac- 
cordingly would  observe,  and  now 
thought  fit  to  tell  them  so;  that  as 
there  had  been  a  strong  chain  of 
friendship   between    all    those    of   this 


country  since,  under  this  Goverment 
and  the  Indians;  so  he  desired  it 
might  be  continued  and  made  every 
day  firmer,  that  it  might  never  be 
broken,  that  if  they  had  anything  to 
ask  of  him  that  he  desired  them  to 
consider  of  it,  and  he  would  hear 
them  speak  tomorrow.  They  all 
expressd  their  satisfaction  in  what 
the  Governor  had  said  and  after  some 
time  spent  in  conversation,  etc.,  they 
departed. 

At    a    Council    at    Philadelphia,    the 
26th  of  July,   1709. 
The    Honorable    Chas.    Gookin,      Esq., 

Lieutenant   Governor. 

The  Mingoe  Indians  having  been 
invited  over  the  river  this  morning, 
without  the  Governor's  knowledge, 
could  not  be  ready  to  meet;  there- 
fore those  of  Peshtang,  etc.,  and  the 
Ganawese  attending,  they  were  desir- 
ed to  speak  and  deliver  what  they 
had  to  say:  Whereupon,  by  order  of 
Owechela  and  Passokassy,  rising, 
laid  on  the  Board  a  belt  of  Wampum 
as  a  token  to  confirm  what  he  had  to 
speak,  and  then  said:  That  this 
summer  they  had  intended  to  wait 
unon  the  Five  Nations  and  had  pro- 
vided for  their  journey  twenty-four 
belts  of  wampum,  to  be  presented  to 
them  as  their  tribute,  of  which  they 
thought  themselves  obliged  to  ac^ 
quaint  the  Governor  and  for  that 
purpose  had  sent  him  the  message 
that  has  been  mentioned;  but  that 
about  the  same  time  they  had  receiv- 
ed a  message  from  these  Indians,  ac- 
quainting them  that  they  had  ap- 
pointed all  the  Indians  of  these  parts 
as  also  of  Maryland  who  are  all  tri- 
butary to  the  said  Five  Nations,  to 
meet  some  of  their  chiefs  who  were 
coming  down  for  that  purpose  at 
Conestogae,  but  that  they  had  de- 
clined their  journey,  being  not  yet 
arrived;  Upon  this  they  were  again 
informed   by  the  Governor's   order   of 


197 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


the  expedition  against  Canada,  in 
which  those  nations  had  lately  en- 
gaged, and  therefore  were  in  all  pro- 
bability prevented  in  their  intended 
visit. 

The  said  speaker  added,  that  it 
would  now  be  too  late  for  them  to 
proceed  in  their  journey  Northwards, 
because  they  would  not  be  able  to 
return  before  the  cold  weather  set 
in,  and  therefore  must  defer  it  until 
another   year. 

Passakassy  added,  that  they  had 
heard  of  the  French  being  upon  our 
coasts,  and  that  we  were  in  danger  of 
being  invaded  by  them;  that  for  this 
reason  not  now  willing  to  take  a 
journey  so  far  from  home,  lest  their 
wives  and  children,  and  we  of  this 
place  should  want  their  assistance  in 
their  absence,  and  therefore  they 
thought  fit  to  stay. 

The  Governor  thanked  them  for 
their  care  in  this,  but  they  were  cau- 
tioned hereupon  against  giving  ear 
to  flying  reports,  they  were  told  that 
the  French  had  no  forces  in  these 
parts,  yet  could  injure  us,  and  that 
what  they  had  heard  of  this  kind  was 
occasioned  only  by  some  robberies, 
that  some  of  their  small  vessels  fit- 
ted out  only  for  this  purpose  to 
plunder  and  way  lay  honest  traders 
had  committed:  the  method  of  pri- 
vateering at  sea  was  explained  to 
them,  by  which  they  were  made 
sensible  that  what  had  happened  was 
not  the  effect  of  superior  force  in 
war,  but  such  robberies  as  were 
common  at  sea,  when  a  few  private 
lurchers,  with  arms,  set  upon  ves- 
sels provided  only  for  trade,  and 
carrying  off  merchandise,  and  so 
were  made  prize  of. 

They  were  earnestly  exhorted  not 
to  suffer  stories  to  be  spread  amongst 
them,  but  to  take  notice  of  those 
that  uttered  them,  to  apprehend 
them,    and    bring    them    to    the    Gov- 


ernor. 

Passakassy  complained  that  some 
of  the  traders,  especially  James  Le- 
tort,  wronged  them  in  their  measure 
of  matchcoats,  which  he  sold  them, 
in  which  he  desired  redress,  and  up- 
on it  they  were  advised  to  a  method 
that  would  scare  them. 

They    expressed    a    great      satisfac- 
tion in  what  had  been  told  them  and 
being   acquainted   that   they   must   all 
I  meet   again   in  Council,  they  for  this 
i  time   dismissed." 

The  next  day,  July  27,    (page  472), 
I  it   appears  that  further     steps     were 
j  taken    to    show    the    Indians    the    im- 
;  portance  of  continuing  in   good   rela- 
tion   with   the    English.       This    is    set 
forth   as  follows:   ' 

"The   chiefs   of   several   nations     of 
our   Indians     being     now     come     in, 
there  is   an  immediate  necessity  also 
for  a  supply  to  make  them  a  reason- 
able present.     I  need  not  inform  you 
of  how  great  importance  it  is  to  keep 
a    good    correspondence     with      these 
people    upon    the    easy    terms    it    has 
hitherto    been    done    in    this    Govern- 
ment;   half  on  what  you  allowed  for 
that    purpose    has    been    expended    in 
messages,    and    the      other     half,      at 
least,   in    provisions,    so   that   nothing 
remains  thereof  for  a  present;    I  am 
sensible  money   can  not  just  now  be 
raised    to    answer    this    end,    but   you 
may  find  means  to  procure  credit,  so 
that  they   may   not  go   away   empty." 
It  seems  these  chiefs  made  a  long 
i  visit,    and   that   on   the   29th   of   July, 
I  there    were    further    steps    taken    in 
'treaty  making,    (See  p.   473).     At  the 
i  Council  held     at     Joseph     Growdon's 
J  house,  in  which  it  is   stated  that  all 
j  the  chiefs  now  in  town,  with  their  in- 
I  terpreters   were   met,   and  the   Secre- 
tary spoke  to  them  as  follows: 

"That  notwithstanding  they  had 
not  been  expressly  sent  for,  (as  they 
had  been  told  before),  yet  they  were 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


198 


very  welcome,  the  Governor  being  a 
stranger  amongst  them,  was  now 
very  glad  to  see  them. 

That  the  chain  of  friendship  had 
been  so  often  confirmed  between 
them  and  us,  that  there  remained 
very  little  now  to  say  on  that  head. 
We  had  always  considered  them  as 
brothers  in  all  proceedings  with  them 
and  should  always  desire  to  do  the 
same,  there  was  nothing  but  love  and 
peace  between  them  and  us  and  as 
often  as  ever  we  met  we  should  still 
renew  the  expressions  of  it,  desiring 
that  it  might  extend  to  all  posterity, 
and  that  the  aged  fathers  should  in- 
form their  children  of  the  friendship 
that  has  always  been  maintained 
amongst  us,  so  that  in  every  genera- 
tion it  may  continually  grow  stronger 
That  since  as  our  friends  and 
brothers  they  had  come  to  see  us,we 
could  not  suffer  them  to  depart 
without  some  token  of  our  friend- 
ship, and  therefore  desired  them  to 
accept  of  the  present  that  was  there 
laid    before    them,    which    was: 

1  Cwt.  of  Powder  in  four  small 
casks. 

2  Cwt.  of  Lead. 

4    Stroudwater   matchcoats. 

1   Dozen   good  Linnen  Shirts. 

\xk    Dozen    of    Stockins. 

100  Flints,  and  a  large  quantity  of 
Biskitt  and  Loaves. 

These  they  were  told  were  for  their 
journey,  and  the  powder  and  lead  to 
furnish  them  with  provisions  and 
skins,  they  were  promised  such  liq- 
uors and  other  necessities  as  they 
should  want,  and  then  were  desired 
to  receive  the  whole  as  a  further 
token  of  love,  and  to  distribute  it 
amongst  themselves  as  they  should 
see  convenient;    (p.  474). 

They  were  also  instructed  about 
the  war  between  England  and  France 
and  that  they  should  watch  carefully 
for   any    stories   the     French     among 


them  should  start.  They  were  told 
of  the  English  success  in  the  war; 
and  the  Governor  said  that  he  hoped 
they  had  all  been  treated  kindly  by 
the  people  that  lived  among  them, 
and  with  this  closed  the  treaty;  and 
the  Indians  departed. 

1709  — The   Delawares   Now   Live   On 

Susquehanna. 

While  it  is  shown  in  tne  above  item 

j  that  the   Delawares   now   live   on   the 

|  Susquehanna  River,  in  order  to  make 

|  their   change   or   residence  more   pro- 

|  minent  I  direct  attention  to  Vol.  2  of 

J  the  Col.  Rec,  469,  where  it  is  set  out 

i  that,    "The    Delaware    Indians    settled 

|  at    Peshtang     (Paxtang),     now     near 

Harrisburg),    above      Conestoga      an,d 

other    adjacent    places,    were    arrived 

in    Philadelphia    with    several      other 

I  tribes     of     Indians   and   their      atten- 

I  dants." 

1709 — The    Iroquois    Indians    Demand 

the  Conestogas  to  Come  and 

Pay   Tribute. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Votes  of  Assembly, 
;  p.  35  on  the  27th  of  June,  this  year, 
two  members  of  the  Council  brought 
a  message  to  the  Assembly  from  the 
Governor,  "That  the  Indians  of  Con- 
estoga had  sent  a  message  to  the 
Governor,  acquainting  him  that  they 
were  ready  to  go  up  to  the  Five  Na- 
tions in  order  to  pay  their  tribute, 
but  expected  that  the  Governor  or 
Secretary  would  come  to  Conestoga 
that  they  might  have  conference  with 
one  of  them  before  they  went  up." 
The  Assembly  as  shown  p.  36  was 
asked  for  immediate  answer  upon 
what  should  be  done  about  the  word 
from  Conestoga  by  another  delega- 
tion from  Council  the  next  day,  stat- 
ing that  it  was  absolutely  necessary 
j  that  money  to  defray  the  charge  of 
j  going  to  treat  with  the  Conestoga  In- 
1  dians  this  week  should  be  voted  be- 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


199 

cause  those  Conestogas  are  bound  to 
go  to  the  Five  Nations  as  they  are 
tributary  to  the  Five  Nations.  Upon 
this  urgent  demand  the  Assembly  de- 
cided they  would  vote  15  Pounds  of 
the  new  currency  to  make  presents 
to  the  Indians  and  also  to  pay  the 
expenses  of  the  trip  to  Conestoga. 
This  subject  is  also  discussed  in  Vol. 
5  of  Haz.  Reg.,  p.  113,  and  in  Rupp's 
History  of  Lancaster  Counfy,  p.  57. 
1709  —  The  Shawnese  Indians  Inter- 
ested in  Digging  for  Ore  About 
Conestoga. 


In  Vol.  2  of  the  Penn  &  Logan  Cor- 
respondence,  p.  321  dated  the  3rd  of 
March  there  is  a  letter  from  William 
Penn  to  James  Logan  in     which     he 
sets    forth    (p.    323),    that   he    under- 
stands   that   Ex-Governor     Evans      is 
making  100  Pounds,  if  not  twice  that 
each  week  out  of  a  mine  somewhere 
back    of   Conestoga.     Penn    says    that 
he   understands,  "The   Indians   chiefly 
discovered  the  mine  and  worked  it  on 
the  spot.     And  it  is  the  King  of  the 
Shawnoe    Indians    and    some   few     of 
his   subjects   that    perform   this   busi- 
ness for  Col.  Evans."  Penn  then  says 
to    Logan    that    scrutinize    the    matter 
well   and  let  him  hear     all     he     can 
about  it  for  if  there  is  a  mine,  that 
Penn  is  entitled  to  royalties  out  of  it. 
James   Logan   in  the   same  book  in 
a  letter  to  Penn  found  p  316  says  at 
p.   319,  that  he  hopes  Colonel    Evans 
is   acting  honorably   about  the  mines 
and  that  he  believes  that  there  is  no 
real  discovery  of  any  value  made  yet, 
though  it  is  expected  that  there  will 
be  most   any   day.       He   further   adds 
that  Louis  Mitchell,  the  Swiss  is  gone 
over  to  treat  with  the  Crown  of  Eng- 
land  for  a  tract  for  his  countrymen, 
and    that    settlement    is    the    pretense 
but  that  miners  are  the     real     thing 
Mitchell   is  interested   in,   and  that  it 
must  be  guarded  against  until  this  is 


I  better     understood.        Logan      thinks 
I  that   minerals   will     be     found     near 
i  where    Mitchell    has    pitched.       In      a 
I  note   at  the   bottom   of  the   book  last 
named,  Logan  in  a     letter     to     Penn 
j  says,   "There   is   yet   nothing   certain- 
!  ly   discovered   about  the   mines.     Col- 
1  onel   Evans  has   been   very   free  with 
me    on    that    head.     There    has    been 
|  none    opened    and    I    heartily    wish    I 
may  be  able  to  tell  thee  more  of  the 
|  matter    hereafter,    for    I    believe    that 
Mitchell      Bazillion    has    tricked      us 
I  all."He  says  that  this  tract  supposed 
!  to   have   minerals    lies    in   the   neigh- 
I  borhood  of  the     Potomac,     but     that 
they  must  keep  their  eyes  open. 

I  cite  this  merely  to  show  that  agi- 
tations about  minerals  being  found 
in  the  neighbohood  of  the  Conestoga 
and  Shawnese  Indian  country,  and 
off  to  the  Southwest  were  frequent 
sources  of  excitement  at  this  time; 
and  that  the  spirit  of  securing  valu- 
able minerals  had  gotten  among  the 
Indians  of  this  neighborhood  as  well 
as  among  the  white  people. 


1709  — The   Whites    Begin    Settlement 

Among  the  Indians  of  Lancaster 

County. 

Rupp   in   His  History   of   Lancaster 

!  County,  p.  74,  says  that  several  fam- 

i  ilies   from   the    Palatinate    decendants 

'  of   the   distressed    Swiss      immigrated 

to  America  and   settled   in  Lancaster 

|  County  in  the  year  1709  and  he  cites 

i  Benjamin       Eby's       Geschichten     der 

I  Mennoniten,    p.    151    as   his    authority. 

I  He  further  says     that     from     public 

|  documents  and  private  papers  in  the 

1  possession     of     Abram     Meylin     and 

others  residing  in  W.  Lampeter  town- 

j  ship,    we     may      confidentially     state 

|  that   the   Mennonites      commenced     a 

!  settlement   in    1709-10    at     the     place 

I  where  the  Herrs  and     Meylins     now 

'.,  reside  near  Willow  Street.     On  p.  456 

I  Rupp    says,    in    1709    several    families 

jfrom  the  Palatines  settled  on  Pequea 


OTHER    LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


200 


Creek.  He  then  mentions  a  list  of 
preachers  that  these  Palatines 
brought  forth  and  said  that  they  all 
preached    German. 

However,  the  most  authentic  docu- 
ment I  can  find  is  a  letter  dated  the 
20th  of  July,  1711  by  Jacob  Taylor 
among  the  Taylor  papers  in  the  His- 
torical Society,  No.  2769,  in  which 
he  says,  "six  or  seven  families  of 
Palatines  are  settled  at  Pequea  and 
more  desire  to  go  there  next  win- 
ter." 

This  letter  was  written  the  mid- 
dle of  1711  and  it  may  be  taken  for 
granted  that  the  six  or  seven  fami- 
lies were  at  Pequea  some  time  and 
likely  arrived  about  1709.  But  of 
course  white  people  were  in  this 
country  among  these  Indians  sever- 
al years  before  the  settlements  be- 
gan. This,  then  is  the  year  which 
announced  the  fate  of  the  Indians  of 
this  section  by  reason  of  the  coming 
of  the  whites.  It  is  interesting  to 
know  that  next  year  will  be  the  two 
hundreth    anniversary   of   this    event. 

1710  — The   Queen  of  the  Conestogas 
Goes  to  Philadelphia. 

In  the  2nd  Vol.  of  Watson's  Ann- 
als, p.  178,  he  states  that,  "On  the 
21st  of  September,  17th  the  Queen  of 
the  Conestoga  Indians,  Ojuncho,  and 
two  chiefs  and  some  of  the  Conoys 
visited  Philadelphia  and  laid  down 
before  the  Council  five  bundles  of 
skins  and  furs,  making  at  the  gift  of 
each  a  speech."  He  says  also  that 
"the  belt-  from  the  Conestoga  Indians 
prayed  thus,  'sent  from  the  children 
born  and  those  yet  in  the  womb, 
that  room  might  be  allowed  them  to 
sport  and  play,  without  danger  of 
slavery.'  "  It  would  seem  that  Wat- 
son is  wrong  about  this  as  we  shall 
see  later,  in  that  Colonel  French  was 
at  Conestoga  and  received  the  belt 
above   referred   to  instead  of  the  old 


queen    having    come    to    Philadelphia, 
but  we  will  show  this  later. 
1710  — The   Governor  Asks   a   Larger 
Present  for  the  Conestogas  Than 

the   Assembly   Proposed. 
In  Vol  2  of  the  Votes  of  Assembly, 
p.  42  it  is  set  forth  that  "James  Lo- 
gan  came    again   to   the   House   in    a 
message  from  the   Governor,  and  ac- 
quainted   the     Assembly,     'That     the 
Governor   ordered   him   to   give   a   re- 
lation of  the  several  messages  sent  to 
the    Indians    at    Sasquehanna;     which 
he    did;    and    further      informed     the 
I  House,  that  the  Governor's  Indisposi- 
;  tion  obstructed  his  going  up  to  Con- 
1  estoga,  to  visit  the  Indians,  as  he  in- 
tended;     therefore     prest     that     the 
i  House  will  consider  of  a  present  for 
them ;    to    the    value      of      Twentyfive 
|  Pounds.' 

Which    relation    being    debated    and 

!  considered,    Resolved    that      although 

;  the  account  given  by  the  said  James 

Logan  concerning  the  said  messages, 

;  is  not  satisfactory  to  this  House,  yet 

in   regard  the  chief  of  these   Indians 

are  come  to  town,  if  any  will  credit 

the   public  with   goods   that  will   suit 

the   Indians,   to  the  value   of  twenty- 

|  five  pounds,   (being  the  sum  proposed 

|  by  the  said  James  Logan,  as  sufficient 

I  for   presents   for  them   at  this  time), 

|  the   same  shall   be  repaid  out  of  the 

:  public    money    that    shall    be    raised." 

j  At  page   43   of  the   same  book  it  ap- 

;  pears   that  the   question  of  giving  25 

Pounds   in   Presents  to  these   Indians 

i  was   very   warmly   discused. 

!  1710 — The    Conestogas    Received    My- 
sterious   Belt   of   Wampum. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  509, 
at  the  bottom  of  the  page  it  is  set 
forth  that,  "The  Governor  laid  be- 
fore the  board  a  letter  he  had  receiv- 
ed from  the  Colonel  Ingolsby, 
wherein  was  enclosed  a  paper  in 
these    words    William    Dalbo,    one    of 


201 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


the  Justices  of  the  Peace,  in  ye 
County  of  Glocester,  saith:  that  an 
Indian  of  his  particular  acquaintance 
who  hath  been  very  intimate  with 
him,  the  said  Dalbo,  from  his  child- 
hood, acquainted  him  that  there  is  a 
belt  of  Wampum  come  to  Conesto- 
goe,  from  Mahquahotonoi;  that  there 
was  a  tomahawk  in  red  in  the  belt 
and  that  the  French  with  five  nations 
of  Indians  were  designed  for  war, 
and  to  fall  on  some  of  these  planta- 
tions; the  Governor  also  laid  before 
the  board  a  letter  he  had  received 
from  Mr.  Yeates,  Caleb  Pusey  and 
Thomas  Powel,  dated  this  day,  pur- 
porting that  tomorrow  there  was  to 
be  a  great  concourse  of  Indians  those 
of  Conestogoe  and  those  of  Jersey; 
that  the}r  were  of  opinion  that  it 
might  be  a  seasonable  opportunity  for 
the  Governor  to  visit  them  altogeth- 
er the  meeting  being  the  greatest 
that  has  ever  been  known  these  20 
years,  and  it  is  to  be  about, two  miles 
from  John  Warraw's,  at  Edgmond.  It 
is  the  opinion  of  the  Board  that  the 
Governor  with  some  of  the  Council, 
and  as  many  others  as  can  be  got, 
should  go  tomorrow  to  meet  the  said 
Indians,  to  inquire  further  of  them  j 
about  the  said  belt  of  wampum  and  j 
what  else  may  be  thought  neces-  I 
sary." 

1710— Bizalion,     the     Indian     Trader 
About   Conestoga,  Acts   Sus- 
piciously. 

In  the  book  and  at  the  page  last 
mentioned  it  is  stated  that,  "The 
Governor  acquainted  the  Board  that 
he  has  been  informed  one  Peter  Biz- 
alion, a  French  man  and  Roman 
Catholic,  a  trader  amongst  the  In- 
dians at  Conestogoe  has  lately  spok- 
en some  suspicious  words,  and  com- 
mitted some  misdemeanors,  where-  ] 
upon  he  has  caused  his  effects  to  be 
seised,    the    better    to    oblige    him    to 


|  appear  and  answer  unto  what  should 
|  be  laid  to  his     Charge,   and     Craved 
i  the  advice  of  the  Board  in  the     pre- 
mises, who  came  to  this  resolve,  that 
|  ye   said   Bizalion   should     enter     into 
;  recognizance  to   the   Queen,     in     five 
',  hundred    pounds,    with    two    sufficient 
1  sureties,  in  two     hundred     and     fifty 
pounds  apiece  for  the  said  Bizalion's 
personal     appearance     at     the     next 
sessions  of  the  peace,  to  be  held     at 
Philadelphia  for  the  said  Couhty,  and 
his   good    behavior     himself     in     the 
meantime,   which    being   done   his    ef- 
fects   to    be    restored   to   him,    paying 
|  ye  cost  of  seizure." 

The  suspicious  and  disturbable 
!  matters  sets  forth  in  these  last  two 
!  items  made  the  visit  to  Conestoga  by 
|  the  Governor  a  necessity;  and  he 
made  such  visits  as  we  shall  see  in 
j  the  next  item. 

1710—  Governor  < .look i it's  Visit  to  the 
Conestogas    and    Shawanese. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  510 
it  is  set  forth  that  "The  Governor 
acquainted  the  Board  that  upon  his 
arrival  at  New  Castle  last  week,  he 
was  informed  that  Opessa,  one  of 
the  Shawannah  chiefs,  had  been  there 
four  days;  that  he  went  away  in  the 
night,  nor  could  he  hear  what  he 
came  about,  that  he  had  been  with 
some  of  the  Delaware  Indians,  who 
resolve,  (as  it  is  said)  not  to  plant 
corn  this  year;  That  Mr.  Garland  has 
lately  shown  a  belt  of  wampum,  sent 
by  the  Five  Nations  by  Indian  Harry, 
with  this  further  message,  that  as 
soon  as  the  bark  ran,  they  would  be 
with  them  at  Conestogoe,  with  sixty 
men  and  make  a  speech;  that  he  was 
informed  at  Brandywine,  that  an  old 
Indian  woman  said,  (as  it  was  inter- 
preted) that  their  great  men  had 
ugly  talk  among  them,  and  that  they 
had  left  none  but  her  and  her  hus- 
hand   to   plant   corn.     The   Board  tak- 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY  INDIAN   TRIBES 


202 


ing  the  premises  into  consideration, 
are  of  the  opinion  (be  the  report 
true  or  false)  that  it  may  be  conven- 
ient for  the  Governor  to  make  a 
journey  to  Conestoga  (he  not  having 
been  among  the  Indians  since  his  ar- 
rival), to  inform  himself  of  the  truth 
of  these  reports,  and  for  the  keeping 
up  of  a  good  understanding  and  Cor- 
respondence twixt  us  and  the  In- 
dians, and  that  some  of  the  Council 
wait   upon   him   thither." 

And  at  the  top  of  p.  511  of  the 
same  book  it  is  set  forth  that  "The 
Governor  acquainted  the  Board  that 
upon  his  arrival  at  Conestoga,  he 
found  the  Indians  very  well  inclined 
to  the  English,  and  to  the  Proprie- 
tary and  this  Government  in  parti- 
cular; but  that  had  complained  to 
him  that  several  persons  make  it 
their  business  to  waylay  their 
young  men  returning  from  hunting, 
making  them  drunk  with  rum,  and 
then  cheat  them  of  their  skins,  and 
that  if  some  method  be  not  taken  to 
prevent  it  they  must  be  forced  to 
remove  themselves  or  starve,  their 
dependence  being  entirely  upon  their 
peltry;  whereupon  it  is  thought 
proper  that  such  Indian  traders  as 
are  foreigners  being  admitted  and 
licensed  by  the  Governor,  shall  come 
under  such  regulations  as  the  Gov- 
ernor and  Council  from  time  to  time 
shall  direct  and  appoint." 

In  this  we  are  told  of  the  Governor 
visiting  the  Conestogas  and  Shaw- 
nese  and  we  can  readily  see  the  im- 
portance  of  what  transpired. 

1710 — Colonel      French      and      Henry 

Worley    Carry    a   Message   to 

the  Conestogas. 

In  the  book  and  at  the  page  last 
mentioned  we  are  given  further  in- 
formation of  the  unsettled  condition 
of  the  Indians  on  the  Susquehanna, 
Conestoga  and   Pequea  from  the  fact 


;  that  in  addition  to  the  Governor's 
|  visit  about  the  beginning  of  May,this 
year,  the  two  messengers  French 
and  Worley  were  sent  to  Conestoga 
where  they  arrived  on  June  8th,  1710, 
and  entered  into  proceedings  with 
these  Indians,  of  which  the  follow- 
ing is  a  verbatim  report  made  by 
Worley  found  at  p.  511,  as  I  have 
just  said: 
"At   Conestoga   June   8,   1710. 

Present:      Henry     Worley    and 

John   French. 

Iwaagenst       Terrutawanaren,       and 

Teonnottein,    chiefs    of   the    Tuscaror- 

ces,  Vivility,  the  Seneques    kings,    and 

j  four  chiefs  more  of  that  nation,  with 

'  Opessa   ye   Shawanois   King. 

The  Indians  were  told  that  ac- 
I  cording  to  their  requests  we  were 
I  come  from  the  Governor  and  Govern- 
!  ment,  to  hear  what  proposals  they 
|  had  to  make  anent  a  peace,  accord- 
|  ing  to  the  purpose  of  their  embassy 
from   their   own   people. 

They  signified  to  us  by  a  belt  of 
|  Wampum,  which  was  sent  from  their 
|  old  women,  that  those  implored  their 
I  friendship  of  the  Christians  and  In- 
|  dians  of  this  Government,  that  with- 
j  out  danger  they  might  fetch  wood 
and    water. 

The   second   belt     was     sent     from 

[  their  children  born,  and  those  yet  in 

j  the    womb,    requesting    that    room    to 

I  sport    and    play    without    danger      of 

slavery  might  be   allowed   them. 

The  third  belt  was  sent  by  their 
young  men  fit  to  hunt,  that  privilege 
to  leave  their  towns,  and  seek  pro- 
vision for  their  aged,  might  be  grant- 
ed to  them  without  fear  of  death  or 
slavery. 

The  fourth  was  sent  from  the  men 
of  age,  requesting  that  the  word  by 
a  happy  peace  was  sent  from  the 
men  of  age  requesting  that  the 
wood  by  a  happy  peace,  might  be  as 
safe  from  them  as  their  forts. 


203 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


The  fifth  was  sent  from  the  whole  I  to  this,  of  their  good  behavior,  and 
nation  requesting  peace,  that  there-  j  then  they  might  be  assured  of  a 
by    they    might   have    liberty    to   visit    favorable   reception. 


their   neighbors. 
The    sixth    was 


sent     from     their 


The    Seneques    return    their    hearty 
thanks   to   this   Government   for   their 


Kings  and  chiefs,  desiring  a  lasting  trouble  in  sending  to  them,  and  ac- 
peace  with  the  Christians  and  In-  \  quainted  us  by  advice  of  a  Council 
diains  of  this  Government  that  there-  |  amongst  them  it  was  determined  to 
by  they  might  be  secured  against  ;  send  these  Belts,  brought  by  the  Tus- 
those  fearful  apprehensions  they  caroroes,  to  the  Five  Nations, 
have   these   several   years   felt.  May   it   please   your   Honor. 

The  seventh  was  sent  in  order  to  pursuant  of  your  Honors,  and 
intreat  a  cessation  from  reducing  j  Council>s  orders,  we  went  to  Cones- 
and  taking  them,  that  by  the  allow-  !  tQgoe  where  the  Prewritten  con- 
ance  thereof,  they  may  not  be  afraid  ;  tentg  were  by  the  chiefs  of  the  Tus_ 
of  a  mouse,  or  anything  that  ruffles  j  caroroes  to  us  delivered;  the  sincer- 
the  leaves.  |  ity  0f  their  intentions  we  can  not  any- 

The  eighth  was  sent  to  declare,  wige  douM  gince  they  are  Qf  tne 
that    as    being    hitherto    strangers    to    game    race   and   language     with     our 


Seneques,  who  have  always  proved 
trusty  and  have  also  for  these  many 
years  been  neighbors  to  a  Govern- 
ment jealous  of  Indians,  and  yet  not 
displeased  with  them;  Wishing  your 
Honor  all  happiness,  we  remain. 
Your  Honor's.  Most  humble  and 
Obliged   Servants, 

JOHN   FRENCH, 
HENRY    WORLEY." 


"Journey   to  Conestogo. 


DR. 


this  place,  they  are  blind,  no  path 
or  communication  being  betwixt  us  i 
and  them ;  but  now  they  hope  that  we 
will  take  them  by  the  hand  and  lead  | 
them,  and  then  they  will  lift  up  their  j 
heads  in  the  woods  without  danger  . 
or  fear. 

These  belts  (they  say)  are  only  j 
sent  as  an  introduction,  and  in  or- 
der to  break  of  hostilities  till  next 
Spring,  for  then  their  Kings,  will 
come  and  sue  for  the  peace  they  so 
much   desire. 

We  acquainted  them  as  most  of 
this  continent  were  the  subjects  of  i 
the  Crown  of  England,  though  divi- 
ded into  several  Governments;  so  it 
is  expected  that  their  intentions  are 
not    only    peaceable    towards    us,    but 

also  to   all   the   subjects   of  the  Crown  2' 

and  that  if  they  intend  to  settle  and  Itl  this  item  is  set  forth  the  belt 
live  amiably  here,  they  need  not  that  the  old  woman  of  the  Conestogas 
doubt  the  protection  of  this  Govern-  |  gave  to  French  on  which  Watson 
ment  in  such  things  as  were  honest  seems  to  be  somewhat  confused.This 
and  good  but  that  to  confirm  the  sin-  j  item  is  of  importance  because 
cerity  of  their  past  carriage  towards  |  the  business  that  was  done  at  Cones- 
toga  by  these  messengers  was  really 
a  confirmation  of  many  forms  of 
treaties.  It  also  serves  to  show  the 
exact   state   of  the   relations   existing 


Pds. 

s. 

d. 

To   bread, 

0 

4 

2 

To   meat, 

0 

12 

0 

To  Rum, 

1 

10 

0 

To    Sugar. 

0 

15 

0 

To    two   Men's 

hire 

For    Baggage, 

4 

0 

0 

To    John, 

1 

4 

0 

the  English,  and  to  raise  in  us  a 
good  opinion  of  them,  it  would  be 
very  necessary  to  procure  a  certifi- 
cate from  the  Government  they  leave, 


OTHER    LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


204 


between  these  Indians  and  the  whites  I 
at  this  time,  and  the  questions  which 
were  agitating  them. 
1710— The    Conestoga    Indians    Reply  j 
to  a  Swedish  Sermon. 

In  Mombert's  History  of  Lancaster  I 
County  p.  16,  in  a  note  the  following  j 
appears : 

"  In  or  about  the  year  of  our  Lord, 
1710,  a  Swedish  Missionary  preached  j 
a  sermon  at  an  Indian  treaty  held  at  J 
Conestoga  in   Pennsylvania;    in  which  j 
sermon  is  set  forth  original  sin,  the  J 
necessity   of  a  mediator;    and   endea-  | 
vored    by    certain    arguments     to     in-  j 
duce   the   Indians     to     embrace     the 
Christian   religion.  After  he  had  end-  j 
ed   his    discourse,   one   of   the    Indian 
chiefs  made  a  speech  in  reply  to  the 
sermon;    and  the  discourses  on  both 
sides  were  made  known  by  interpre- 
ters.    The    Missionary    upon    his    re- 
turn   to    Sweden,    published    his    ser- 
mon, and  the  Indian's  answer.     Hav- 
ing  written   them    in    Latin   he    dedi- 
cated them  to  the  University  of  Up- 
sala,   and   requested   them  to   furnish 
him  with  arguments,  to  confute  such 
strong  reasonings  of  the  Indians.  The  j 
Indian   speech   translated     from     the  ! 
Latin  is  as  follows: 

'A    speech    delivered    by    an    Indian 
Chief,  in  reply  to  a  sermon,  preach-  | 
ed  by  a  Swedish  Missionary,  in  order  j 
to  convert  the  Indians  to  the  Chris- 
tian  religion: 

Since  the  subject  of  his    (the  Mis-  j 
sionary's)    errand   is   to   pursuade   us  j 
to   embrace   a   new   doctrine   perhaps 
it  may  not  be  amiss,  before  we  offer 
him   the   reasons    why   we     can     not 
comply  with  his  request,  to  acquaint 
him   with   the    grounds   and  principles  ! 
of   that   religion,     which     he     would 
have  us  abandon. 

Our     forefathers     were      under     a  j 
strong    persuasion,    as    we    are,    that 
those  who  act  well,  in  this  life,  shall 
be    rewarded    in    the    next,    according 


to  the  degree  of  their  virtue:  and  on 
the  other  hand  that  those  who  be- 
have wicketly  here,  will  undergo  such 
punishment  hereafter  as  are  propor- 
tinate  to  the  crimes  they  were  guilty 
of.  This  hath  been  contstantly  and 
invariably  received  and  acknowledg- 
ed for  a  truth,  through  every  succes- 
sive generation  of  our  ancestors.  It 
could  not  have  taken  its  rise  from 
fables  for  human  fictions  however 
artfully  and  plausibly  contrived  can 
never  again  gain  credit  long,  among 
any  people,  where  free  equity  is  al- 
lowed: which  was  never  denied  by 
our  ancestors;  who,  on  the  contrary, 
thought  it  the  sacred  inviolable,  na- 
tural right  of  every  man  to  examine 
and  judge  for  himself.  Therefore  we 
think  it  evident  that  our  notion, 
concerning  future  rewards  and  pun- 
ishments, was  either  revealed  imme- 
diately from  heaven  to  some  of  our 
forefathers,  and  from  them  descended 
to  us,  or,  that  it  was  implanted  in 
each  of  us,  at  our  creation,  by  the 
Creator  of  all  things.  Whatever  the 
methods  might  have  been,  whereby 
God  hath  been  pleased  to  make 
known  to  us  his  will,  and  give  us  a 
knowledge  of  our  duty,  it  is  still  in 
our  sense,  a  divine   revelation. 

"Now  we  desire  to  propose  to  him 
some  few  questions:  Does  he  believe 
that  our  forefathers,  men  eminent  for 
their  piety,  constant  and  warm  in 
the  pursuit  of  virtue,  hoping  thereby 
to  merit  everlasting  happiness,  were 
all  damned?  Does  he  think  that  we, 
who  are  their  zealous  imitators,  in 
good  works,  and  influenced  by  the 
same  Motives  as  they  were,  earnest- 
ly endeavoring,  with  the  greatest  cir- 
cumspection, to  tread  the  paths  of  in- 
tegrity, are  in  a  state  of  damnation? 
If  these  be  his  sentiments,  they  are 
surely  as  impious  as  they  are  bold 
and  daring. 

In  the  next  place  we  beg,  that  he 
would   explain  himself     more     parti- 


205 


AXXALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


cularly  concerning  the  revelation  he 
talks  of.  If  he  admits  no  other  than 
what  is  contained  in  his  written 
book,  the  contrary  is  evident  from 
what  has  shewn  before:  but,  if  he 
says  God  has  revealed  himself  unto 
us,  but  not  sufficient  for  our  salva- 
tion; then  we  ask,  to  what  purpose 
should  he  have  revealed  himself  to 
us  in  anywise?  It  is  cleai  that  a  re- 
velation insufficient  to  save,  can  not 
put  us  in  a  better  condition  than  we 
should  be  in  without  any  revelation 
at  all.  We  can  not  conceive  that 
God  should  point  out  to  us  the  end 
we  ought  to  aim  at,  without  opening 
to  us  the  way  to  arrive  at  the  end. 
But,  supposing  our  understandings 
to  be  so  far  illuminated  as  to  know 
it  to  be  our  duty  to  please  God,  who 
yet  hath  left  us  under  an  incapacity 
of  doing  it,  will  this  Missionary, 
therefore,  conclude  that  we  shall  be 
eternally  damned?  Will  he  take  up- 
on him  to  pronounce  damnation  up- 
on or  against  us,  for  not  doing  those 
things  which  he  himself  acknowl- 
edges were  impossible  by  us  to  be 
done.  It  is  our  opinion  that  every 
man  is  possessed  of  sufficient  knowl- 
edge for  his  salvation.  The  Al- 
mightjr  for  anything  we  know,  may 
have  communicated  the  knowledge  of 
himself  to  a  different  race  of  people, 
in  a  different  manner. 

Some  say  they  have  the  will  of 
God  in  writing;  be  it  so;  their  revel- 
ation has  no  advantage  above  ours 
since  both  must  be  equally  sufficient 
to  save;  otherwise  the  end  of  the  re- 
velation would  be  frustrated.  Be- 
sides if  they  be  both  true  they  must 
be  the  same  in  substance;  and  the 
difference  can  only  lie  in  the  mode 
of  communication.  He  tells  us  there 
are  many  precepts,  in  his  written  re- 
velation which  we  are  entirely  ignor- 
ant of.  But  these  written  demands 
can    only    be   designed   for  those   who 


have  the  writings;  they  can  not  pos- 
sibly regard  us.  Had  the  Almighty 
thought  so  much  knowledge  neces- 
sary to  our  salvation  his  goodness 
would  not  long  have  deferred  the 
communication  of  it  to  us,  and  to  say 
that  it  is  a  matter  so  necessary,  he 
could  not,  at  one  and  the  same  time, 
equally  reveal  himself  to  all  man- 
kind, in  nothing  less  than  an  absolute 
denial  of  his  omnipotence.  Without 
doubt,  he  can  make  his  will  manifest 
without  the  help  of  any  book  or  the 
assistance  of  any  bookish  man  what- 
ever. 

We  shall,  in  the  next  place,  con- 
sider the  arguments  which  arise 
from  a  consideration  of  Providence. 
If  we  were  the  work  of  God  (which 
I  presume  will  not  be  denied),  it  fol- 
lows from  thence  that  we  are  under 
the  protection  and  care  of  God,  for  it 
can  not  be  supposed  that  the  Deity 
should  abandon  his  own  creatures 
and  be  utterly  regardless  of  their 
welfare.  Then,  to  say  that  the  Al- 
mighty has  permitted  us  to  remain 
in  a  fatal  error  through  so  many 
ages,  is  to  represent  him  as  a  tyrant. 
How  is  it  consistent  with  his  justice 
to  force  life  upon  a  race  of  mortals, 
without  their  consent,  and  then  dam 
them  eternally,  without  ever  opening 
to  them  a  door  of  salvation?  Our 
conceptions  of  the  gracious  God  are 
more  noble;  and  we  think  that  those 
who  teach  otherwise  do  little  less 
than  blaspheme.  Again,  it  is  through 
the  care  and  goodness  of  the  Al- 
mighty, that  from  the  beginning  of 
time,  through  many  generations  to 
this  day,  our  name  has  been  preser- 
ved, unblotted  out  by  enemies,  un- 
reduced to  nothing.  By  the  same 
care  we  now  enjoy  our  lives;  are 
furnished  with  the  necessary  means 
of  preserving  our  lives.  But  all  these 
things  are  trifling,  compared  with 
our    salvation. 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


:06 


Therefore,  since  God  hath  been  so 
careful  with  us,  in  matters  of  little 
consequence,  it  would  be  absurd  to 
affirm  that  he  has  neglected  us,  in 
cases  of  the  greatest  importance.  Ad- 
mit that  he  hath  forsaken  us,  yet  it 
could  not  have  been  without  a  just 
cause.  Let  us  suppose  that  an  hei- 
nous crime  was  committed  by  one  of 
our  ancestors,  like  to  that  which 
we  are  told  happened  among  another 
race  of  people;  in  such  case,  God 
would  certainly  punish  the  criminal, 
but  would  never  involve  us,  who  are 
innocent,  in  his  guilt.  Those  who 
think  otherwise  must  make  the  Al- 
mighty a  very  whimsical  illmatured 
being.  Once  more  are  the  Christians 
more  virtuous,  or  rather  are  not 
they  more  vicious  than  we  are?  If 
so,  how  came  it  to  pass  that  they  are 
the  objects  of  God's  beneficence, 
while  we  are  neglected?  Does  the 
Diety  confer  his  favors  without  rea- 
son, and  with  so  much  partiality? 
In  a  word,  we  find  the  Christians 
much  more  depraved,  in  their  morals 
than  ourselves;  and  we  judge  of 
doctrine  by  the  badness  of  our  lives." 

1710— Most  of  the    Indian    Chiefs    of 

the  Continent  Expected  to 

Meet  at  Conestoga. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col,  Rec,  p.  513 
at  a  Council  held  the  2nd  of  July, 
this  year,  "The  Governor  laid  be- 
fore the  Board  an  Express  he  had 
received  last  night  from  Colonel 
French,  purporting  that  in  three 
days  the  Chiefs  of  the  Seneques  would 
be  at  Conestoga,  and  with  them  the 
Chiefs  of  the  Indians  of  most  part  of 
the  Continent  and  also  some  of  the 
Gentlemen  of  the  Maryland,  and 
that  the  Governor's  presence  there 
was  expected;  what  the  design  of  the 
Congress  might  be  was  not  certain, 
but  was  told  it  was  of  great  conse- 
quence   to    the    Crown,      and      would 


!  tend  much  to  the  preservation  of 
the  subject.  The  board  having  taken 
the  premises  into  consideration  are 
of  the  opinion,  that  it  is  absolutely 
necessary  that  the  Governor,  with  as 
many  as  can  be  got  to  attend  him 
go  to  Conestoga  to  meet  the  Indians, 
and  inform  himself  of  the  cause  of 
their    meeting." 

In  this  item  we  see  that  Conestoga 
was  now  to  be  the  scene  of  a  great 
meeting   of   Chiefs.  The   heads    of   all 
the  Indian  tribes  were  about  to  gath- 
er  there;    and   this   was   to     be     the 
great    Indian   Council    of   the   year.  I 
am  unable  to  find  whether  the  Coun- 
cil  as*  intended  met  and  perhaps  we 
shall    see    later    on,    what    became    of 
I  the   action.     The   importance   of  Con- 
|  estoga  is  however   shown   in   this. 
j  1710— The    Queen    of   the    Conestogas 
and  Some  of  the  Conoys  at 
Philadelphia, 
At   a  Council   meeting  held  on   the 
21    of    September,    1710,    as    it    is    re- 
corded   in    2    Col.    Rec,    p.  516,     and 
stated,  "The  Queen  of  the  Conestoga 
|  Indians,    Ojuncho,    and      two      chiefs 
|  more,   and  some  of  the     Conois     In- 
dians,   laid   down    before   the   Council 
four  bundles  of  skins   and  furs,   and 
at   the   delivery  of  the   first     bundle, 
the    said,    (as   was    interpreted)     that 
they   had    given   the    Governor   notice 
of  their   intentions   of   coming  hither 
the   last   time    he    was    at   Conestogo. 
that   they   were    now    come,    and     do 
present    him     with     that    bundle     to 
make  him  a  cover  for  his  table  to  be 
used  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Car- 
pet,  then   spread   upon   the   Council's 
table. 

Upon  their  presenting  the  second 
bundle,  they  said  it  was  in  remem- 
brance, and  as  an  acknowledgment 
for  the  gunpowder  and  lead  present- 
ed to  them  here  the  last  year,  for 
which  they  were  very  thankful. 

Upon    their    presenting      the      third 


207 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


bundle,  they  said  it  was  as  a  token 
of  their  good  will  and  friendship, 
and  that  they  shall  ever  remember 
and  observe  the  Governor's  advice  to 
them  last  year,  to  live  peaceably 
with  one  another,  which  they  will  al- 
ways   endeavor. 

Upon  their  presenting  the  fourth, 
they  said  it  was  in  remembrance  of 
the  advice  that  was  heretofore,  given 
them  not  to  be  too  credulous  of  re- 
ports, they  being  generally  false  and 
spread  abroad  by  ill  men,  that  for 
their  parts  they  would  believe  no  re- 
ports against  us,  and  hoped  we 
would  believe  no  ill  reports  of  them. 

Whereupon  the  Governor  replied 
that  he  was  glad  to  see  them  and 
thanked  them  for  their  kind  pre- 
sent and  cautioned  them  not  to  be- 
lieve lies  and  stories  that  now  too 
commonly  spread  abroad  for  mis- 
chief by  ill  men,  and  that  if  any- 
thing happened  extraordinary  they 
should  have  notice  by  a  messenger 
on  purpose,  and  desired  the  like 
from  them  as  their  brothers,  and 
being  ordered  to  attend  tomorrow  in 
the   afternoon   they   withdrew. 

Ordered  that  Mr.  Hill,  Mr.  Norris, 
and  Mr.  Preston,  dispose  of  the  said 
presents  to  the  best  advantage,  and 
provide  a  suitable  return  against  to- 
morrow." More  of  the  prominent 
position  of  Conestoga  is  shown  in  this 
item. 

1711 — Expenses  of  the  Conestoga  In- 
dian  Treaties. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Votes  of  Assembly, 
p.  92,  it  is  set  forth  that  John  French 
accounts  of  his  several  journeys  to 
Conestoga  and  the  expenses  therein 
at  the  intance  of  the  late  Governor, 
amounting  to  119  Pounds,  19s  and 
lOd,  was  read,  and  some  of  the  60 
Pounds  of  new  currency  was  allow- 
ed to  the  said  John  French. 

Several    other    items      of      expense 


connected  with  the  Conestoga  In- 
dian Treaties  are  set  forth  in  the 
same  book  and  page  as  follows:  An 
account  of  Thomas  Masters  for  wine 
furnished  the  Governor  on  his  jour- 
ney to  Conestoga  to  the  value  of  25s, 
was  allowed  and  also  a  note  from 
Henry  Worley  requesting  pay  for 
his  services  of  going  to  Conestoga 
on  a  message  to  the  Indians  last 
June,  was  read  and  he  was  allowed 
three  pounds. 

1711  — More    Palatines     Now     Settle 
Among  the  Conestoga  Indians. 

In  Vol.  19  of  the  Penna.  Archives, 
p.  572  it  is  set  forth  that  Thomas 
Story  having  a  right  from  the  Pro- 
prietor for  1000  acres  of  land  in  the 
manner  of  Highlands  has  instead 
taken  up  the  same  quantity  near  the 
settlement  of  the  Palatines  near  Con- 
estoga, for  which  the  Commissioners 
granted  a  patent.  But  it  appears 
that  he  re-conveyed  them  and  took 
up  some  land  in  lieu  of  it,  which  he 
proposed  to  purchase,  and  he  agrees 
to  give  the  same  price  that  the  Pal- 
atines did  at  the  same  time  the 
tract  was  taken  up  by  the  Palatines 
which  is  accordingly  granted 
1711 — Sixty  Conestoga  Indians  Come 
to   Philadelphia. 

In  Vol  2  of  the  Votes  of  Assembly, 
p.  104,  it  is  stated  that  "The  Speaker 
informed  the  House  that  during  the 
Governor's  absence  and  since  his 
last  return  from  New  York  he  had 
received  and  entertained  upwards  of 
60  Constoga  Indians  who  came  to 
treat  with  the  Governor  about  the 
intended  expedition  against  the 
French  and  the  Northern  Indians  of 
Canada  by  which  he  had  disbursed 
at  least  twenty  Pounds,  and  been  at 
much  trouble;  therefore  desired  that 
the  same  might  be  reimbursed  him 
out  of  the  Provincial  stock. 
Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  That  if  the  Gov- 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


208 


ernor  concurs  with  this  House  here- 
in, the  sum  of  twenty  Pounds  shall 
be  paid  him  by  the  Public  Treasurer 
out  of  the  Provincial  stock,  after 
all  payments,  ordered  by  the  three  re- 
solves of  Assembly,  made  of  the  fifth 
month,  1710,  are  discharged,  and  that 
the  clerk  draw  an  order  on  Samuel 
Carpenter,  public  Treasurer,  for  pay- 
ment thereof  accordingly ;  which  was 
done,  and  signed  by  the  speaker,  to 
be  presented  to  the  Governor  for 
his  concurrence,  and  then  the  House 
adjourned  until  seven  o'clock  tomor- 
row morning." 

No  comment  need  be  made  on  this 
item  particularly  except  to  call  the 
reader's  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
Conestoga  Indians  were  frequently 
at    Philadelphia. 

1711  —  Governor     Gtokin    Makes    An- 
other Treaty  with  the  Cones- 
toga  Indians  and  Others. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  532, 
at  the  top  of  the  page  it  is  stated 
that,  "At  a  council  held  the  4th  of 
June,  the  Governor  desired  the 
opinion  of  the  Council  as  to  his  go- 
ing to  Conestoga,  because  Colonel 
French  knew  nothing  of  the  new 
matters  on  which  a  treaty  was  to  be 
made  and  the  Council  desired  that 
the  Governor  and  some  of  his  Coun- 
cil should  go;  and  on  the  11th  of 
June  the  Governor  acquainted  the 
Council  that  he  is  now  ready  to 
start  to  Conestoga,  if  they  still 
think  that  Bezalion's  message  is  of 
such  importance  as  to  require  him 
to  go,  it  being  so  very  hot  now.  And 
the  board  decided  that  as  the  In- 
dians expected  him,  he  should  go. 
The  Governor  accordingly  went  to 
Conestoga  and  held  a  Council  with 
the  Indians  at  Conestoga  on  the  18th 
of  June,  which  he  reported  to  Phila- 
delphia on  the  23rd  of  June,  as  fol- 
lows,   (p.    533): — 


"At    Conestoga,    Jun    18,    1711. 

PRESENT: 
The  Honorable  CHAS.   GOOKINvEsq. 

Ltt.    Govr. 

Joseph    Growdon, 
Richard   Hill, 
Griffith   Owen, 
Caleb    Pusey,   Esqrs. 

A  present  of  50  lbs.  of  powder,  1 
piece  of  Stroudwater,  1  piece  of  Duf- 
fils,  100  pounds  of  shott;  being  laid 
upon  the  floor,  the  Governor  (by  In- 
dian Harry  the  Interpreter),  thus 
spoke: 

Governor  Penn  upon  all  occasions 
is  willing  to  show  how  great  a  re- 
gard he  bears  to  you  therefore  has 
sent  this  small  present  (a  forerun- 
j  ner  of  a  greater  to  come  next 
|  Spring),  to  you  and  hath  required  me 
to  acquaint  you  that  he  is  about  to 
settle  some  people  upon  the  branch- 
es of  Potowmac,  and  doubts  not  but 
the  same  mutual  friendship  which 
has  all  along  as  brothers,  past  be- 
twixt the  inhabitants  of  the  Govern- 
ment and  you,  will  also  continue  be- 
twixt you  and  those  he  is  about  to 
settle;  he  intends  to  present  five 
belts  of  wampum  to  the  five  nations, 
and  one  to  you  at  Conestoga,  and  re- 
quires your  friendship  to  the  Pal- 
atines  settled  near   Pequea. 

To  which  they  answer: 

That  they  are  extremely  well 
pleased  with  the  Governor's  speech, 
but  as  they  are  at  present  at  war 
with  the  Tuscaroroes  and  other  In- 
dians they  think  that  place  not  safe 
for  Christians,  and  are  afraid  that  if 
any  damage  should  happen  to  these 
the  blame  will  be  laid  upon  them. 
that  settlement  being  situated  betwixt 
them  and  those  at  War  with  them. 
As  to  the  Palatines  they  are  in  their 
opinion  safely  seated,  but  earnestly 
desire  that  the  death  of  Letore  may 
now  be  adjusted,  for  they  shall  not 
think  themselves  safe  until  it  is. 
18th,  Tuesday  about  twelve 


209 


AXXALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


The  Senequois  and  the  Shawanois 
met  the  Governor  and  Council,  Ope- 
ssah,  Chief  of  the  Shawnois,  by  Mar- 
tin Chartier,  interpreter,  thus  spoke: 

Were   it  impossible  for  us,  by  pre-  j 
sents  or  any  other  way,  to  atone  for  j 
the    lives    of    those    young    men    our  | 
people    unadvisedly    slew    we      would  | 
be    partly    willing    to    make  satisfac-  j 
tion,  and   such   a   condescension  would 
be       forever        greatly        remembered  j 
and  more   nearly   engage   us   and   for  j 
the    future    render    us    more    careful. 
The   uneasiness   we   had   on   that   ac- 
count  was    such,   that   we   could   not  , 
sleep   until   the  last  time  the  Gover- 
nor and  his  people  were  up  here,  at 
which  time  we  had  some  hopes  given 
us  of  adjusting  that  matter,  since  the 
murderers    are    all    dead    except   one, 
who  is  gone  to  Messasippi. 

To   which  the   Governor  answered:  j 

That  the  Laws  of     England     were 
such,    that  whosoever  killed    a    man  j 
must  run  the  same  fate,  yet  consid-  j 
ering   the    previous   circumstances   to  ! 
that     murder,     the     length     of     time 
since  the     accon.,     the     distance     of 
place    were    acted    from    the    Govern-  ! 
ment,    and    before    coming   here,    and 
the   persons   all   save   one,      (who    is 
absconded)    since    his    deed,      I      am  j 
willing    to    forbear    further    prosecu-  j 
tion    on    enquiry    into    it,    but    withal  i 
caution    you    that    if   any    such    thing  | 
hereafter  fall  out,  you  may  be  assur- 
ed  I   shall    as   well   know  how  to  do 
Justice  as  I  have  now  shewed  mercy 
for   which   they   return   the   Governor 
their  hearty     thanks,     and     Opessah 
assures  that  if  hereafter  if  any  such 
thing     happen,     he     himself  will    be 
executioner     and     burn     them     that 
should   dare   to   do   it. 

The    Senequois    acquaint: 
That  Opessa  being  therefor  solicit- 
ed by  John  Hans  Steelman,  had  sent 


out  some  of  his  people,  either  to 
bring  back  or  kill  Francis^  de  le  Tore 
and  his  Company.  Opessa,  he  af- 
firms he  was  entirely  innocent,  for 
that  John  Hans  came  to  his  cabin 
when  he  and  his  young  people  (who 
were  then  going  hunting)  were  in 
Council,  told  them  that  some  of  his 
slaves  and  dogs  (meaning  La  Tore 
and  Company)  were  fled,  therefore 
desired  him  forthwith  to  send  some 
of  his  people  to  bring  them  back  or 
kill  them,  and  take  goods  for  their 
trouble,  a  t  which  motion  Opessa 
surprised,  told  him  that  he  ought  by 
no  means  discourse,  after  that  man- 
ner before  young  people  who  were 
gone  to  the  woods,  and  might  by  ac- 
cident meet  these  people  and  there- 
fore ordered  him  to  desist,  utterly 
denying   his    request. 

The  Senequois  also  acquainted  the 
Governor  that  Le  Tort  had  taken  a 
boy  from  them  and  sold  him  at  New 
York  and  requested  that  the  Gover- 
nor would  enquire  after  him,  that 
they  might  have  him  again." 

Penn  in  England  having  learned  of 
the  stealing  of  this  boy  wrote  to  the 
Susquehanna  Indians  the  following 
letter,which  may  be  found  in  Vol.  12 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Archives,  p. 
280: 
'  My  Good  Friends : 

The  people  of  New  York  have 
again  wrote  earnestly  to  me  about 
those  Indian  prisoners  taken  by 
you,  especially  the  woman  and  boy 
saying  that  they  bought  them  fairly 
of  the  Governor  of  Carolina  who  sold 
them  for  slaves  and  they  being  my 
good  friends  and  neighbors,  and  all 
under  the  same  king,  I  must  there- 
fore desire  you  to  deliver  the  said 
woman  and  boy  to  the  bearer  hereof 
Silvester,  who  will  carefully  carry 
them  to  New  Castle  and  there  put 
them  on  board  a  vessel  from  thence 
directly  to  New  York,  and  by  so  do- 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY   INDIAN    TRIBES 


210 


ing  you  will  geatly  oblige. 

Your  very  good  friend  and  brother, 
WM.    PENN." 

This  treaty  of  1711  is  referred  to  i 
by  Governor  Keith,  who  himself 
made  a  treaty  with  the  Conestogas  j 
in  1720;  and  he  says,  "About  nine  or 
ten  years  ago  a  considerable  num- 
ber of  the  Five  Nations,  not  less 
than  fifty  came  to  Conestoga  and  a 
meeting  with  Governor  Gookin  late 
of  this  Province  and  several  of  his 
Council,  Colonel  Dongan's  purchase 
was  mentioned  to  them  and  they 
were  fully  satisfied,"  (3  Col.  Rec,  p. 
101). 

All  this  goes  to  throw  light  upon 
this  great  treaty  of  1711  and  shows 
us  that  confirmation  of  the  land  pur- 
chase on  Susquehanna  was  one  of 
its  objects.  All  the  purposes  of  the 
treaty  however,  are  plainly  set  forth 
in  the  treaty  itself. 

1 711  —  More  Palatines .    (Mennonites) 
Settle  Among  the  Conestogas. 

In    the    item    which   we    have    just 
stated    it   will    be   observed   that   the 
following    sentence,    which     the      In- 
dians say  in  regard  to  the  Palatines, 
occurs,   "As  to  the     Palatines,     they 
are    in    their    opinion    safely    seated." 
I   merely  make  this  a  separate  item 
to    show    that   the    whites   were    now 
mixing    and    settling    among    the    In- 
dians and  in  their  neighborhood.     As  j 
the  question  came  up     whether     the  j 
whites  would  be  safe  there  if  the  In-  j 
dians  got  into  war  with  other  tribes. 
It  is  here  stated  by  the  Indians  that  | 
these   whites   would   be   safe. 

Mombert  in  his  History,  p.  26  tells  i 
us,    "That    as    early    as      1711      there 
were   Palatines   settled   near   Pequea,  j 
who  were   prominently   admitted   into  | 
the     friendship     of     the     neighboring 
tribes."     We  have  no  doubt  that  this 
is   directly   quoted  from  the  Colonial 
Records  as  we  have  just  cited  it. 


1711  — Colonel  French   Sends  in  His 
Expense  Account  of  the  Con- 
estoga Treaty. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  529, 
in  February,  1711,  Colonel  French 
gives  in  the  following  account  of  the 
expenses  of  his  treaty: 

Coll.  French's  account  of  his 
Journey  to  Conestoga,  etc.,  were  read 
and  considered,  and  147  Pounds,  6s., 
lOd,  allowed  to  him,  saving  the  de- 
ductions following:  viz:  for  horse 
hire  and  baggage  men  in  July  1707, 
charged  in  Governor  Evans'  account 
and  paid  him  5  Pounds;  for  six 
Pounds  paid  by  the  present  Gover- 
nor to  the  baggage  men  in  July, 
1710,  charged  in  Coll.  French's  ac- 
count, in  all  deducted  27  Pounds,  7s; 
so  there  remains  due  to  Coll.  French, 
and  which  is  allowed  by  the  board, 
119,    19,    10. 

The  Governor's  account  of  dis- 
bursements and  charges  on  his 
Journey  to  Conestoga,  in  July,  1710, 
to  treat  with  the  Five  Nations, 
amounts  to  8  Pounds,  and  10s, 
which  is  allowed  by  the  Council. 

The  supply  bill  was  now  again 
read  and  sent  to  ye  house  with 
amendments   affixed  to  it." 

This  shows  us  something  of  the 
kind  of  equipment  that  was  neces- 
sary to  be  taken  into  the  Conestoga 
treaties   to   perfect   a   treaty. 

1711 — The   Governor   Orders   the  Con- 
estoga  Chiefs   to   Come   to 
Council. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Colonial  Records, 
p.  537  on  the  first  of  August,  this 
year,  "The  Governor  sent  for  Indian 
Harry,  and  ordered  him  to  fetch 
some  of  ye  chiefs  of  the  Indians,  who 
were  come  down  with  a  design  to  go 
to  Canada.  He  brought  six  of  them, 
and  the  Governor  asked  them  by 
Harry  the  Interpreter,  how  many 
there     were     intended     for     Canada. 


211 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANXOCKS   AND 


They  answered  about     5  or     6     and 
Twenty.     It  was  askt  them  why  they 
did  not  make  the  bent  of  their  way  | 
to    the      Five    Nations,      pursuant    to  i 
Coll.     Hunter's       letter       to       them.  ! 
They  replied  that  Coll.  French  would 
have  had  them  come  by  way  of  New 
Castle,    and    promised    to     go     along 
with  them,  but  New  Castle  being  out  j 
of  their  way,  they  came  to  Philadel- 
phia and  expected  him  there.     It  was  ! 
asked  them  whether  they  apprehend- 
ed they  were  come  here  at  the  Gov- 
ernor's  request,   or   upon  Coll.   Hunt- 
er's   letter    to    them,  as  being  under 
covenants,   with   the   five   nations    to  ! 
go  to  war,  when  they  required  them; 
they    answered    they    came    in    obedi- 
ence to     Coll.     Hunter's     letter,    but 
they   expected     Coll.   French     to     go 
with      them.       They    were    told    that  I 
Coll.   French  might  have  such  a  de-  j 
sign,  but  he  was  off  of  it,  and  asked 
them  whether  they  would  go  to  Bur-  i 
lington    by    land    or      water,      where 
they  would  have  company  enough  of 
the   forces   raised   there   to   go   along 
with   them,   to   which   they   said   they  ! 
would      further       consider      amongst  j 
themselves." 

The     importance     of    Conestoga     is 
here   again   plainly   shown. 

1712— The  Delawares  Show  a  Belt  of 
Wampum  Sent  to  Conestoga. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Colonial  Rec,  p.  j 
546  there  is  an  account  of  Council 
of  a  treaty  held  at  Edward  Farmer's 
House  with  the  Delaware  Indians. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Dela- 
wares moved  to  the  Susquehanna  as 
we  have  shown  before.  These  Dela- 
ware Indians  had  thirty-two  belts  of 
wampum  and  they  were  on  their 
way  to  pay  tribute  to  the  Five  Na- 
tions of  New  York.  In  making  their 
speech  to  the  Governor  they  declared 
that  many  years  ago  they  were  made 
tributary  to  the  Five  Nations  and 
were   now    about   to   visit  them;    and 


that  they  thought  it  would  be  pro- 
per to  stop  at  Philadelphia  and  show 
the  Governor  these  belts,  together 
with  their  Indian  pipe  or  calamet 
with  a  stone  head,  wooden  cane  or 
shaft  and  feathers  fixt  to  it  like 
wings,  with  other  ornaments.  They 
said  that  the  Five  Nations  had  given 
them  this  pipe,  that  they  were  com- 
pelled to  show  it  when  they  came 
among  the  Five  Nations  to  be  known 
as  friends.  They  then  proceeded  to 
explain  each  of  the  thirty-two  belts 
of  wampum,  and  tell  who  made  it 
and  for  what  it  was  for.  Besides 
these  32  belts  they  showed  two  more, 
one  that  had  been  given  by  Penn 
when  he  was  here  and  the  other  that 
was  since  sent  by  Colonel  Evans  to 
Conestoga,  which  they  are  also  to 
carry  with  them.  But  they  desire  to 
know  from  the  Governor,  now,  what 
was  intended  by  them.  The  Governor 
asked  them  why  they  waited  11 
years  to  ask  about  this  belt  that  Wm. 
Penn  gave  them,  and  they  said  that 
the  man  that  was  to  carry  it  died 
soon  after  they  got  it  and  that  that 
was  the  reason.  Further  it  appears 
in  this  treaty  that  they  had  several 
bundles  and  skins  and  that  they 
made  presents  to  the  Council  and  al- 
so held  a  treaty  and  at  this  treaty 
it  is  stated  that  they  received  pre- 
sents from  the  whites  and  "these 
presents  being  kindly  accepted,  fill- 
ing their  calamet  or  long  winged 
pipe  with  tobacco  and  lighting  it, 
they  presented  it  so  lighted  to  the 
Governor  and  each  of  the  Council, 
etc..  to  smoak  a  few  blasts  of  it  as 
a  token  of  the  greatest  friendship 
that  could  be  shown. 

1712  —  Another    Body    of    Conestoga 
Indians  Come  to  the  Council. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  553  it 
it  stated  that  at  a  Council  held  on 
the   23rd  of  July  of  that  year,  "sev- 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


212 


eral  Indians  being  arrived  some 
days  ago  from  Conestogo,  on  busi- 
ness of  importance,  (as  they  said), 
and  having  waited  eight  days  for 
their  Interpreter,  they  at  length  met 
the  Council  this  day;  Tagodrancy  or 
Civility,  a  War  Captain  and  Chief, 
with  Tanyahtickahungh,  the  old 
Speaker,  Knawonhunt,  and  Soach- 
koat,  two  Brothers,  and  some  others 
being  sate,  they  first  presented  a 
bundle  of  deer  skins,  and  by  Indian 
Harry  their  Interpreter,  said:  That 
the  Proprietor,  Governor  Penn  had 
at  his  first  coming  amongst  them 
made  an  agreement  with  them  that 
they  should  always  live  as  friends 
and  Brothers,  and  be  as  one  body, 
one  heart,  one  mind,  and  as  one  eye 
and  ear;  that  what  the  one  saw  the 
other  should  see,  and  what  the  one 
heard  the  other  should  hear  and 
that  there  should  be  nothing  but  love 
and  friendship  between  them  and  us 
forever. 

They  presented  a  small  bundle  of 
furs,  and  said  that  on  their  part 
they  had  always  kept  up  this  agree- 
ment and  should  constantly  observe 
it  in  all  respects,  that  if  anything 
came  to  their  knowledge  relating  to 
us  they  would  always  like  brothers 
and  friends  acquaint  us  with  it,  and 
if  at  any  time  any  foreigners  or 
strangers  came  among  them  they 
would,  (as  they  had  always  done) 
give  notice  of  it  immediately  to 
Philadelphia,  and  in  all  things  would 
acquit  themselves  accordingly  to 
what  they  had  promised  and  engag- 
ed. They  presented  two  bundles  of 
skins  together,  and  said  that  on  our 
part  we  had  promised  them  to  regu- 
late the  trade  that  was  carried  on 
with  them  at  Conestoga,  and  had 
spoke  of  licenses  to  be  given  to  the 
traders,  by  which  means  all  abuses 
were  to  be  rectified.  But  that  since 
Licenses    were    granted      they      found 


|  themselves  worse  dealt  by  than 
\  ever,  they  received  less  for  the 
goods  that  they  sold  to  the  traders, 
;  were  worse  treated  and  suffered 
J  more  injuries,  which  they  desired 
:  the  Council  would  inquire  into,  and 
|  know  why  it  was  so,  and  cause  it  to 
'  be   redressed. 

They  presented  a  fifth  bundle,  and 
!  said,  that  the  Cattle  the  traders  kept 
hurt  and  destroyed  their  corn;   Civil- 
|  ity    gave    an    account    of   his    coming 
|  with    divers     of     their    people,    in    a 
|  friendly     visit     to     the     old     French 
!  women.  M.  L. Tort's  house;    that  with- 
i  out  any  provocation  she  turned  them 
|  out    of    doors,    and    that    upon    their 
|  expostulating   upon   it,    she   told  them 
that  the  house  was  her  own,  that  the 
!  land  was  hers,  for  she  had  bought  it 
!  of  Governor   Penn,  and  proceeded  to 
|  insult  them  very  rudely;   they  there- 
fore   desired    to    know    whether      this 
j  was   so  or  not,  and  whether  she  had 
any  authority  to  act  in  such  a  man- 
S  ner. 

They  were  told  by  the  board  that 
i  the  Council  were  much  troubled  to 
find  they  had  occasion  to  complain, 
but  they  were  desired  to  use  such  a 
freedom  with  us  as  became  brothers, 
and  not  receive  anything,  but  lay  all 
their  grievances  before  us,  whoever 
the  persons  offending  might  be,  and 
it  should  all  be  considered  and  an- 
swered   together. 

They  proceeded  to  complain  of  M. 
Letort,  and  particularly  the  old 
Queen  Conguegoes  representing  that 
the  said  M.  Letort  did  them  great  dam- 
ages by  keeping  of  hogs,  and  that  at 
twice  she  turned  them  into  the 
Queen's  corn  in  her  own  sight. 

They  said  that  they  had  often 
taken  horses  out  of  their  fields  and 
taken  them  to  the  owners;  that  some- 
times they  would  not  acknowledge 
them  to  be  theirs,  but  that  when 
damages  were  done  by  any,  all  the 
traders      would      deny       that      those 


213 


ANNALS  OF  THE  BU SQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


horses  did  belong  to  any  of  them  that 
did  it;  upon  which  one  of  them  they 
said  resolved  to  take  a  method  to 
find  to  whom  one  particular  horse 
belonged,  for  having  taken  him  out 
of  his  corn  three  several  times,  he  at 
last  shott  him,  that  the  owner  meet- 
ing with  the  loss  might  be  discover- 
ed by  his  complaints. 

They  added  that  one  Sheerwill  had 
lived  amongst  them  for  two  years 
without  planting  any  corn;  that  not- 
withstanding he  had  still  enough, 
furnishing  himself  by  stealth;  and 
that  he  had  sometimes  been  taken  in 
the  fact  but  that  he  had  now  left  the 
place. 

They  are  told  that  all  these  mat- 
ters should  be  inquired  into,  consid- 
ered and  answered  altogether  in  the 
morning. 

They  desired  that  they  might  be 
acquainted  with  what  news  we  had 
either  from  New  York  relating  to  the 
Indians,  or  from  other  places;  and 
some  time  being  spent  on  these  sev- 
eral subjects,  they  are  told  they 
might  withdraw  which  they  did  ac- 
cordingly, and  the  Council  entering 
into  the  considerfation  of  what  had 
been  delivered.  It  was  resolved, 
that  these  injuries  requiring  an  im- 
mediate redress,  care  should  be 
taken  to  procure  satisfaction  to  the 
Indians  for  the  losses  they  had  al- 
ready sustained,  and  that  they  should 
be  prevented  for  the  future  by  oblig- 
ing these  traders  to  remove  from  so 
near  a  neighborhood  to  them  without 
any  delay,  and  that  none  of  them 
should  be  suffered  to  sitt  down 
among  these  people;  all  which  was 
referred  to  be  further  considered  to- 
morrow. 

The      account     of     their     presents 
being  taken,  they  were  found  to  be, 
30  Deer  skins,  valued  at  about  3— 6d 

each,  5   Pds.         5     6 

2   half   bears,  7 


foxes  at  18d  each,  6- 
Racoons,    at    6s    each 

beavers  at  5s  and  one 
Dressed    Doe    at3 — 6* 


10     6 
18     6 


The  whole  amounting  at 
the  highest  computa- 
tion   to    7  Pds.     01     0 

And  it  is  ordered  that  another 
should  be  provided  to  return  to 
them,  viz: 

6    Stroudwater   Matchcoats. 
6    Duffils. 
6    White    Shirts. 
50   lbs.   of   powder. 
1    cwt.    of   Lead,   besides    a    stroud- 
:  water   and   a   shirt  to   Harry  the   In- 
!  dian      Interpreter,      and     two     small 
I  shirts  to  two  of     his     children,    and 
then    adjourned   until   tomorrow   at   3 
j  in  the  afternoon." 

This    again    shows    the    difficulties 
|  under    which    the    Conestoga    Indians 
labored  and  the  questions  of  import- 
ance   that     were      constantly      rising 
from    that    section. 

On    p.   555   of  the   same   book  it   is 
:  stated  the  next  day,  "The  Board  tak- 
!  ing     into     consideration     the       com- 
plaints  made  by     the     Indians,     they 
thought  fit  to  order,  that  the  traders 
i  whose  cattle  had  done  damage  to  the 
Indians   should    be   forthwith    obliged 
to   make    compensation   to   the    satis- 
!  faction  of  the  sufferers  they  left  the 
j  town;   and  as  had  been  before  resol- 
ved, that  none  of  them  should  be  suf- 
fered to  live     any     longer     amongst 
that  people,  but  should  at  this  fall  at 
fartherest    remove     to     greater     dis- 
|  tance,  and  not  allowed  on  any  terms 
I  to  keep  cattle  and  other  horses  than 
|  what  are   for  their     immediate     ser- 
I  vice,   unless   they   should   live   on  pur- 
j  chased  land. 

The   several   other  heads   spoke    to 
by   the    Indians    being   also   consider- 
ed,  the   Secretary   was  directed  to   an- 
i  swer   them   from   the   Board,    accord- 


OTHER    LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


214 


ing  to  the  instructions  now  agreed 
on  and  giving  him,  and  accordingly 
the  presents  yesterday  ordered  to  be 
returned  to  them  being  mostly  gott 
ready,  and  they  themselves  called  in 
the  Secretary  spoke  to  fully  to  every 
particular,  the  heads  of  which  are  as 
follows: 

That  the  Bond  of  friendship  and 
Brotherhood  made  by  the  Proprietor 
William  Penn,  with  their  nation,  was 
so  strong,  that  we  doubted  not  that 
it  would  never  be  broken;  that  both 
we  and  they  had  hitherto  inviolably 
kept  it,  and  we  were  glad  to  see 
them  on  their  parts  desirous  to 
strengthen  it  and  therefore  took 
their  presents  very  kindly. 

That  we,  on  our  parts  thought  this 
Bond  so  strong  that  it  could  not  be 
made  firmer  by  any  presents;  yet  to 
shew  how  acceptable  any  tokens  of 
their  friendship  were  to  us,  and  that 
they  might  be  supplied  with  some 
things  necessary,  in  consideration  of 
their  long  journey  to  visit  us;  we  de- 
sired them  to  accept  what  we  had 
provided  for  a  return  to  them,  re-  ! 
peating  what  those  presents  were  i 
and  delivering  them  all  but  the 
Shirts  which  were  not  yet  ready, 
and  the  provisions  to  be  given  them  j 
in  the  morning.  That  in  relation  to  j 
their  complaints  of  trade,  they  must 
consider  that  all  traders  had  in  view 
by  buying  and  selling,  was  to  gain 
something  to  it  themselves.  That 
unless  they  could  buy  at  such  a  rate 
as  that,  they  could  sell  the  same 
goods  for  somewhat  more,  so  as  to 
live  by  the  profit,  they  would  lose 
their  labour  and  none  would  follow 
it.  That  all  commodities  sometimes 
rose  in  price  and  at  other  times  fell, 
and  that  the  traders  must  buy  at 
such  rates  as  their  buyers  could  af- 
ford. That  most  of  all  the  skins  and 
furs  bought  of  the  Indians  were  , 
sent   to   England,   where   the     people  I 


I  were  numerous  like   the  leaves   on    the 
!  trees,  and   received  all   the   goods   on 
j  the    main     from    Carolina,     Virginia, 
|  etc.,   and   so   to   Hudson     Bay,     that 
j  these     goods  happened  now  by  their 
I  plenty   to   be   low   in     England,     and 
English  goods  high  by  reason  of  the 
war.       That     it   was   owing  to   these 
causes   and  not  to  the  traders  being 
obliged    to    take    licenses;    that   their 
trade  was  now  so  low,    (as   some  ill 
people  who  would  not  subject  them- 
selves   to    any    orders    might   suggest 
to   them),   that  the   reason   of  grant- 
ing   licenses    was    that   none      should 
be   allowed  to  trade  with    them,    but 
I  such  as  should  give  security  here  to 
j  deal    honestly    by   them,    and   not   in- 
j  jure  them  in   any     of     these     points 
!  they  had     formerly     complained     of; 
|  that  by  these  means  we  could  at  all 
times,  by     the     security     they     gave 
here,    punish    them    whether    present 
or  absent  for  any    disorders    they  com- 
mitted,   and    therefore    that    these    li- 
censes were  of  the  greatest  benefit  to 
the   Indians,  and  that    if    they    were 
any  way  injured  in  trade  they  ought 
to  complain  to  us.       That     from  the 
security   the   traders   had    given,    we 
might    oblige    to     make      reparation; 
that  we  were  heartily  sorry  they  had 
such  occasion  of  complaint  on  other 
accounts    than    those    of    trade;     and 
that    the    traders    proved    such      bad 
neighbors    that    none    had    ever    been 
allowed  by  us  to  settle  amongst  them 
but  Peter  Bizalion  and  that  not  only 
he  but  the  rest  that  had  done  them 
damage  should  forthwith  make  them 
satisfaction.       They      were     therefore 
ordered  to  settle  the  account  of  their 
damages    with   the   persons    who   had 
done    them    by     tomorrow     morning, 
and  were  promised  that  they  should 
be  made  good  to  them." 

This  item  shows  the  firmness  with 
which  the  Government  of  Pennsyl- 
vania dealt  with  these  Conestoga  In- 


215  ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 

dians  as  well  as  all  the  other  In-  I  very  day,  the  chief  murderers,  with 
dians  It  is  noticeable  here  also  as  |  the  greatest  part  of  that  nation 
shown  p  556  that  Peter  Bezalion  is  I  seated  under  their  protection  near 
at  this  time  settled  among  the  Con-  j  Susquehanna  River,  whitner  they  re- 
estoga  Indians;  and  also  that  the  j  moved  them,  when  they  found  they 
Delaware  Indians  are  now  constant-  could  no  longer  support  them 
ly     with     the     Conestogas     at     their  j  against   the   force  which   the  English 


treaties. 

1712— Letort  Granted  a  New  License 

to  Trade  With  the  Conestogas 

and  Other  Indians. 


brought   upon    them    in   these    parts. 

During  the  Tuscourouro  war, 
about  two  hundred  of  your  Indians 
set  upon  our  Virginia  Indian  Traders 
as  they   were  going   to  the   Southern 


In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  562  j  Indians  with  a  caravan  of  at  least 
it  is  stated  that  the  petition  of  ,  eighty  horses  loaded,  and  after 
James  Letort  was  read,  praying  that  i  kiinng    0ne    of    our    people    and    shot 


he  may  have  a  license  granted  to 
him  to  trade  with  the  Indians,  etc., 
which  being  considered,  he  is  ap- 
proved on  and  may  have  the 
Governor's  license  accordingly. 
According   to   Vol.    2     of    Watson's 


most  of  their  horses  they  made  booty 
of  all  the  goods,  declaring  their 
reason  for  so  doing  was  because  they 
did  not  carry  their  ammunition  to 
the  Tuscourroroes,  and  this  plunder 
was    so    publickly      vended      to      the 


Annals,   p.    122    Letort   Creek   in    the  j  northward   that   it   was   no    secret   to 


neighborhod  of  Carlisle  was  named 
from  James  Letort.  Letort  seems  to 
have  had  this  location  as  a  frontier 
home  about  1712.The  creek  was  noted 
for  its  many  beaver  dams.      This  is 


your  people  at  Albany  what  a  vil- 
iianous  part  they  had  been  acting 
here  with  the  English;  and  whether 
such  an  action  be  not  at  this  day  an 
incontestible    truth.       I    dare     appeal 


a  very  notable  thing  because  beavers  |  to      you      yourself,       notwithstanding 
as  a  rule  did  not  live  in  Pennsylva-  j  your  Commrs.  may  be  willing  out  of 
nia  but  farther  northward,  except  on  |  some    publick   views,    to    conceal    this 
this  part  of  the  Schuylkill  where  the  j  piece   0f  your    Indian    Treachery." 
beaver    towns    or    dams     were     quite  \     From   this   we  see   that  these  Cone- 


S  stogas,    who    of    course,   were    led   by 
Five     Nations     and     the !  the   Five   Nations    occasionally    made 


numerous. 
1712— The 

Conestogas   at   War  With   the 
Tuscaroroes. 


expeditions    southward    to    fight    the 

Indians  in  Virginia.     In  a  later  item 

we  will    see    that  the  Conestogas  very 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Colonial  Records,  j  much  lamented  this  and  claimed  that 

p.    84     the     Governor,     Spotswood     of  Lj   they   did   not   g0>  tne   Five  Nations, 


Virginia  sent  a  letter  to  Governor 
Keith,  complaining  of  the  action  of 
our  Indians  about  Conestoga,  and  he 
accuses  them   as  follows: 

"In  the  year  1712  and  1713,  they 
were  actually  in  these  parts  assisting 
the  Tuscarouroes,  who  had  massacr- 
ed in  cold  blood  some  hundreds  of  the 
English  and  then  were  warring 
against   us,   and    they    have    at    this 


their     masters,     treated     them      very 
cruelly   and   called   them   cowards. 
1712 — The  Shawnese  at  Pequea  Cap- 
ture a  Catawba  Boy. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  23, 
at  a  treaty  held  at  Conestoga  about 
1717,  we  are  given  information  that 
some  years  ago  the  Shawnese  had 
captured    a    Catawba    boy.     The    date 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


216 


Is  not  given  but  I  give  it  as  1712. 
The  information  we  have  of  this  cap- 
ture is  as  follows: 

"The  Shawanoise  and  all  the  other 
Indians  present  were  further  asked 
whether  they  had  any  prisoners  of 
the  Catawba  Nation,  or  of  any  oi;hbi 
nation  in  friendship  with  Virginia. 
The  Shawanoise  answered  that  ihey 
had  one  prisoner,  a  young  man  taken 
some  years  agoe,  whom  they  pro- 
duced; but  all  the  others  answered 
they  had  none.       » 

It  was  demanded  of  the  Shawanois 
that  this  prisoner  should  be  return- 
ed to  the  Catawbas,  from  whence  he 
was  taken.  Their  King  or  Chief 
answered  that  they  had  taken  him 
several  years  agoe,  when  he  was  but 
a  little  lad;  that  he  had  now  forgot 
his  native  language,  and  spoke 
theirs,  and  that  they  did  not  think 
themselves  obliged  to  return  him  at 
this   time. 

Being  further  prest  to  it,  the 
chief  answered  that  if  the  King  of 
the  Catawbas,  whom  he  now  under- 
stood were  in  league  with  Virginia, 
would  come  hither  and  make  peace 
with  him,  if  it  was  desired;  but  that 
the  Catawbas  were  a  people  of  great 
extent,  and  there  were  many  nations 
under  that  name. 

The  young  man  was  asked  whether 
he  was  willing  to  return,  but  would 
not   answer." 

1713  —  T  fa  o  m  a  s      Clialkley      Again 

Preaches    in    the    Susquehanna 

Country. 

In  Chalkley's  work  before  referred 
to,  under  the  date  of  1713,  at  p.  82 
he  says:  "After  I  had  been  some 
time  in  Virginia,  I  got  passage  up 
the  Bay  Chesapeake  and  had 
several  meetings  in  Maryland, 
friends  being  glad  to  see  me;  and 
we    were    comforted    In      Christ      our 


Lord.     I   made   some   little   stay   at   a 

place   I   had   in   that  province,   called 

Longbridge,    and    then      returned      to 

Philadelphia,   where   I    lodged    at   the 

house      of     my     very     kind      friends, 

|  Richard   and   Hannah   Hill,    and    was 

!  often    times    at    divers    neighbouring 

|  meetings,    and    sometimes    had      good 

service   therein." 

It  would  seem  rather  certain  from 
j  his    having      previously      visited      the 
Susquehannas  that  he   sailed  entirely 
j  up  to  the  head  of  the  Bay  and  went 
!  into    the    Susquehanna     Country      on 
j  this    trip.     He    was    very    much    con- 
cerning     about      the     Christianity     of 
these   Indians. 

1713— Captain    Civility    on    a  Special 
Message  to  the  Council. 
In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  565  it 
I  is  reported  at  a  Council  held  June  8, 
;  1713,      "The      Young      Indian      called 
!  Civility,    one    of   the    chiefs    of   Cone- 
j  stogo,    with    Harry     the     Interpreter, 
i  having    arrived    here    two    days    ago, 
and  desired  to  deliver  a  mesage  from 
|  the    Nation,    the    Governor    called      a 
Council    thereupon,    and    being    mett, 
j  he   presented   to   the     Governor     two 
I  small    parcells    or    strings    of    w-am- 
!  pum,    which    they    said  were  delivered 
j  them    by    certain      messengers      from 
|  the    Cayogoes    and    Onoyootoes,     two 
of  ye   Five   Nations    ,who    had    been 
lately    at   Conestogo,    and    desired     to 
|  know    what    was    the    message    that 
!  those  who  came  from  ye  said  Nations 
!  had  delivered  here  last  fall ;    for  that 
j  they  were    apprehensive  that    some    of 
the      Tsanondowans     had      some      ill 
design    against    us,    proposal    having 
made   that  several   hundreds   were   to 
come  down  in   a  body,   under   a   pre- 
tense  of  trading  which  might  be   at- 
tended  with    ill    consequence. 

The  substance  of  the  minutes 
then  taken  we  told  them,  and  that 
as    they     came     on     a     message     of 


217 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


friendship,  we  had  made  them  a" 
suitable  answer;  that  we  always  had 
been  friends  with  them,  and  desired 
so  to  continue;  that  being  such,  they 
were  free  to  trade  with  us,  as  all 
others  were,  and  that  we  hoped  we 
should  have  no  cause  to  apprehend 
anything  further  from  them.  They 
were  particularly  acquainted  that 
our  Queen  had  now  made  peace  with 
the  French,  and  we  were  all  to  live 
amicably  together;  that  the  French 
durst  now  not  injure  an  English-* 
man,  nor  an  English  man  none  of 
the  French,  any  more  than  one  of 
their  own  nation;  but  that  upon  the 
whole  we  took  their  whole  care 
shewn  by  this  information  very  kind- 
ly, and  desired  them  always  to  con- 
tinue the  same  disposition  towards 
us,  as  we  should  shew  ourselves 
friends  to  them. 

Ordered  that  care  be  taken  of  them 
whilst  in  Town,  and  that  the  Treas- 
urer (Civility  being  now  one  of  the 
Chiefs  of  their  nation)  provide  for 
him  a  good  Stroud,  a  Shirt,  a  halt, 
and  a  pair  of  Stockins  and  a  match 
coat  for  Harry,  with  some  small 
tokens  for  their  children,  with  some 
rum,   Tobacco   and   bread." 

Here  we  have  another  illustration 
of  the  frequent  intercourses  between 
the  Conestoga  Indians  and  the  Gov- 
ernor at  Philadelphia;  and  it  was  now 
almost  a  daily  occurence  that  the 
savages  of  the  Susquehanna  River 
and  the  people  on  the  Delaware  met 
face  to  face. 

1714  —  Several  Conestoga  Indians 
Visit  the  Council  at  Philadelphia 
In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  574, 
it  is  stated  that  a  Council  held  Oct. 
I,  of  that  year,  that,  "Several  In- 
dians being  come  to  town  from 
Conestogo,  and  the  Governor  being 
very  much  indisposed,  the  Council 
mett    to    receive    what    they     had     to 


offer;  and  Togodhessah,  Sotayyoght, 
!  Tokunnyataawogha,  with  some  others 
I  presenting  a  Bundle  of  Drest  Skins, 
!  represented  to  the  Board: 
I  That  they  had  always  hitherto  made 
|  it  their  practice  to  inform  this 
|  Government  of  all  things  of  mmt. 
|  that  past  amongst  them;  that  living 
|  in  a  near  neighbourhood  and  friend- 
;  ship  with  the  Shawanois,  they 
thought  it  convenient  to  acquaint  us 
|  that  Opessah,  the  late  King  of  ye  said 
j  Shawanoise,  having  absented  him- 
I  self  from  his  people  for  about  three 
j  years,  and  upon  divers  messages 
sent  to  him  still  refused  to  return 
j  to  them,  they  at  length  have  thought 
|  it  necesasry  to  appoint  another  in 
i  his  stead,  and  presented  the  person 
i  chosen  by  name  Cakundawanna,  to 
the  board,  as  the  new  elected  King  of 
j  the  Shawanoise,  desiring  the  appro- 
|  bation  of  this  Government  of  this 
j  their   proceeding. 

The  Board  answered  that  what 
measures  they  thought  fitt  to  take 
for  their  own  peace  and  safety 
amongst  themselves,  should  be  ap- 
proved by  this  Government  as  far  as 
iust,  and  it  hoped  that  what  they 
have  done  was  a  necessity,  and  that 
they  are  satisfied   in   it. 

They  then  presented  a  second 
bundle   of  drest   skins,   and   said: 

That  they  had  informed  us  their 
old  Queen  was  dead,  as  also  are  all 
their  old  men  who  formerly  appear- 
ed for  their  nation,  that  they  are 
now  succeeded  by  a  younger  genera- 
tion; that  our  methods  are  to  keep 
record  of  what  is  transacted  in  writ- 
ing, but  that  they  have  also  sure 
ways  of  transmitting  from  one 
generation  to  another  what  is  neces- 
sary to  remember,  that  these  now 
living  well  know  the  leagues  and 
bonds  of  friendship  that  have  been 
between  the  English  and  their  fathers 
and    that    they,    their    Posterity,      are 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


21! 


resolved  inviolably  to  observe  the 
same. 

In  answer  they  were  told  their 
present  with  what  they  said  upon  it, 
was  kindly  accepted,  and  they  were 
desired  to  continue  the  same  meth- 
ods their  fathers  had  done,  and  to 
train  up  their  children  in  the  same 
friendship  towards  the  English  that 
they  themselves  had  been,  that  we 
and  they  may  live  in  a  firm  peace 
togther   in  all   time   to  come. 

The  skins  presetned  are  9  bucks, 
and  15  does,  drest  with  one  raw 
back,  value  about  3  pounds  and  15s 
in  ye  whole.  Ordered,  that  a  return 
be  made  to  ye  value  of  about  ten 
pounds,  with  a  persent  also  to 
Harry,  the  Interpreter,  besides  their 
charges;  and  that  the  Treasurer  see 
it  performed,  entering  the  account 
into   these   minutes." 

In  this  article  we  again  see  the 
faithful  report  made  by  the  Cone- 
stogas  of  the  suspicious  action  of  the 
King  of  the  Shawanese.  They  also 
related  to  the  Governor  faithfully  the 
experiences    their    tribe    was    having. 

1714— Conrad    Wilser's    View    of    the 
Indian   Religion 

In  Mombert's  History  of  Lancaster 
County,  p.  19,  he  sets  forth  a  letter 
which  Conrad  Weiser  wrote  on  this 
subject,  as  follows: 

"ESTEEMED  FRIEND:  I  write 
this  in  compliance  with  thy  request, 
to  give  thee  an  account  of  what  I 
have  observed  among  the  Indians,  in 
relation  to  their  belief  and  confi- 
dence in  a  Divine  Being,  according 
to  the  obsravtions  I  have  made,  from 
1714,  in  the  time  of  my  youth,  to  this 
day  (about  the  year  1746). 

If  by  the  word  religion  people 
mean  an  asesnt  to  certain  creeds,  or 
the  observance  of  a  set  of  religious 
duties;     as,    appointed    prayers,  sing- 


;  ings,     preaching,     baptism,     etc.,      or 

!  even    Heathenish    worship,      then      it 

may    be    said    the    Five    Nations,    and 

their  neighbors  have  no  religion.  But 

if  by   religion   we   man   an   attraction 

of   the   soul    to   God,   whence  proceeds 

|  a    confidence    in,     and    hunger     after, 

i  the    knowledge      of      him,  then      this 

j  people  must  be  allowed  to  have  some 

!  religion    among    them  notwithstanding 

their    sometimes    savage    deportment. 

For  we  find  among  them  some  tracts 

of  a  confidence,   in    God    alone;     and 

j  even,   sometimes,   though   but   seldom. 

|  a  vocal  calling  upon  him.  I  have  had 

!  one    or    two    instances    of    this    under 

j  my  own  observation." 

Weiser  in  this  letter  speaks  of 
|  Indian  religion  much  later  than  1714 
I  but  I  will  give  that  later. 

1 1714— Beginning*     of     the     Conestoga 

Road  in  Lancaster  County 

In  the  Quarter  Sessions  Docket,  of 
Lane.  Co.,  No.  1,  pp.  89  and  121  may 
be  found  the  petition    dated    1734    to 
improve    the   Conestoga    Road     which 
lead     into     the     Indian    Country    and 
which  is  now  the  road  known  as  the 
j  "Long    Lane."      The     petition     states 
that  the  people  have  been  using  this 
road   for   twenty   years.     Therefore   it 
|  began   to   be   used   about  1714.     Many 
I  papers,  in   the   Chester   County   Quar- 
ter  Sessions   records   also   throw  light 
on   this   subject. 

1715 — The    Goods    Bought    by    Logan 

for  the   Conestoga   Treaty 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  597. 
it  is  stated  that,  "Mr.  Logan  exhibit- 

|  ed  an  account  of  several  things  he 
bought  for  the  Conestogoe  Indians, 
by  order  of  Council,  the  1st  of  Oct. 
last,  the  balance  of  which  amounts 
to     15     Pounds,     3s      and     9d,     which 

I  account  is  allowed,  and  the  Treas- 
urer  ordered   to   pay   the   same." 


219 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU3QUEHANNOCKS    AND 


1715—Opessah,    the    Late    Shawanese  i  Opessah   said   that   he   did   not   know 

!  of   any.       We    see   in    this    item    that 


Opessah  was  quite  a  treacherous 
character  and  made  trouble  very 
frequently. 

1715  —  Chalkley     Reports     That     the 

Concstoeras    Have   Moved    Their 

Town  Twenty  Miles  Away 

In   Vol.    2    of   the   Col.    Rec,    p    603 
on    the    21st    of    June,    at    a    Council. 


Kins    Comes    to    Philadelphia 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p  599, 
it  is  stated  that  on  the  14th  of  June, 
this  year,  that  Opessah,  the  late 
Shawanese  King,  with  his  compan-  j 
ions  attending  him,  came  with  the  | 
Chiefs  of  the  Delaware  and  Schyulkill  I 
Indians  to  visit  the  Governor;  and 
that  they  met  in  the  Court  House  in 
Philadelphia,  where  they  had  a  great  j  «  Mr.  Logan  acquainted  the  Board, 
ceremony,  in  which  they  opend  up  j  that  he  had  information  by  Thomas 
the  calamet  with  a  great  ado  with  ;  chalkley,  who  lately  came  from 
their  rattles  and  songs.  The  calamet  Maryland,  that  the  Conestogoe  In- 
was  offered  by  the  Delaware  King  j  dians  had  left  their  town  and  re- 
to  the  Governor  and  Council  and  all  |  moved  twenty  miles  distant,  and  it 
the  people  and  then  by  the  Governor  j  being  thought  that  soemthing  extra- 
it  was  offered  to  the  Indians;  and  j  ordinary  had  happened,  that  they 
after  great  cermony  it  was  put  j  should  leave  their  corn  growing  on 
away.  The  Indians  explained  that  j  the  ground.  It  was  ordered  that  a 
they  had  carried  this  calamet  as  a  message  should  be  sent  up  to  them 
bond  of  peace  to  all  the  Nations  |  by  some  cf  the  Chiefs,  cf  the  Indians 
around  and  that  it  was  a  sure  bond  \  now  in  Town,  and  a  small  present, 
among    them.      The    Indians    further  j  to    wit:     a    matchcoat    for    the      two 

desired    by    holding    up    their     hands  j  Chiefs,    Civility    and      ,      and 

that  the  God  of  the  Heavens  might  i  tell  them  we  would  be  glad  to  see 
be  witness  to  it.  These  Indians  were  j  then,  and  that  they  should  inform 
referring  to  the  treaty  which  Penn  j  them  that  they,  together  with  the 
made  with  them  "at  his  first  coming  !  Delaware  Indians,  have  already  been 
among  them."  The  speaker  for  the  !  here  and  renewed  their  League  of 
Indians  then  said  that  he  delivers  j  friendship,  and  were  kindly  re- 
n   behalf  of  all   the   Indians  on   ihis  j  ceied." 

side    of   the    Susquehanna    River    the  j      in   this   item   we     see     some     new 
>elts  of  wampum  which  he  had  wkh  |  disturbances  about  Conestoga, 

him.     As    to    Opessah    who    formerly  j  which  we   shall   explain   later. 

lived     on    Peqnea  Creek   as   King   of  LF1»      .      ..  „  ..      .    ., 

.  «.  ,  1 171o — Another     Council     held 

the     Shawanese,    the     speaker     says  j 


that  he  has  now  abdicated  and  lives  ! 
at  a  great  distance  from  his  former 
home.       The      Governor      said      that  j 
Opessah     had     long     been     under     a  j 
league   of   Friendship  with  them,   and 
even   though   he   has   moved    we   will 


Witt 

Opessah    and    His    Associates 

On  the  22nd  of  June,  1715,  we  are 
told  in  Vcl.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p  603, 
that  "The  Indian  chiefs,  viz:  Sasoo- 
nan  and  Matasjeechay,  with  Opessah. 
being  called  according  to  the  order  of 


treat  him  as  kindly  as  ever;  but  we  j  yesterday,  the  Governor  acquainted 
ask  that  he  will  tell  the  foreign  In-  !  them,  that  he,  with  the  Council,  were 
dians  that  he  lives  with  that  they  j  extremely  well  pleased  to  see  them, 
should  be  kind  towards  the  Engilsh  j  and  with  the  treaty  that  we  had  with 
and    tell    them    of    any    danger;     and  '  them,    but    could    have    wished    they 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


220 


had  more  effectually  taken  the  ad- 
vice that  was  given  them  to  forbear 
excessive  drinking,  and  especially  to 
avoid  rum,  which  since  it  disorders 
them  so  very  much  and  ruins  their 
health,  they  ought  to  shun  it  as 
poison;  for  though  valuable  men 
when  sober,  yet  when  overcome 
with  that  unhappy  Liquor  they  are 
quite  lost  and  become  beasts,  that 
had  the  Governor  thought  they 
would  not  take  more  care  of  them- 
selves he  would  have  prevented  their 
buying  it,  and  must  do  so  the  next 
time  they  are  so  kind  to  visit  us,  that 
so  we  may  be  able  all  the  time  of 
the   stay   to   converse   together. 

That  now,  however,  he  is  glad  to 
see  them  sober  again  at  their  de- 
parture, and  was  willing  to  speak 
with  them  before  they  went  to  fur- 
nish them  with  some  provisions  for 
their   journey. 

That  we  have  now  had  with  them 
a  very  friendly  treaty,  which  with  all 
others  heretofore  they  are  constatnly 
to  remember. 

That  as  they  spoke  in  behalf  of  all 
the  Indians  on  this  side  of  Sasque- 
hananh,  excepting  those  of  Cone- 
stoga,  the  Governor  wishes  that 
they  had  also  come  with  them,  but 
since  they  have  not,  Sasoonan  and 
Metasheekay  are  desired  to  inform 
the  chiefs  of  Conestoga,  vsiz :  Soteer- 
yole  and  Tagultaleese  or  Civility,  that 
they  have  been  here  renewing  their 
League,  yet  we  were  sorry  that  we 
saw  not  all  our  friends  together, 
that  to  the  end  they  might  be  par- 
takers of  the  same  League,  we  had 
sent  each  of  them  a  matchcoat,  and 
should  be  glad  to  see  them  with  the 
first  good  conveniency. 

That  hearing  they  design  to  leave 
Conestogo,  we  should  desire  an  op- 
portunity of  discoursing  them  before 
they  quit  that  ancient  settlement, 
and   that  they   should   say  that  same 


I  thing  to  those  that  are  removed; 
!  that  the  better  to  cover  them  from 
!  the  night  dews  in  their  travels,  we 
!  give  each  of  them  a  stroud  match- 
i  coat. 

That  as  they  had  particularly  re- 
commended Opessah,  we  were  very 
well  pleased  with  their  regard  to 
him,  and  as  a  token  of  our  taking 
him  into  the  same  friendship  with 
them,  now  gave  him  also  a  Stroud. 
All  wihch  being  interpreted  to 
them  and  provisions  delivered  for 
their  Journey,  viz:  some  loaves  and 
one  hundred  weight  of  Biscuitts, 
with  12  Pounds  of  tobacco  and  pipes, 
they  returned  their  hearty  thanks 
with  expresisons  of  great  satisfac- 
tion. 

But   Sasoonan   complained  that  they 

J  were  much   abused   by   the  quantities 

of    rum    brought    amongst    them,    and 

requested    the    Governor    to    cause    a 

stop   to   be   put  to   the   pratcice. 

Upon  which  they  were  told  of  the 
very  strict  laws  made  against  it,  but 
that  it  was  impossible  for  us  to 
know  who  came  thither  into  the 
woods  amongst  them  without  their 
information,  that  it  would  be  in  their 
power  effectually  to  prevent  it  that 
if  they  would  stave  all  the  rum  that 
came  amongst  them,  which  they  were 
directed  by  the  Governor  to  do  with- 
out fail  as  oft  as  any  came. 

They  thereupon  desired  the  Gov- 
ernor's written  order  for  it,  and 
acordingly  the  following  order  was 
issued. 

By  the  Honorable  Charles  Gookin, 
Esqr.,  etc. 

Wheras,  notwithstanding         the 

several  penalties  laid  by  the  laws  of 
this  province,  upon  those  who  sell 
rum  to  the  Indians,  complaints  are 
made  by  them,  that  great  quantities 
are  still  carried  into  the  woods  to 
their  great  loss  and  damage.  For 
the  more  speedy  prevention  of  which, 


221 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


it  is  ordered  by  the  Governor  and 
Council,  that  all  Indians  who  shall 
at  any  time  see  any  rum  brought 
amongst  them  for  sale,  either  by  the 
English  or  others,  do  forthwith 
stave .  the  casks  and  destroy  the 
liquor,  with  suffering  any  of  it  to  be 
sold  or  drank,  in  which  practice  they 
shall  be  idemnified  and  protected  by 
the  Government  against  all  persons 
whatsoever.  Dated  at  Philadelphia, 
ye  22nd  of  June,  1715." 

We  observe  here  that  their  is  some- 
thing like  a  break  in  the  pleasant 
relations  between  the  other  Indians 
of  the  Susquehanna  and  Delaware 
rivers  and  the  Conestogas.  Just 
what  caused  the  Conestogas  to  leave 
and  move  20  miles  away  is  not  very 
clear. 

1715 — The  Conestogas  Now  Come  and 

Explain  their  Removal  and 

Other  Actions. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  606, 
it  is  stated  that  on  the  13th  of  Sept., 
'Sotyriote,  Chief  of  ye  Conestoga  In- 
dians, with  divers  others  of  his  na- 
tion and  of  the  Ganawoise,  being  in 
town  last  night,  on  the  message  sent 
them  from  this  Board  by  Sassooan 
and  Metashichay,  two  of  ye  Delaware 
chiefs  ye  22nd  of  June  last,  the  Coun- 
cil met  to  consider  of  the  treaty  to 
be  held  with  them. 

And  as  they  are  come  at  the  re- 
quest of  this  Government,  it  is  there- 
fore agreed  and  ordered  that  accord- 
ing to  ye  custom  of  ye  Indians,  a 
present  should  be  made  to  them,  viz: 
six  Stroudw.ater  matchcoats,  six 
Duffel  matchcoats,  six  blankets,  half 
a  barrel  of  Powder,  and  hundred 
pounds  of  lead  .with  some  tobacco 
and  pipes,  and  that  care  be  taken  of 
their  entertainment,  as  also  that  some 
present  should  be  made  to  Harry  the 
Interpreter,  to  ye  value  of  three 
pounds  or  thereabouts. 


That  they  be  informed  that  the  In- 
|  dians    of    Delaware    with    Opessah    in 
;  behalf     of     the      Shawanois      coming 
\  hither  of  themselves   last  4th  month, 
|  did    in    a    solemn   manner    renew    the 
i  treaty  and  confirm  the  bond  of  friend- 
|  ship   between    us,   which   they   did   in 
!  the   name   and  behalf    (they    said)    of 
!  all    Indians    on    this    side    of    Sasque- 
hannah,  those  of  Conestoga  excepted, 
!  when   they   left   to    speak    for    them- 
;  selves,  and   therefore   that  we   desired 
|  that   these    Indians   would    also    come 
j  to  visit  us   as   the   others  *  had    done. 
|  that  we  might  at  the   same  time  re- 
new   our   Leagues    of   friendship    with 
all     our     friends   and   brethren,   that 
that  they  had  always  been  such  to  us, 
and   that   our   conduct  to   each    other 
had  always  been  so  friendly,  and  the 
leagues  of  his  friendship  had  been  so 
j  often  repeated  and  confirmed  that  we 
j  were    desirous    to    see    them    as    our 
!  friends  and  brethren,  as  often  as  any 
:  others  of  our  Indians  for  which  rea- 
!  son  we  had  sent  them  that  message. 
The  Indians  not  being  met,  the  con- 
|  ference  and  treaty  with  them  was  de- 
j  ferred,  and  the  Council  adjourned  for 
that    purpose   till    in   the   morning   at 
seven."     This    sets    forth    the    discus- 
sions  of  the  first  day. 

At  page  607  we  are  told  what  hap- 
pened the   next  day   as  follows: 

"  The  afore  mentioned  Indians/with 
!  their  interpreter,  mett,  and  the  pre- 
|  sent  provided,  the  Governor  ordered 
|  them  to  be  informed  that  he,  with  the 
|  Council,  were  glad  to  see  them,  and 
j  would  have  been  pleased  if  it  had 
I  been  sooner.  That  Sasoonan,  in  be- 
!  half  of  his  own  and  all  our  other  In- 
;  dians  on  this  side  of  Sasquehannah. 
j  those  of  Conestoga  excepted,  had  in 
|  the  most  friendly  manner  renewed 
;  their  treaties  and  confirmed  the  bond 
;  of  friendship  between  us.  That  we 
1  were  upon  desirous  to  see  them  also, 
that  we  might  have  at  the  same  time 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


222 


'the  satisfaction  of  conferring  with 
and  entertaining  all  the  nations  of 
-our  friends  around  us,  and  by  that 
means  have  an  opportunity  to  know 
how  it  was  with  them. 

That  we  had  heard  that  they  had  a 
design  for  moving  the  Conestoga,  to 
leave  room  for  the  English  to  settle 
there;  but  that  we  desired  they 
■should  not  make  themselves  uneasy, 
and  if  they  thought  it  might  be  more 
for  their  conveniency  to  be  a  greater 
distance,  we  should  expect  first  to  be 
•acquainted  with  it. 

They  were  also  particularly  inform- 
<ed  of  what  passed  between  our  Dela- 
ware Indians  and  us,  at  the  last 
treaty  and  the  minutes  then  taken 
were  interpreted  to  them,  with  all 
which  they  appeared  very  well  satis- 
fied. 

The  presents  as  yesterday  ordered 
were  delivered  to  them,  amounting  to 
•about  20  Pounds  in  value,  besides  the 
three  pounds  ordered  to  Harry,  the 
interpreter,  and  the  charges  of  their 
entertainment. 

Upon  their  receiving  of  these  they 
were  particularly  desired  to  be  care- 
ful from  time  to  time,  to  inform  us 
of  any  strangers  coming  amongst 
them,  and  of  everything  new  that 
should  happen  amongst  them,  for  as 
we  were  friends  and  brethren,  we 
must  be  concerned  for  their  safety 
and  welfare,  as  well  as  our  own. 

They  all  appeared  extremely  pleas- 
ed, and  the  Council  adjourned. 

On  the  next  day,  September  15,  the 
Governor  left  town  but  authorized  the 
Council  to  hear  the  answer  of  these 
Indians,  whereupon  the  chief  of  the 
Conestogas  by  his  interpreter  said, 
"That  they  were  well  pleased  to  find 
that  the  Indians  who  were  here  in 
summer,  had  shown  themselves  so 
mindful  of  former  treaties  and  agree- 
ments that   were   made   with   William 


Penn,  at  his   first  arrival;    that  their 

old  men  were  generally  gone  off  the 

stage,  and  that  a  younger  generation 

jhad    come    into  their  place;  that  they 

on  their  parts  should  ever  desire  to 

I  live  in  the  same  peace  and  friendship 

with  us,  that  their  fathers  had  done, 

and  that  not  only  they  but  that  their 

J  and  our  posterity  might  do  the  same, 

|  from    generation    to    generation.    That 

!  all  things    were   well    amongst   them, 

|  and   they   had   nothing  in   relation   to 

j  this  Government  to  blame  or  in  any- 

J  wise  find  fault  with. 

j    They  then  laid  down  four  strings  of 

I  white  wampum,  and   said,  that  Opes- 

j  sah,  who  was  formerly  a  King  of  the 

I  Shawanois,    near   Conestoga,    but   had 

now   for   some  years  been   abroad   in 

the  woods  (as  he  said)  a  hunting,  had 

just  as  their  coming  away  from  Con- 

I  estoga,  sent  them     a     message     with 

that  wampum,  to  tell  them     he     was 

now  going  a  hunting  again,  that  they 

I  thought  it  convenient  to  acquaint  this 

I  Government  with  it,  and  that  if  they 

|  hear  anything  further  of  his  proceed- 

|  ings,  they  will  not  fail  from  time  to 

I  time  to  give  us  an  account  of  it,  and 

\  as    they    had    always    lived    in    peace, 

!  and  we  and  they  had  been  as  Breth- 

;  ren   and     friends,     so     they     desired 

:  we    might    ever    continue    the    same, 

that  they  had  nothing  to  complain  of, 

,  but  desired  we  would  for  their  great  - 

er   ease   in   trading   with    our    people, 

asquaint  them  with  the  certain  prices 

I  of  our  goods. 

They  then  presented  to  the  Board 
|  seventeen  deer  skins  in  ye  Hair,  and 
I  eighteen  foxes  skins.  They  were  told 
|  in  answer  to  this,  the  same  things 
j  that  had  been  said  to  Sasoonan  and 
j  the  Indians  with  them ;  that  it  was 
j  impossible  to  set  any  prices,  for 
|  goods  were  sometimes  cheaper. 
i  sometimes  dearer,  and  the 
traders  would  sell  their  goods  dearer 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS    AND 


a   visit   of  the   Conestogas   and   Dela- 
wares  to  the  Council  is  set  forth  but 


at  Sasquehannah,  after  they  had  been  1 1716-The   Minutes   of  the   Conestoga 
at  the  pains  to  carry  them  some  days  j  Treaty  Lost. 

journey  on  horseback,  thither,  and  In  Vol  2  of  the  Col  Rec  ?  p  ei; 
that  we  could  advise  them  to  no 
other  method  than  what  we  took  our- 
selves, which  is  that  every  man  I  it  seems  that  the  minutes  of  the  pro- 
should  bargain  as  well  as  he  could  ceedings  were  not  taken  and  we  can 
for  himself,  but  in  the  meantime  as  |  not  teil  just  what  purpose  took  them 
we  had  passed  a  law,  that  none  call-  to  Philadelphia.  The  Colonial  Rec- 
ed  Christians  should  offer  them  any  j  or(js  gjve  the  following  account  of  it: 
injury,   is   if  they    received   any   they       "Sotayriote,   the   Chief   of   the   Con- 

estoga   Indians,   Tagotelessah   or  Civ- 
ility   their    Captain,    Sheekokonickan, 


were   desired   to   acquaint  us   with   it 
and  they  should  be  redressed. 

It  was  further  pressed  on  them  to  |  a  chief  of  the  Delaware  Indians  being 
be  very  careful  on  their  parts  that  no  j  come  to  town,  attended  the  Governor 
difference  arise  between  any  of  their  j  in  Council;  but  ye  clerk  having  neg- 
and  our  people  and  if  there  should  be  ( iected  to  enter  ye  minutes  of  what 
they  would  acquaint  us  with  it  im-  past  as  he  did  all  other  relating  to 
mediately,  that  we  might  duly  inquire  j  these  people,  which  J.  Logan  himself 
Into  it,  and  justice  should     be     done    took  not  with  his  own  hand,  they  are 

with  others  irrecovably  lost." 
1717— John  Cartledge  Sends  Word  of 
Disturbances  Among  the  Con- 
estogas. 
In  Vol.  3  of  the  Colonial  Rec,  p. 
15  it  is  set  forth  under  the  date  of 
June  19,  this  year,  as  follows:  "The 
Secretary  by  the  Governor's  order 
laid  before  the  Board  a  letter  he  had 
received  this  afternoon  from  John 
Cartledge  of  Conestogoe,  giving  him 
an  account  of  some  distuurbances 
amongst  the  Indians  there;  as  also 
one  enclosed  from  Lahya,  Civility, 
and  some  others  of  the  chiefs  of  the 
Indians  on  the  Susquehanna,  wherein 
they  desired  him  to  come  to  them 
without  delay,  to  consult  with  them 
about  affairs  of  great  importance: 
They  having  no  notice  (it  is  pro- 
bable) of  the  Governor's  arrival.  The 
Governor  hereupon  thought  it  incum- 
himself     to     give   them   a 


them  if  they  were  anywise  wronged. 

Then  provisions  being  ordered  to 
be  provided  for  them  by  the  Treas- 
urer for  their  return  home,  and  all 
the  accounts  to  be  discharged  by 
him. 

They  were  dismissed  and  the  Coun- 
cil  adjourned." 

From  all  this  we  see  that  the  mat- 
ter which  was  likely  to  be  difficult 
was  finaly  settled  with  the  Conestoga 
Indians. 

1715 — Our  Conestoga  Indians  Make  a 
Treaty   With   Virginia. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  87, 
Governor  Spottswood  of  Virginia, 
writes  to  Governor  Keith,  referring 
to  the  treaty  which  the  Conestogas 
and  others  had  made  with  his  Prov- 
ince, and  says  that  they  have  not  kept 
their  engagements  made  on  the  last 
day  of  August,  1715,  but  that  in  vio- 
lation    of     those 


engagements    they  j  bent 

r^rir^i  br and  to  the  ena  they  misht  have 

in  all  which  the  Governor  of  Virginia  I  as  they  desired>     to     call     their 

puts  the  blame  upon  our  Conestoga  I  People  together,  he  was  pleased  to 
Indians.  This  ends  all  we  have  to  j  appoint  the  seventeenth  day  of  Julv 
say   under  the  year  of  1715.  i  next,    to    be    the    time    he    would    see 


OTHER    LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


224 


them  at  Conestogoe;  and  in  the 
meantime  the  Secretary  was  ordered 
to  write  a  letter  to  them  to  that  pur- 
port, and  to  send  a  belt  of  wampum 
as  a  token  of  friendship  and  confir- 
mation of  this  message." 

We  can  at  this  date  understand  the 
extreme  importance  of  the  urgent 
visit  which  the  Conestogas  asked  the 
whites  to  make  to  them,  but  we  may 
rest  assured  that  matters  of  impor- 
taince  were  to  be  adjpusted,  espec- 
ially does  this  show,  what  caused 
Oovernor  Keith  to  go  to  the  Indians 
as  soon  as  possible. 
1717— The  Delaware  Indians  are  Now 
at  Conestoga. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  19,  it 
is  stated  that  at  a  Council  held  at 
Conestoga  the  Chief  of  the  Delawares 
was  present.  I  do  not  believe  that 
they  were  simply  as  visitors  attend- 
ing this  treaty  but  that  they  now 
lived  on  the  Susquehanna  River 
which  may  be  seen  under  this  same 
date  in  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  45, 
where  we  are  told  that  the  Chiefs  of 
the  Delawares,  formerly  on  Brandy- 
wine  but  now  inhabitants  on  the 
Susquehanna  River"  were  come  to 
Philadelphia,  therefore,  I  make  this 
bit  of  history  a  separate  item  so  that 
the  fact  of  the  Delawares  moving 
from  the  Schuylkill  river  to  the  Sus- 
quehanna River  may  be  made  promi- 
nent. We  shall  see  later  that  these 
Delawares  caused  us  much  grief  be- 
cause it  was  they  who  in  1755  helped 
to  slaughter  Braddock's  men  at  Fort 
DuQuense  and  later,  who  in  and 
about  Carlisle  and  Cumberland 
stealthily  butchered  many  of  the 
white   pioneers  of  these  sections. 

1717  — A  Great  Treaty  at  Conestoga. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec.  pp,  21 
and  22  it  is  set  forth  that  the  follow- 
ing   proceedings    took    place,    "  at     a 


Council  held  at  Conestoga,     the     9th 

day   of   July,   1717."     Then   follows   a 

list  of  the  members  of  Council     who 

journeyed  with     Governor     Keith     to 

Conestoga,    and   took     part     in     this 

treaty.      They     were      Richard      Hill, 

Isaac  Norris,   James   Logan,  Anthony 

Palmer,   Robert     Ashton     and     John 

I  French.      The      importance      of      this 

!  treaty   is   attested  by   the     fact     that 

!  these  six  men  were  perhaps  the  most 

prominent    sextette    in    Pennsylvania 

I  at  this  time.  The  report  of  the  treaty 

|  is  as  follows : 

"  Present  the  Chiefs,  and  others  of 
|  the  Conestogoe  or  Mingo  Indians,  the 
|  Delawares,  the  Shawanoise  and  Gun- 
I  awoise,  all  inhabiting  upon  or  near 
|  the  banks  of  the  River  Susquehan- 
i  nah. 

A  memorial   from  Captain  Christo- 

!  pher  Smith,  of  Virginia,  having  been 

presented  to  the  Governor,  was   read 

!  at  the   Board  in  ye  words  following, 

I  viz: 

To  the  Honorable  William  Keith, 
J  Esq.,  Lieutenant  Governor  of  the 
\  Province  of  Pennsylvania  and  Coun- 
|  ties  of  New  Castle,  Kent  and  Sussex, 
i  upon  Delaware;  and  the  Honorable 
l  Council  at  Conestogoe,  Capt.  Christo- 
|  pher  Smith  humbly  Sheweth, 

That    he    being    commissioned    and 
|  instructed    by    the     Honorable     Alex- 
!  ander   Spotswood,  Esq.,  Governor     of 
;  Virginia,  to  go  to  New  York,  and  with 
!  the    lycense   and     permission     of    the 
Governor   of   these   said   province     of 
New  York,  to  discourse  with  the  In- 
dians  or   elsewhere     concerning     the 
murdering   of   some   Catawba   Indians 
at  Fort  Christianna  in  the  Colony  of 
Virginia,  who  are  in  amity  with  the 
said    Government   of   Virginia,    which 
said  insult  was  then   supposed  to  be 
|  committed    by    the    Senequa    Indians, 


and  also  to  demand  the  Delivery  up 
of  the  prisoners  taken  at  the  place 
aforesaid,  with  reparation  for  the  in- 


225 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEH  AN  NOCKS    AND 


suits  done  upon  the  said  Catawba  In-  |  cerned   in   this   cruelty,   that  then   he 
rtians.  I  may    be    assisted      in      making      such 

And  whereas,  the  said  Christopher  j  terms  of  Friendship  with  the  said 
Smith,  by  the  assistance  of  his  Ex-  |  Indians,  which  by  his  commission  he 
cellency  Brigader  Hunter,  Governor  |  is  fully,  empowered  to  do,  as  for  the 
of  New  York  hath  procured  the  con-  j  future  may  do  for  the  safety  and 
fession  of  the  said  Senequa  Indians,  j  quiet  of  his  Majesty's  subjects,  and 
wherein  they  acknowledge  that  some  ;  the  Indians  in  amity  with  the  Gov- 
of  their  men  were  concerned  in  the  j  ernment  of  Virginia  and  Pennsyl- 
killing,  of  some  of  the  said  Catawba  j  vania.  CHRISTOPHER   SMITH. 

Indians   near   Fort   Christanna   afore-        The  said  Capt.  Smith   (being  desir- 


said,  but  do  say  that  they  did  not 
know  the  said  Catawba  Indians  Were 
In  amity  or  upon  a  treaty  with  the 
Government  of  Virginia  and  have  now 
fngaged  for  themselves,  that  all  acts 


ed  so  to  do),  produced  his  commis- 
sion from  the  Governor  of  Virginia.. 
under  the  seal  of  that  Government- 
together  with  his  instructions  refer- 
red to  in  his  said  commission  both  of 


of  hostility  against  the  said  Catabaw  j  which  were  also  read. 
Indians  or  any  others  in  amity  with  |  And  because  the  subject  of  the  said 
the  said  Government  of  Virginia  shall  |  memorial  principally  concerned  the 
leave,  and  if  the  woman  Prisoner  |  said  Shawanoise  Indians,  Martin 
lately  taken  in  Virginia  by  some  of  Chartiere  who  understood  and  spoke 
their  men,  who  (at  present  is  escap-  ,  their  language  well,  was  sworn  as 
ed  out  of  their  hands)  be  taken  up  an  interpreter  on  this  occasion, 
by  any  of  their  people,  that  she  shall  !  The  insult  lately  made  on  the 
be  safely  delivered  up  to  the  Gover-  ]  Government  of  Virginia,  at  the  Fort 
nor  of  New  York,  in  order  to  be  sent  j  Christianna,  as  it  is  mentioned  in 
back  to  Virginia;  and  the  said  Chris-  j  the  said  memorial  was  then  fully 
topher  Smith,  being  lately  informed  j  related  to  those  Indians,  and  they  re- 
that  some  of  the  Shawanois  Indians  I  quired  to  inform  the  Governor 
in  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  and  i  whether  an}r  of  their  nation  were 
in  amity  with  this  Government,  were  j  concerned  in  that  fact,  or  know  any- 
present  and  concerned  in  the  murder  j  tnin»    of   it. 

and  insult  aforesaid,  committed  at  \  They  answered  that  six  of  their 
Fort  Christianna  aforesaid,  Humbly  j  men  had  accompanied  that  party  of 
Request  Your  Honors  assistance  and  !  the  Five  Nations  who  had  committed 
Countenance  in  obtaining  an  inter-  j  the  fact,  but  that  none  of  those  six 
view  with  the  said  Shawanois  Indians  j  were  here  present,  their  settlement 
and  an  interpreter  to  assist  him  in  j  being  much  higher  up  the  Susque- 
discoursing  with  the  said  Indians;  \  hannah  River,  and  being  asked  such 
and  if  it  appears  that  any  of  the  In-  j  further  questions  as  Captain  Smith 
dians  in  friendship  with  your  Gover-  !  requested  might  be  proposed  to  them 
nment  have  been  concerned  in  the  !  in  this  affair,  they  answered  to  them 
committing  the  aforesaid  fact,  that  !  severally  as  follows,  viz- 
the  said  Christopher  Smith  may  have  |  That  according  to  the  information 
your  Honor's  assistance  and  counte-  |  they  had  received  from  the  six  per- 
nance  in  procuring  reparation  for  the  I  sons  aforementioned  of  their  Nation, 
wrong  done,  but  if  it  appear  that  !  after  their  return  home,  there  was 
none  of  the  Indians  in  Covenant  or  !  only  eighteen  persons  of  the  whole 
friendship  with  you  have  been  con-  |  company  imployed     in     that     attack 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


226 


near  the  said  Fort  at  Christianna, 
and  that  the  above  mentioned  six  of 
their  nations  were  with  the  rest,  at 
some  considerable  distance  by  the 
side  of  a  creek  or  brook,  and  were  no 
way  concerned  in  it,  neither  did  they 
know  anything  of  it  until  the  return 
of  the  said  party  of  eighteen  who  had 
killed  six  men  on  the  spot,  took  one 
prisoner  who  soon  made  his  escape, 
and  a  woman  whom  they  carried 
along  with  them,  and  that  this  was 
all   they  knew   of  that  matter. 

Being  further  asked  whether  any 
of  their  Indians  knew  anything  of 
killing  Major  Joshua  Wynne,  in  Vir- 
ginia, about  five  years  agoe,  they 
said  they  did  not  know  anything  of 
it 

Whether  they  knew  anything  of  the 
Indians  killing  a  negro  man  in  Vir- 
ginia, belonging  to  Captain  Robert 
Elicks,  about  four  years  agoe,  they 
answer  they  knew  nothing  of  it. 

Being  asked  what  they  knew  of 
some  Indians  of  the  Five  Nations 
having  about  four  years  agoe 
plundered  a  company  of  Virginia  In- 
dians, trading  at  Enoe  River. 

They  answer  that  they  had  often 
heard  talk  about  such  a  thing,  but 
that  none  of  them  were  concerned  in 
it,  or  could  give  any  account  of  it. 

The  Shawanoise  and  all  the  other 
Indians  present  were  further  asked 
whether  they  had  any  prisoners  of 
the  Catawba  Indians,  or  of  any  other 
Nation  in  friendship  with  Virginia. 
The  Shawanoise  answered  that  they 
had  one  prisoner  a  young  man  taken 
some  years  ago,  whom  they  produc- 
ed; but  all  the  others  answered  they 
had  none. 

It  was  demanded  of  the  Shawa- 
nois  that  this  prisoner  should  be  re- 
turned to  the  Catawbas,  from  whence 
he  was  taken.  Their  King  or  Chief 
answered    that   they   had    taken     him 


I  several  years  ago,  when  he  was  but 
la  little  lad;  that  he  had  now  forgot 
!  his  native  language  and  spoke  theirs 
!  and  that  they  did  did  not  think  them- 
|  selves  obliged  to  return  him  at  this 
i  time. 

Being  further  prest  to  it,  the  Chief 
answered  that  if  the  King  of  the 
Catawbas,  whom  he  now  understood 
were  in  league  with  Virginia,  would 
come  hither  and  make  peace  with 
him  and  his  people. (the  Shawanois), 
he  might  have  the  young  man  back 
wifti  him,  if  it  was  desired;  but  that 
that  Catawbas  were  a  people  of  great 
|  extent,  and  there  were  many  nations 
I  under   that   name. 

The  young  man  was  asked  whether 
ihe  was  willing  to  return,  but  would 
!  give   no  answer. 

Captain  Smith  proposed  that  he 
i  might  have  liberty  to  treat  with  those 
Indians  in  order  to  make  a  league 
;  with  them  in  behalf  of  the  Govern- 
jment  of  Virginia,  to  which  he  was 
J  authorized  by  Colonel  Spotswood 
|  commission    and    instructions. 

The  Governor  answered  that  he  did 
!  not    conceive    it    to    be    necessary     or 
;  useful   that   any     person     whatsoever 
should  be  permitted  to  treat  with  the 
Indians,   except   the     Government     of 
that    Colony,    to   which     the     Indians 
respecively   belonged;    but   if   Colonel 
|  Spotswood    (for    whom    the    Governor 
had   a  very  great  regard)    desired   to 
;  make  any  treaty  with  the  Indians  who 
!  lived  under  the     protection     of     this 
'Government,  for  establishing  a  peace 
and      good      understanding      between 
j  them  and  the  Indians  under  the  pro- 
tection   of      Virginia      the      Governor 
I  himself,    with    advice    of   his    Council, 
would    heartily    endeavor    to      accom- 
|  plish   a  treaty   upon   such   reasonable 
|  terms    as    Colonel    Spotswood    might 
propose    in    behalf    of    Virginia;     and 
|  that   in  the  meantime  the     Governor 
I  now    would    at    this    juncture    (as    it 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


has  been  usual  in  this  province)  in- 
sist upon  our  Indians  friendship  too, 
and  a  good  correspondence  with,  all 
the  English  Colony's,  with  their  de- 
pendent Indians,  and  Virginia  in  par- 
ticular. 

The  Governor  then  spoke  to  the 
Indians  by  the  Interpreters,  in  the 
words   and  manner   following. 

That  they  must  carefully  remem- 
ber that  all  the  several  Government, 
(which  the  interpreters  particularly 
inumerated),  from  New  England  to 
South  Carolina  inclusive;  thought 
they  have  different  Governors,  yet 
they  are  all  subjects  to  the  great 
King  and  Emperor  of  the  English; 
so  that  when  any  Government  makes 
a  treaty  of  friendship  with  the  In- 
dians, they  must  also  treat  and  make 
the  same  bond  of  friendship  for  all 
other  English  people,  as  well  as 
themselves,  by  which  means  all  the 
Indian  nations  who  are  in  League 
and  friendship  with  any  English  Gov- 
ernment, must  also  be  friends  to  each 
other. 

If,  therefore,  any  of  you  shall  hurt 
or  molest  the  Indians,  who  are  at 
this  time  in  friendship  with  any 
English  Government,  you  hereby 
break  the  league  of  friendship  made 
with  this  Government,  which,  as  it 
has  been  most  inviolably  observed  on 
our  part,  we  do  positively  expect  the 
same  to  be  done  on  yours;  and  if 
any  of  you  receive  damage  or  are  in- 
jured by  the  Indians  who  are  in 
peace  with  any  English  Government, 
if  you  can  discover  what  Indians 
they  were  that  did  it,  this  Govern- 
ment, on  your  complaint,  will  en- 
deavor to  procure  satisfaction  from 
that  English  Government,  to  which 
such   Indians   belong. 

The  Governor  further  told  them  by 
the  same  interpreters,  that  he  having 
given  himself  the  trouble  to  come 
hither    at    this    time,    upon    their    re- 


'  quest  he  had  not  provided  v  himself 
!  with  any  presents  for  them,  being 
I  they  knew  that  Philadelphia  has  al- 
\  ways  been  the  place  of  treaty  with 
!  this  Government,  where  they  ought 
j  first  to  come  and  offer  theirs. 

But  nevertheless,  it  being  the  first 
j  time  the  Governor  had  seen  them  he 
j  would  take  this  opportunity  to  put 
I  them  in  mind  of  several  parts  of 
|  their  duty,  which  they  might  more 
I  punctually  observe,  he  had  purchas- 
ed a  few  things  from  the  traders,  as 
j  a  small  testimony  of  his  good  will  to 
them. 

Then  the  presents  being  laid  upon 
the  ground  before  the  Indians  the 
Governor   proceeded   to   tell   them. 

1st  That  he  expected  their 
I  strict  observance  of  all  former  con- 
I  tracts  or  friendship  made  between 
jthem  and  this  Government  of  Penn- 
|  sylvania. 

2dly.  That  they  must  never  mo- 
I  lest  or  disturb  any  of  the  English 
Governments,  nor  make  warr  upon 
any  Indians  whatsoever  who  are  in 
friendship  and  under  the  protection 
of  the  English. 

3dly.     That  in   all   cases   of   suspic- 
|  ion  or  danger,  they  must  advise  and 
;  consult  with  this   Government   before 
they    undertook    or    determined    any- 
thing. 

4thly.  That  if  through  accident 
iany  mischief  of  any  sort  should 
I  happen  to  be  done  by  the  Indians 
j  to  the  English,  or  by  the  English  to 
|  them,  then  both  parties  should  meet 
j  with,  hearty  intention  of  good  will  to 
|  obtain  an  acknowledgement  of  the 
mistake  as  well  as  to  give  or  receive 
reasonable    satisfaction. 

5thly.  That  upon  these  terms  and 
conditions  the  Governor  did  in  the 
name  of  their  Great  and  Good 
friend  William  Penn,  take  them  and 
their  people  under  the  same  protec- 
tion and  in  the  same  friendship  with 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


228 


this  Government,  as  William  Penn 
himself  had  formerly  done,  or  could 
do  now  if  he  were  here  present. 

And  the  Governor  hereupon  did 
promise  on  his  part  to  encourage 
them  in  peace,  and  to  nourish  and 
support  them  like  a  true  friend  and 
brother. 

To  all  which  the  several  chiefs 
and  their  Great  Men  presently  as- 
sented, it  being  agreed,  that  in  testi- 
mony thereof  they  should  rise  up 
and  take  the  Governor  by  the  hand, 
which  accordingly  they  did  with  all 
possible  marks  of  friendship  in  theii 
countenance   and   behavior." 

In  addition  to  the  fact  of  the  treaty 
it  seems  important  here  to  notice 
that  the  Conestoga  Indians  desired 
to  know  what  Christians  were  settled 
back  of  them  in  the  woods  and  to 
what  nation  they  belonged,  which  at- 
tests the  fact  that  a  good  many 
whites  were  now  coming  into  this 
section.  It  is  also  worthy  of  notice 
here  that  this  item  would  seem  to  in- 
dicate that  Peter  Bezalion  at  this 
time  lived  at  or  near  Conestoga. 
1717  —  Governor  Spotswood  Again 
Complains  Against  the  Cones- 
toga Indians. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  84,  in 
a  letter  to  Governor  Keith,  Governor 
Spotswood  says  that  while  he  was 
holding  a  treaty  on  the  Virginia 
frontier  with  the  chiefs  of  the  Cataw- 
bas,  a  party  of  Conestoga  Indians 
(and  likely  some  of  the  Five  Nations 
from  New  York)  learned  from  the 
Tuscaroras  that  the  Catawbas  were 
unarmed,  making  a  treaty  and  then 
came  among  them,  killed  some  and 
carried  others  away. 
1717— Five  Hundred  Young  Five  Na- 
tion Warriors  at  Susquehanna. 

In  the  same  book  last  cited,  p.  85, 
Governor  Spotswood  further  com- 
plains  that   there   was   a     march     in 


I  August  and  September  of  five  hun- 
!  dred  young  warriors  of  the  Five  Na- 
|  tions  and  that  they  advanced  as  far 
j  as  Susquehanna  River;  and  declared 
I  that  they  were  going  on  down  to  the 
!  Maryland  settlements. 

I  cite  this  simply  to  show  that  the 
;  Conestoga  country  was  a  famous 
place  of  resort  at  this  time  for  the 
tribes  of  the  Five  Nations  and  other 
Indians,  and  to  show  the  prominence 
of  this  section.  It  is  further  shown 
that  at  the  same  time  there  was  a 
great  deal  of  Indian  butchering  and 
massacreing  going  on  about  Cones- 
toga  and   Susquehanna. 

Governor  Spotswood  also  com- 
plains in  this  letter  that  they  fell  on 
a  company  of  men.  women  and  chil- 
dren, and  that  they  killed  many  of 
them,  and  that  one  woman  eccaped 
after  much  cruelty  and  went  to 
Virginia  famished  with  cold  and 
hunger. 

1717 — A    Line     Thrown    Around    the 
Conestoga    Indian    Camp     for 
Protection. 
In   Vol.    3    of   the. Col.    Rec,    p.    48, 
there  is  set  forth  a  statement  of  Gov- 
ernor Keith  to  the  Conestoga  Indians 
some    of   which    were    in    Phiadelphia 
|  at   that   time    that    "We   have    had    a 
I  line    thrown    around   them    (the   Con- 
!  estogas)    that  none  might  come  near 
them;   and  had  their  corn  fields  fenc- 
ed in  by  John  Cartiledge's  care,whose 
house    alone    was    placed      in      those 
lines  so  that  he  could  look  after  the 
tract  and  also  the  bounds  of  it."  This 
shows    the    care    that    the    authorities 
were    now   taking   of   the    Indians    at 
Philadelphia." 

1717 — Notes  on  the  Conestoga  Treaty. 
In   Vol.    1    of   the   Penna.   Archives, 
p.    168,   appears   the   following: 

"  Extracts    from    Council-Book      E., 
18th  July,  1717. 
Fo.   12.  Governor  Keith's  treaty  with 


:_•!» 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


the  Chiefs  of  ye  Conestogoe  or  Min- 
goe  Indians,  ye  Delawares,  ye  Shaw- 
anoise  and  Ganawoise,  wherein  are 
no  complaints   about   land. 

16th    June,    1718. 

At  a  treaty  with  ye  Chiefs  of  .the 
Conestogoe  Indians,  a  Chief  of  ye 
Shawanois,  a  Chief  of  ye  Delawares, 
and  one  from  the  Ganawais,  they 
were  pressed  by  ye  Governor  to  be 
free,  and  if  they  had  anything  to 
complain  of  that  want  to  be  redres- 
sed, they  should  without  reserve 
communicate  it.  Had  nothing  to 
complain  of,  but  that  some  bad 
straggling  people  brought  too  much 
rum  amongst  them  and  debauched 
their  young  men.  And  after  pre- 
senting a  new  King  of  ye  Conesto- 
goes,  and  ye  delivery  of  presents  on 
both  sides,  departed,  expressing 
themselves  very  happy  in  the  friend- 
ship, and  under  the  protection  of  this 
Government." 

I  quote  this  principally  to  show 
that  there  were  no  land  disputes  at 
this  time  about  Conestoga  with  the 
Indians;  but  we- shall  see  that  later 
than  this  there  were  some  few  dis- 
putes. 

1717— Lands    Surveys     at    Conestoga 
Disturb  the  Indians. 

It  is  set  forth  in  Vol.  3  of  the  Col. 
Rec,  p.  37  that  "The  Governor  ac- 
quainted the  Board  that  the  Proprie- 
tor's Commissioners  of  Property  had 
lately  represented  to  him  in  writing, 
that  certain  persons  from  Maryland 
had  under  color  of  rights  from  that 
Province,  lately  surveyed  out  lands 
not  far  from  Conestoga,  and  near  the 
thickest  of  our  settlements  to  the 
great  disturbance  of  the  inhabitants 
there,  and  that  for  preventing  the  dis- 
orders which  might  arise  from  such 
incroachments,  they  desired  that 
magistrates  and  proper  officers 
should  be  appointed  in  those  parts  in 


order  to  prevent  the  like  for  the  fu- 
ture." 

1717 — An   Indian   Town   in   Conestoga 
Manor  Laid  Out 

In  Vol.  9  of  the  Pennsylvania  Arch. 
I  p.  49,  appears  the  following: 

"1,    Feb'y,    1717.      The    Commission- 
ers of  Property  by  their  warrant  dir- 
ected    to     Jacob      Taylor,      Surveyor 
General    of    Pennsylvania,    order    him 
!  to   survey    a   tract   of   land   lying   be- 
tween Susquehanna  River  and  Cones- 
togoe  Creek   from   the   mouth   of   the 
•  said  Creek  as  far  up  the  river  as  the 
!  lands   granted   to   Peter  Chartier   and 
they  by  a  line  running  from  the  said 
;  river  to  Conestogoe  Creek  and  make 
|  return   thereof  to  the   Secretary's  of- 
;  fice  for  the  proper  use  and  behoof  of 
William   Penn,   Esq.,    proprietary   and 
Governor  in  chief  of  the  Province  of 
Pennsylvania,   his   Heirs   and   Assigns 
forever. 

The  said  tract  was  surveyed  pur- 
suant to  the  above  warrants  and  re- 
turned into  the  Secretary's  Office  and 
called  16000  acres  in  which  is  includ- 
ed the  tract  of  land  called  the  In- 
dian Town.  \ 

It   is   suggested   that  the   said   Wil- 
liam   Penn    by    some     instrument     of 
writing    gave    permission    for    an    old 
Indian    named    Johass    and     his     In- 
|  dians  to  live  upon  the  said  Tract  of 
|  land  called  the  Indian  Town  contain- 
I  ing  about  five  hundred  acres  and  the 
|  same  was  alloted  to  them  as  a  place 
I  of   residence    by     the     said     William 
!  Penn.      In    or    about    the    year    1763. 
I  some  of  the   descendants  of  the  said 
i  Johass    then    residing    on      the      said 
I  tract   of   land    were    there   killed    and 
!  the    remainder     (except    one    or    two 
jthat   escaped)    were    sent    for   by    the 
Magistrates   of  Lancaster   and   put  in- 
'  to  the  work  house  for  protection  and 
I  safety  but   were  there  all  killed. 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


230 


Upon  the  decease  of  the  above  In- 
dians the  Proprietary's  Agents  im- 
mediately took  possession  of  the 
•said  tract  called  Indian  Town  and 
"his  tenants  have  quietly  occupied  it 
and  paid  the  rent  to  the  proprietary's 
till   his   grant  in   September  last." 

Several  things  are  to  he  noticed  in 
connection  with  this  Item  (1)  that  as 
the  months  were  formerly  reckoned 
January  and  February  instead  of 
being  the  first  months  of  the  year 
were  the  last  two  months  of  the 
year,  and  this  February,  1717  was 
likely  really  Febraury,  1718;  (2) 
That  the  old  Indian  Johass  seemed  to 
"be  the  principal  resident  in  that 
part;  and  the  Indians  that  were  kil- 
led by  the  "Paxton  Boys"  are  here 
-stated  to  have  been  his  descendants 
so  that  the  tribal  government  was 
maintained  at  that  time.  The  docu- 
ment or  certified  copy  and  plans  re- 
ferred to  in  this  item  by  a  foot  note 
at  the  bottom  of  p.  50  are  said  to 
nave  been  found  with  the  papers.  As 
further  evidence  of  the  survey  of 
Conestoga  Manor,  Paper  No.  3349  of 
the  Taylor  Papers  contains  this 
item,  "The  proprietor,  Dr.  October 
21,  1717,  to  the  survey  of  Conestoga 
Manor,  being  with  the  allowances  of 
6  per  cent,  16,500  acres;  and  to 
chaining,  marking  and  calculating,  1 
Pound,  14  s.  8  &  V2  d."  And  under 
the  date  of  May  19,  in  the  same  paper 
appears,  "a  survey  of  2100  acres  at 
Shickasolongo,  chaining,  marking 
and  accounting,  8  Pounds;  so  here 
we  find  a  provision  made  by  this  big 
■survey  of  Manor  township  for  the 
whites,  and  within  it  an  Indian  Town 
for  the  Conestoga  Indians. 
1718 — Conestoga  and  Shawiiese  Chiefs 
on  a  March  to  Philadelphia. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  45 
occurs  the  following,  under  the  date 
of  June  16,     1718.     '\  Tagotolessa     or 


Civility,   the   preent  chief  or  Captain 
of  the  Conestoga   Indians  with  Wee- 
ay  wais,    Soohywais,    Cannatellan    and 
Calhaneherot     of    the     same    Nation, 
George,   an    Indian   sent  to   represent 
the    Ganawais    and    Sheeckokonichan, 
a   Chief   of   the   Delawares,    formerly 
on   Brandywine,  all   at  present   inha- 
!  bitants   on    Sasquehannah,  being   late- 
\  ly   come  from  their   respective   habi- 
!  tations  to  pay  a  visit  to  this  Gbvern- 
;  ment  they  now  waited  on  the  Gover- 
i  nor  and  Council,  and  John  Cartledge 


\  and  James  Hendricks  being  inter- 
;  preters,  both  skilled  in  the  Delaware 
1  tongue. 

The  Governor  ordered  John  Cart- 
|  ledge  to  acquaint  them,     that     upon 

their  visit  he  had  at  their  desire  now 
I  called  Council,  In  order  to  hear 
I  what  the  Indians  had  to  lay  before 
:  them. 

Togotelessa,  Captain  of  the  Cones- 
'  togas,  said  that  they  were  come  only 

on  a  friendly  visit  to  see  us,  and  to 

renew  the  old  League  of  Friendship 
I  that  had  hitherto  been     between     us 

and  them,  that  most  of  their  old  men 
I  were  indisposed  and  could  not  under* 
|  take     the     journey,     but     they     had 

brought  some  of  their  young  men  to 
!  see  us,  and  learn  how  they  of  them- 
i  selves  ought  when  they  come  to 
i  more  advanced  years  treat  with  their 
'  parents   and  friends. 

The  Governor  told  them  that  their 
i  visit  was  very  acceptable,  and  he 
I  hoped  all  was  well  with  them,  but 
I  desired  them  now  to  be  free,  and  if 
;  they  had  anything  to  complain  of 
I  that  wanted  to  be  redressed,  they 
\  should  without  reserve  communicate 
|  it.  They  then  presented  a  small 
;  bundle  of  skins,  and  said  that  they 
;  had  some  time  before  the  Governor's 
I  arrival  lost  their  King  in  war,  but 
!  there  were  those  left  amongst  them 
!  who  have  the  same  respect  and 
j  friendship    for   this    Government,    that 


231 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU8QUEHANNOCKS  AND 


lie  had:  in  his  life  time.  That  now 
he  is  gone  they  are  more  sensible 
Cor  their  loss  of  so  good  a  man  to 
Govern  them,  and  they  heartily  la- 
ment him,  for  they  hope  that  his 
place  will  be  supplied  and  the  same 
friendly  disposition  will  always  be 
continued  among  them.  And  now 
they  desire  that  the  Governor  is  to 
take  notice,  that  though  their  last 
good  King  is  taken  from  them,  they 
have  one  left  who  is  very  nearly  re- 
lated to  him,  who  has  an  English 
heart  and  a  great  love  for  the  Chris- 
tians. Him  they  have  now  chosen 
for  their  King  in  the  others  stead, 
and  as  such  present  him  to  the  Gov- 
ernor  by   the   name  of   Oneshanayan. 

Then  when  laid  down  a  second 
small  bundle  of  skins,  and  proceeded 
to  say.  that  their  king  being  present 
with  the  chief  of  the  Shawanois  and 
Ganawase,  what  he,  viz:  Tagotelassa 
or  Civility  says  is  what  will  all  agree 
in  with  one  voice  and  mind;  that 
they  are  glad  to  find  themselves  in 
good  and  happy  circumstances,  for 
that  they  have  not  for  some  years 
past  had  a  Governor  who  took  such 
notice  of  them,  but, now  the  present 
Governor  gives  them  the  same  satis- 
faction as  if  they  thought  that  Wil- 
liam Penn  himself  was  amongst 
them;  that  they  had  brought  a  few 
skins  not  by  way  of  present,  for 
they  were  not  worthy  to  be  account- 
ed such,  but  only  to  lay  them  under 
the  Governor's  feet  to  keep  them 
and  his  House  clean;  that  they  came 
not  to  make  any  new  treaty  or  Lea- 
gue of  Friendship,  but  only  to  renew 
or  confirm  those  which  had  been 
made,  and  were  hitherto  invincibly 
kept  on  both   sides. 

They  threw  down  a  third  parcel 
of  skins,  and  Civility  said,  that  he 
with  some  of  the  young  men  hadthis 
last  Spring  some  inclination  to  go 
out  to  war  towards    the    Southward, 


but  being  put  in  mind  that  it  would 
j  not  be  agreeable  to  this  Government 
;  and    after    receiving   the      Governor'^ 
letter    forbidding   tbem     to      proceed.. 
I  they   desisted;    that   they   intended   to- 
I  go    out   this    next    winter    a   hunting. 
'  that  way,  and  think  it  proper  to  ac- 
quaint   this    Government      therewith, 
for  that  they  bear  such  a  respect  to 
the    Government,    and    know    that   we 
have    always    been    so    ready    to    pro- 
tect   and    assist   them,    that   they    are 
agreed  not  to  do  anything  which  will 
be  disagreeable   to   us,  but  that  they 
look    upon    themselves    but   like    chil- 
dren   rather    to    be    directed    by    this 
Governor     than     fit     to     offer     any- 
thing more  on  this  head. 

But  they  must  crave  leave  to  add 
one   thing    further,     viz:      that     they 
have  reason  to  think  the  authority  of 
this  Government   is  not  duly  observ- 
ed   for   that    notwithstanding    all    our 
former   agreements,   that   rum   should 
not   be   brought  amongst  them,   it   is 
still  carried  in  great  quantities,  they 
had    been    doubtful    with     themselves 
whether   they   should     mention     this, 
because    if    they    were  supplied  with 
none  from     hence,     they     would     be 
from    Maryland    which    would    be      a 
means   of   carrying  off     their     peltry 
thither,   but   there    have     been     such 
quantities    of    that    liquor    carried    of 
late  amongst  them,  by  loose   settlers 
who   have    no   fixed    settlements,   that 
they    are    apprehensive   mischief   may 
|  arise   from    it.    that   though   they   are 
!  perfectly    well    inclined    when    sober, 
yet    they    can    not    answer    for    their 
i  people   when   drunk,  and     least     any 
|  inconveniences        may      ensue      from 
thence    to    this      Government      whom 
i  they  so  much  respect,  as  well  as  to 
I  their    own    people,    they    desire    this 
|  may   be   taken    into    consideration,    in 
] order  to  be  prevented  and   redressed 
|  by  all   proper   measures." 

Shecokkeneen      added,       that      the 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN    TRIBES 


232 


young  men  about  Pexton  had  been 
lately  so  generally  debauched  with 
rum,  carried  amongst  them  by 
strangers,  that  they  now  want  all 
manner  of  clothing  and  necessarys 
to  go  hunting,  wherefore,  they  wish 
it  would  be  so  ordered  that  no  rum 
sould  be  brought  amongst  them  by 
any  except  the  traders,  who  furnish- 
them  with  all  their  necessarys,  and 
who  have  been  used  to  trust  them 
and  encourage  them  in  their  hunt- 
ing. 

Having  thus  delivered  themselves, 
they  withdrew,  and  the  treasurer 
and  the  secretary  were  ordered  to 
take  an  account  of  the  real  value  of 
their  small  presents,  and  to  provide 
some  English  goods,  exceeding  that 
value  by  about  one-fourth  or  a  third 
at  most,  and  then  Council  adjourned 
until  four  in  the  afternoon. 
Present:      The      Honorable      William 

Keith,    Esqr.;    Lt.    Gover.,    William 

Trent;     Jonathan    Dickinson,    Isaac 

Norris,      James       Logan,       Samuel 

Preston,  Robert  Assheton. 

The  same  Indians  attending  again, 
the  Governor  ordered  the  Interpre- 
ters to  deliver  to  them  what  follows, 
being  first  drawn  up  in  writing,  viz: 

That  their  friendly  visit  on  a  de- 
sign to  brighten  and  strengthen  the 
-chain  which  had  for  so  many  years 
bound  and  united  them  and  this  Gov- 
ernment together  as  one  people,  was 
very  acceptable.  They  were  sensible 
that  William  Penn,  the  Lord  of  this 
Country,  had  been  as  a  Common 
Father  to  them;  that  he  had  given 
it  in  charge  to  all  those  who  govern- 
ed in  his  stead,  to  treat  them  in  the 
same  friendly  manner  he  had  done 
himself  that  the  present  Governor, 
for  his  part  always  be  as  ready  as 
a  father  to  embrace  and  support 
them,  while  they  continue  the  same 
fidelity  to  this  Government  they  had 
hitherto  done. 


That    we    were    all    much    affected 
with   the   loss     of     their     last     Good 
King,    and   the   Governor   would   have 
been  pleased  to  see  more  of  their  old 
men,   and   however,   he  now  took  the 
young   men   that    came    on    this    visit 
by  the  hand,  as  those  that  were  com- 
|  ing  up  in  the  places  of  the  ancients, 
I  and  were  to  continue  the  same  friend- 
ship  with   our   younger   people,     that 
I  their   parents,   the     elders     on     both 
sides   had   done   before   them. 

That    we    kindly    received    the    per- 
son   they    had    appointed    their    King 
or  Chief,  in  the  place  of  our  good  de- 
ceased  friend,   if   it  be   by    a   general 
approbation.        The      Governor    hoped 
;  he    would    always     have      the      same 
!  heart       and       friendly        disposition 
;  towards  the  English     that     his     pre- 
j  decessor   was   well   known     to     have 
i  in  his  lifetime,  and  would  unite  him- 
j  self  and  all  his  people  with  his  Gov- 
ernment as  one  heart  and  one  body; 
|  that  for  the  future   we   should   apply 
1  to  him   as   their   chief  in   all   publick 
|  business,  and  doubted  not  but  the  old 
j  men   would  assist  him  with  their  ad- 
|  vice  in  the  best  manner  for  theirad- 
j  vantage    and    preserving    a    strict    tie 
!  of  friendship  with  us. 

That   the   Governor   could   not   take 
I  in    good    part   their    motions    towards 
i  going    to    war    last    Spring,    consider- 
|  ing  that  they  had  engaged  themselves 
to   their    contrary    in   the    last   treaty 
j  with  him  at  Conestogae.     The  Gover- 
nor  expects  that  they  will   not  make 
the  last  advance  that  way  for  the  fu- 
ture,   without    the    approbation      and 
j  leave   of   this   Government,   for     they 
I  are    now    but    weak    in      themselves, 
:  and  may  be  rash  attempts  draw  won- 
j  derful    enemies    upon    them,    and    not 
J  only    entirely    ruin    themselves,      but 
\  engage  us  as  their  friends  into  their 
quarrels;      they      must   therefore     be 
Governed   in   this   point  by   this   Gov- 
ernment,   who    can    judge    better    of 
these   affairs   than  they  are   capable. 


233T 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS    AND 


The  Governor  is  sensible  they  may 
have  too  just  cause  to  complain  of 
loose  idle  fellows  bringing  quantities 
of  rum  amongst  them  to  their  great 
injury,  that  this  has  not  for  some 
time  past  been  sufficiently  looked  af- 
ter, but  the  Governor  would  speedily 
take  care  to  have  it  in  a  great  mea- 
sure prevented.  That  they  of  their 
parts  must  endeavor  to  prevent  their 
women  and  young  people  coming  to 
Philadelphia  to  purchase  and  carry 
up  rum  from  hence,  which  too 
many  were  ready  to  deliver  them 
privately  for  their  skins,  and  that 
they  meet  with  any  brought  amongst 
them,  they  should  stave  it  as  they 
had  formerly  been  ordered  and  un- 
dertook to  do.  That  in  reference  of 
the  surveys  of  land,  they  can  not  but 
be  sensible  of  the  care  that  has  been 
laken  of  them,  they  had  expressed  a 
willingness  to  retire  from  Conesto- 
goe;  yet  the  Government  here  had 
persuaded  them  to  continue  near  us; 
we  had  run  a  line  around  them  that 
none  might  come  near  them,  and  had 
fenced  their  corn  fields  by  John  Car- 
tledge's  care,  who  alone  being  placed 
within  those  lines,  may  be  the  more 
capable  of  looking  after  the  tract  and 
the  bounds  of  it.  It  is  also  further 
thought  fit,  that  lines  should  be  run 
around  the  other  Indian  towns,  as 
soon  as  conveniently  may  be  to  se- 
cure them  the  more  effectually  from 
incroachments.  But  while  such  care 
is  taken  of  them,  it  is  expected  they 
shall  in  all  cases  on  their  parts 
shew  a  due  regard  to  this  Govern- 
ment, that  they  be  aiding  to  all  its 
officers  in  what  may  lie  in  their 
Power,  that  they  suffer  no  idle  per- 
sons to  spread  rumors  amongst  them 
or  if  they  hear  any  such  that  they 
give  no  credit  to  them,  that  if  they 
can  discover  any  evil  minded  persons 
to  have  ill  designs  against  this  Gov- 
ernment, or  any  part  of  it,  they  must 


without  delay  disclose  it  to  the  Gov- 
ernor or  some  person  in  authority 
under  him.  In  fine  they  ought  ever 
to  consider  us  as  their  best  and 
nearest  friends,  who  have  always, 
been  and  ever  will  continue  ready 
to  relieve  and  protect  them.  while 
they  on  their  parts  remain  faithful 
as  their  ancestors  or  fathers  have 
hitherto  done  before  them. 

That  as  they   offered  the   Governor 

!  a  small  token,  so  now  for  the  con- 
veniency  of  their  return,  there  are 
a    few    garments    provided    for    them. 

j  with   some   powder   and   shott  to   kill. 

!  venison,  some  tobacco  and  pipes,  and 
when  they  go  some  bread  and  a  dram 
will  be  provided  for  them,  and  the 
Governor   expects   they   will   be    care- 

:  ful  hereafter  to  provide  likewise  for 
himself   and  his   attendants,   or   those 

■  who  shall  be  sent  at  any  time  for 
their  services  at  Conestogoe. 

These    things    being      delivered      to 

!  them  they  appeared  very  well  pleas- 
ed, and  to  that  part  in  which  the  in- 
closing   by    surveys    the    lands    where 

I  they  are  seated,  which  would  not  be 
broke  in  upon;  they  further  desired. 
that  the  lands  on  which  the  Shaw- 
neis    and    Ganawese    are    settled      on 

,  Susquehannah,    should      likewise      be 

|  encompassed    with    lines    at    the    dis- 

]  tance    of   four   miles    from   the    river, 

|  that  they  might  not  be  disturbed  by 
the    cattle    of   any      persons      settling 

I  near   them. 

The    skins    they    delivered      in     the 

!  morning  having  been  numbered  and 
weighed    as   ordered,   they   were  found 

i  to  be, 

j  28  sumer  deer  skins  in  the 

hair,  many  of  them  ordi-  Pds.  s.  d. 

nary   weight   681.   at   18d.       5     2     0 
j  10    small    Drest    Skins,    wt. 

181.    at    3-6d 2     2     0 

1  Good  Winter  Buck  in  the 

hair     6     0 

2  Bear    Skins   at   8   ps 16     0 


8     6     0 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


234 


What  is    prepared   and   was 

delivered  them,  are  Pds.  s.  d. 
8    Stroud   Water   Coats   of 

the  best  sort,  at  17-6d...       7     0  0 

10  lb.  of  Powder,  at  20d...  16  0 

20  lb.  lead,  at  3d 5  0 

6    pr.    Stockings,     pt.     Blew 

and   pt.   Red,   at   2-9d 16  6 

1   Doz.   Tobacco  Boxes  at..  7  0 

1    Doz.    Tobacco   Tongs,    at.  5  6 

12   lb.   Tobacco,   at  4d 4.0 

3   Doz.   Pipes    1  0 

1  Red  Stroud  to  the  Queen  17  6 


10  12  2 
These  being  delivered  the  Gover- 
nor gave  them  an  entertainment,  and 
the  secretary  was  ordered  to  provide 
for  them  as  from  the  first  all  neces- 
saries, during  their  stay  and  for 
their  journey  on  their  return  home." 
This  was  a  prominent  treaty  and 
much  that  had  heretofore  disturbed 
these  people  was  now  put  at  rest 
and   settled. 

1718— Additional    Steps      Taken      To- 
wards the  Conestoga  Road. 

It  is  perhaps  appurtenant  to  this 
Indian  subject  to  notice  the  steps 
taken  to  further  open  communica- 
tion to  this  Conestoga  settlement; 
and  the  proceedings  to  do  so  are  set 
forth  in  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p. 
43  as  follows: 

"A  petition  of  several  inhabitants 
of  and  near  Conestogae,  setting  forth 
me  great  necessity  of  a  road  to  be 
laid  out  from  Conestogoe  to  Thomas 
Moore's  and  Brandywine,  was  read 
and  the  Board  having  taken  the  said 
petition  into  consideration,  appoint- 
eded  Isaac  Taylor,  John  Cartledge, 
Ezekiel  Harland,  Thomas  Moore, 
Joseph  Cloud  and  William  Marsh,  to 
lay  out  the  said  Road,  and  make  re- 
port thereof  at  this  Board,  in  order 
to  be   confirmed." 

I  cite  this  to  show  that  the  neces- 
sities of  both  the  Indians  and  the 
whites  made  this  road  a  very  much 
desired   thing." 


!    1718— The    "Old    Sawannah    Town.* 

In  Vol.  19  of  the  2nd  Series  of  the 
Penna.    Archives,    p.    625,    under    the 
|  date  of  the  second  of  the  11th  month, 
1 1717-18,  which  is  the  second  of  Jan- 
I  uary,  1718,  at  a  meeting  of  the  Coun- 
|  cil  board  it  is  stated  that,  "The  Ccm- 
|  missioners   being   informed   that  Mat- 
|  thias      Vanbebber,      from      Maryland, 
l  taking    with      him      Henry      Hollins- 
worth,   had   lately   surveyed     a     con- 
j  siderable  tract  of  land  near  the  head 
i  of     Pequea   Creek    in     this     Province, 
including    within    the    same    the      Old 
Sawannah    Town,    by    virtue   of   war- 
rants  from   Maryland,     and     offering 
|  the    people    settled    under    this    Gov- 
ernment     to     sell     lands  to  them   In 
right    of    Maryland    and    make      them 
good   titles   for   the   same." 

This  item  I  quote  not  so  much  for 
its  disclosure  of  the  claims  of  Mary- 
land   but    for    the    purpose    of    estab- 
lishing   the      "Old    Sawannah    Town.-' 
It  is  here  set  forth  as  being  near  the 
head    of    Pequea    Creek;    and    in    the 
,  Quarter   Sessions   Records  of  Chester 
County  of  the  year  1719,  August  Ses- 
:  sions,    a   road    is   described      crossing 
j  the    Octoraro   Creek   near     the     "Old 
I  Sawannah    Town,"    so    that    it    would 
■  appear    that    the    Shawnese      Indians 
had  their  towns  all  along  the  Pequea 
i  Creek   and   also   all   along  the   Octor- 
I  aro  Creek. 

1718— An  Indian   Signer  of  the   Con- 
estoga  Treaty  of  this   Tear. 

In   Vol.    2    of   Watson's   Annals,     p. 

209,  he  gives  the  following  eulogy  of 
I  Nedowaway  and  says :  "Nedowaway 
|  was  an  Indian  Chief  of  the  Dela- 
|  wares,  of  more  than  common  charac- 
i  ter,  who  had  become  a  Christian, 
:  and  died  in  Ohio  in  1776,  at  ninety 
j  years  of  age.  His  name  appear? 
\  among   the    signers    of   the    treaty    at 

Conestoga  in  1718;  and  in  his  child- 
;  hood  he  is  said  to  have     seen     Wil- 


I-:::, 


AXXALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


liam  Penn  on  his  second  visit  in 
1701-2.  As  a  trusty  and  discreet 
chief,  he  had  been  trusted  with  the 
preservation  of  all  the  verbal  speech- 
es, bead  vouchers,  and  wampum,  and 
svith  such  writings  and  instruments 
as  had  come  from  William  Penn  and 
his  early  Governors,  etc. 

He  was  grieved  with  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  white  men,  westward, 
on  the  Indian  Lands;  and  early  for- 
seeing  that  wars  must  ensue,  and 
that  his  people  must  be  sufferers,  he 
resolved  with  his  people  to  get  far 
off  in  the  west.  By  the  advice  of  the 
Wyandot  chief,  he  settled  on  the 
Cayahage  river,  where  he  was  visited 
and  seen  by  Heckewelder  in  1772. 

See  in  his  picture  in  this  work, 
how  pensive  he  sits  alone,  and  pon- 
ders in  the  mute  eloquence  of  grief, 
upon  his  former  well  known  scenes, 
along  the  mountain  range  traversing 
the  Susquehanna,  near  Harrisburg. 
The  picture  seems  to  speak  his  in- 
ward emotions  and  distress  at  being 
obliged  to  leave  the  regions  of  his 
former    home." 

This  strikes  me  as  an  interesting 
episode  revealing  the  side  of  Indian 
character  that  we  do  not  always 
give  credit  for. 

1718— Jealousy     Against     the     Pala- 
tines  Amongst  the  Conestoga 
Indians. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Votes  of  Assembly 
p.  220  the  Assembly  in  a  speech  to 
the  Governor  says,  in  referring  to 
the  Palatines  settling  among  the 
Conestoga  Indians.  "That  the  coming 
in  of  so  many  foreigners  rests  upon 
us  with  great  concern  and  the  more 
for  that  they  have  no  license  from 
the  King  to  transport  themselves 
here;  and  the  royal  charter  seems 
to  be  against  them,  unless  they  were 
denizis'd  or  at  least  come  under  the 
proper  tests  that  should  largely  dis- 
tinguish them  from  his  Majestv's 
enemies. 


Therefore,      we      desire      that      the 
Governor   would   be    pleased    to    favor 
us  with  his  sentiments  in  the  prem- 
ises and  either    appoint    a    committee 
of  the  Council   to  join   a  commission 
of   this    House,    or    otherwise,    as    the 
Governor    shall    think   fitt,   to   concert 
1  proper    methods    to    remove    the    jeal- 
!  ousies  already  raised  in  the  minds  of 
!  the      inhabitants      concerning      these 
'foreigners;    as  also  to   prevent  the  in- 
conveniencies        which      may     attend 
I  their  settlment  in  one  place,  or  pro- 
i  miscously    among    the    Indians." 

The  fear  of  difficulties  arising 
I  between  the  Foreigners  and  the  In- 
|  dians,  is  here  set  forth. 

1719 — Colonel    French's    Treaty    with 
the  Conestoga  Indians. 

On  the  28th  of  June,  1719,  Colonel 
|  French  reached  Conestoga  in  com- 
pliance with  a  direction  from  the 
i  Government  that  he  should  go  there 
l  to  make  a  further  treaty  with  those 
Indians;  and  having  done  so  he  gives 
j  the  following  report  of  the  treaty 
|  which  is  found  in  Vol.  3  of  the  Col. 
!  Rec,  p.  78;  and  in  which  report  he 
|  states  that  he  addressed  the  Indians 
I  as  follows : 

i  "Friends  and  Brethren: 

By  the  seal  to  this  paper  affix- 
|  ed,  and  by  my   old  acquaintance  and 
I  friendship    with    you,    you      will      bA- 
;  lieve  that  I  am  a  true  man,  and  sent 
I  from   your    good   friend    and    Brother, 
jthe  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  to  let 
'■  you    know    that    we    will    be    pleased 
'  and    satisfied    with    the    letter    he    re- 
ceived, by     the     care     of     our     good 
j  friend   John   Cartledge,   in   the    begin- 
;  ning  of  this  month,  signed   in  behalf 
of  you   four   nations     here     met,     in 
which    letter   you     declare      severally 
your  intentions  of  keeping  his  words, 
and   if  any  among     you     have     done 
amiss,    and   departed    from   what   was 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


236 


right  and  good  in  keeping  your  pro- 
mises, to  observe  strictly  with  all  the 
Indians  in  Friendship  and  League 
with  the  English,  you  have  therein 
acknowledged  your  errors  and  mis- 
takes, and  engaged  to  offend  no 
more  in  that  nature  or  case. 

The  Governor  takes  these  assur- 
ances of  your  good  behavior  very 
kindly,  and  now  he  and  his  Council 
have  sent  me  on  purpose  to  visit  you 
that  I  might  further  treat  with  you, 
and  receive  from  you  in  the  same 
manner  and  as  fully  as  if  he  and  his 
Council  (of  which  I  am  one)  were  all 
here,  and  present  with  you  a  renewal 
of  these  good  promises  and  engage- 
ments with  you,  so  well  and  largely 
give  him  an  account  of  your  affairs 
and  how  matters  go  with  you.  I 
must  therefore  acquaint  you  from 
my  Governor,  that  as  you  in  your 
treaty  call  yourselves  his  children, 
he  will  always  treat  you  as  his  sons, 
and  he  has,  ever  since  your  good 
friend  William  Penn,  (who  is  now 
dead)  send  amongst  you  endeavored 
by  all  means  to  keep  you  in  peace, 
and  give  you  other  tokens  of  his 
friendship  that  you  might  flourish 
and  increase,  that  your  old  men 
might  see  their  children  grow  to 
their  comfort  and  pleasure,  and  that 
the  young  men  might  bury  their  old 
parents  when  they  die,  which  is 
much  better  than  to  see  your  old 
people  mourn  for  their  young  sons, 
who  rashly  and  without  cause  go  to 
war  and  are  killed  in  the  prime  of 
their  years;  and  he  now  hopes  that 
you  are  fully  convinced  that  Peace 
is  better  than  war,  which  destroys 
you  and  will  bring  you  to  nothing; 
your  strong  young  men  being  first 
killed,  the  old  women  and  children 
are  left  defenseless,  who  soon  will 
become  a  prey.  And  so  all  the  na- 
tion perishes  without  leaving  a 
name  to  Posterity. 


This  is  plain  mark  that  he  and  we 

;  are  your  true  friends,  for  if  we  were 

not   then    we    should    encourage     you 

;  to  destroy   one  another.     For  frienri« 

1  save   people  from   ruin    and    destruc- 

;  tion    but    enemies    destroy    them,    and 

!  this  will  serve  as  a  mark  to  know  all 

|  people    by    who    are     your      enemies, 

|  either    amongst   you    or    elsewhere,    if 

|  they    want,    or    study  to  throw  strife 

and    dissention    amongst    you.      These 

are  a  base  and  bad  people,  and  ought 

to  be   rooted  out  from  amongst  you ; 

for      love      and      friendship      makes 

people      multiply,      but     malice      and 

strife      ruins      and      destroys.        Such 

should    therefore    be    shut    out,    both 

from    you    and    us,    as    disturbers     of 

our  peace  and  Friendship  which  hath 

always   continued. 

I  am  also  to  acquaint  you,  that 
you  have  in  a  grave  and  solemn 
manner  renewed  your  last  treaty 
with  me,  on  which  message  I  now 
come,  that  our  Governor  will  write 
to  all  the  Governors  of  the  English, 
that  the  Indians  within  the  Govern- 
ment are  resolved  to  live  peaceable 
and  quietly,  and  for  that  reason  that 
they  should  give  notice  to  all  their 
Indians  thereof,  and  that  all  the 
friends  to  the  English  should  be  ac- 
counted as  one  people,  and  the  Gov- 
ernor desires  that  you  will  let  him 
know  of  what  nation  these  Indians 
were  who  gave  you  the  late  disturb- 
ance, that  they  may  especialy  be  or- 
dered to  do  so  no  more. 

I  am  also  to  acquaint  you  that  it  is 
the  Governor's  pleasure,  that  if  any 
of  the  Five  Nations  come  amongst, 
you  to  trade  or  hunt,  that  you  re- 
ceive them  as  friends  and  Brothers; 
but  if  they  come  amongst  you  either 
to  persuade  you  to  go  to  war  or  to 
go  themselves,  or  in  their  return 
from  it,  that  then  you  have  nothing 
to  do  with  them  nor  entertain  them; 
for  he     expects     that     none     of     his 


237 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUBHANNOCKS  AND 


friends  will  know  any  people  but  ;  by  torture  here,  for  whoever  does  it 
such  as  are  peaceable,  lest  they  must  answer  to  the  Governor  and 
bring  you  into  a  snare,  and  you  suf-  Government  at  their  peril.  It  is  in- 
fer hurt  for  their  faults.  consistent  with  the  ways  of  Nations: 
The  Governor  expects  and  requires  |  it  is  a  violent  affront  to  our  Govern- 
that  if  any  Prisoners  by  any  means  !  ment  and  it  .g  contrary  to  the  Laws 
whatever  fall  into  any  of  your  hands  :  0f  the  Great  King  an'd  will  not  suf- 
that    he    be    quickly    acquainted    with    fer  it. 

it.   and  that   no   person   offer  or  take  \     As    our    natural    and    good      friend- 
upon   him   to  kill   any   stranger    pris-  \  ship  has  long  continued,  so  the  Gov- 
oner  for  it  will  not  be  suffered  here.  \  ernor   hopes,  and   the   Government   al- 
He  has     been     much     displeased     at  ;  so,    that    it    will    last    from    one    gen- 
what  happened,   and     was     done     by  .  eration  to  another,    as    long    as    the 
tome  amongst  you  last  year  in  these  \  sun    endures,    and    that    we    shall    all 
parts,  but  he  is   now   again  a  friend    be    of   one    mind,    one    heart,    one    in- 
upon    their    promise   and    engagement    clination,   ready   to   help   one   another 
to   do   so  no   more,   and  will   take   no  :  in  all  just  and  good  ways,  by  Charity 
more  notice  of  it  if  they  observe  and  I  Compassion      and       mercy,       sticking 
fulfill    their    words.      It    is    indeed    a    close    and   invio~bly    to     all      treaties 
shameful    and    a   base    thing   to   treat    heretofore    made,    and    most    exactly 
a    creature    of    their    own    shape    and  ;  to   this    now      concluded,     which      he 
kind    worse    and      more      barbarously  j  h0pes  will  forever  last     and     remain 
than  they  would  a  Bear  or  Wolf,  or    *0    your    good    and    prosperity,    which 
the     most     wicked      creature      upon  i  he      and      his      Government     heartily 
earth.      It   is    not    man-like    to    see    a    wish.       And    as    it   is    expected     that 
hundred      or     more      people      singing    every    article    of    this    treaty    be    from 
songs  of  joy  for  the  taking  of  a  pris-  |  the  whole  hearts  of  all  of  you,  so  if 
oner,    but    it    is    much    worse    to    see  I  amongst  yourselves  you  know  of  any 
them    use    all    their      contrivance      of   who   have    from    your    last   treaty    or 
torture   and    pain   to   put   that  unfor-    will    dissent    from    this,    let    them    be 
tunate    creature    to   death    after    such   known  either  by  their  own  words  or 
a  manner  and  war  as   other   Nations,    your  knewledge  of  them,   for   what   I 
especially    the    English,    never    heard    do  is  done  with  the  whole  consent  of 
of  it;    for   if  they   in   a  just  war  kill    cur    Governor.    Council    and    People." 
their   enemies    it   is   not   like   men   in        The  Council   at  Conestoga  in   addi- 
ihe    battle,    and    if   they     take     them    tion   to   Colonel   French    consisted     of 
prisoners    they    use    them    well    nad    Capt.    James    Gould.    Joseph    Piegeon. 
Kindly,    until    their    King    gives    them    John     Cartledge,     James     Hendricks- 
orders   to    return   them    to   their   own    son;    and    Canatowa,    Queen      of     the 
Country.      They   take    no    pleasure   to   Mingoes,    Sevana,   King  of  the   Shaw- 
(ueanly    burn,   pinch   or   slash   a  poor    anese,      Wightomina,      King     of      the 
man   who  can   not  defend  himself,   it    Dela wares,   Waninchack.   King  of  the 


shows  mean  spirits  and  want  of  trm 


Canawages,     and    Capt.     Civility     of 
Conestogoa;    and   before   that   Council 


Courage   so  to  do.     For  men   of  true  the   Indians  the   next  day      June     29 

Courage   are  always  full   of  mercy.   I  1719,  gave  the  following  report: 

am    commanded    to    tell    you,    and    I  "Civility    Interpreter    in    behalf     of 

would    have    you    remember    it    well,  the   four   nations,   who   all   agreed    to 

that  no  person    whatever    offer    after  return    one    answer,    acquainted    John 

this    time    to    put    any    man    to    death  Cartledge,    Interpreter    for    the    Eng- 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


238 


lish,  tha*  this  day  the  Indians  were 
met  to  return  an  answer  to  the  Gov- 
ernor's speech  by  Colonel  French, 
and  on  no  other  account.  Looking 
upon  everything  said  to  Colonel 
French  to  be  said  as  if  the  Governor 
and  his  Council  were  there  present, 
and  well  knowing  Colonel  to  be  a 
true  man  to  this  Government  and  to 
the  Indians.  They  return  with  one 
heart  and  mind  their  thanks  to  the 
Governor  for  his  kind  message.  They 
meet  him  and  take  him  by  the  hand, 
and  are  forever  determined  that  his 
will  shall  be  theirs,  and  that  on  all 
occasions  they  will  be  ruled  by  the 
same.. 

They  desire  that  the  Governor 
may  be  acquainted  that  they  are 
much  pleased  that  his  message  came 
whilst  their  young  people  were  at 
home,  for  whom  they  had  lately  been 
in  pain  and  trouble  as  being  absent 
and  abroad,  that  they  might  hear  his 
good  words  and  Council  which  both 
old  and  young  of  the  Mingoes,  Shaw- 
anese,  Delawares  and  Conawages 
are  resolved  to  hearken  to;  for 
though  hitherto  they  have  taken 
Night  for  Day,  yet  now  by  his  good 
counsel  they  can  see  the  light  and 
what  is  good  for  them.  They  are 
glad  that  none  of  their  young  people 
miscarried  in  their  late  Journey,  and 
that  being  now  present,  they  have  an 
opportunity  of  hearing  the  Gover- 
nor's message  by  Colonel  French,  for 
most  of  them  were  absent  when  the 
other  letters  from  the  Governor 
came,  as  also  that  they  have  an  op- 
portunity to  ask  their  opinions  and 
designs.  Their  young  people  all 
agree  to  obey  the  Governor's  words 
and  message,  and  as  Colonel  French 
yeterday  told  them  that  what  he 
said  was  with  the  whole  heart  of 
Governor  and  Council;  so  they  de- 
clare that  what  they  say  is  not  from 
their    mouth    only      but      from      their 


whole  hearts,  and  the  heart  of  every 
one.  They  desire  the  Governor  to 
believe,  and  be  assurred  that  they 
will  be  obedient  to  his  words,  and 
that  they  ever  have  and  ever  willl 
advise  their  young  people  to  be 
mindful  of  his  good  advice.  They  ac- 
knowledged themselves  so  much  ob- 
liged to  the  Governor  for  his  care 
|  and  concern  for  them,  that  they  in- 
j  tended  in  two  months  time  to  wait 
upon  the  Governor  personally,  to  re- 
turn their  heart  thanks  for  such  love 
from  him  and  his  Government. 

Colonel  French  also  produces  an 
i  account  of  his  Expenses,  viz. :  eight 
I  Pounds  five  Shillings  expended  in 
I  money  and  for  the  trouble  of  his 
Journey  and  negotiation  he  refers  it 
I  to  the  Board,  who  allow  him  ten 
I  Pounds. 

John   Cartledge's    Acct.    of   his   sev- 
I  eral   Disbursements  ana  payments  to 
I  the    Indian,    and    his    charges    in    en- 
|  tertaining  and  treating  them  on   sev- 
■  eral   occasions,  by  order   of  the   Gov- 
ernment,   was    also    laid     before      the 
Board,    viz:     nine    Pounds,    ten    Shil- 
!  ling  supplied  in  Goods  for  a  present 
|  to  the   Indians  at     Colonel     French's 
aforementioned      treaty,      and      three 
|  pounds  for  other  presents,     and     ten 
!  Pounds   sixteen    Shillings     and      four 
I  pence  for  his  several   other  expenses 
!  and   trouble, 


amounting  in  all  to 
|  twenty-three  Pound,  six  Shillings 
|  and  four  pence  due  to  John  Cart- 
I  ledge;  which  account  being  duly  ex- 
!  amined  is  allowed,  and  order  to  be 
!  recommended  to  the  Asesmbly  to 
|  order    the    payment    thereof,    together 

with    Colonel    French's    account      the 
J  whole  being  forty-one  Pounds,  eleven 

Shillings  and  four  Pence,   and   is  the 

whole   charge   of  Indians   treaties   for 

the   present  year." 

What  this  treaty  contained  and 
|  the  report  of  it  needs  no  comment,  as 
!  it  is  sufficiently  set  forth  in  the  ce- 
>  cords. 


239 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


1710  — The    Indians    on    t&e    Susque- 
hanna Accused  of  Outrages  In 
the  South. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  CoL  Rec.  p.  86,  Gov- 
ernor Spotswood  of  Virginia  com- 
plains against  our  Indians  as  fol- 
lows: 

"After   your   Indians    found     them- 
selves not   strong   enough   to   attempt 
anything    upon    our    Christianna    In- 
dians   in    their  new      situation,     they 
inarched   home   in   May,   1719,   openly 
threatening    to    return    again    with    a 
greater   force   to   try   the   strength   of 
our    Fort,    and    having      taken      their 
route    through    our    inhabitants,    they 
marched     as     through     an      enemy's 
Country,   living  on   free   quarters,  and 
committing      several      robberies     and 
outrages    on   their  way,   and   that   we 
might     understand     they   intended  to 
continue  their  course.     They  in  their 
way  home,  stopt  on  the  20th  of  May 
at  the   Conoy   Town,   under   the   Gov- 
ernment  of   Pennsylvania,   there   sent 
for   one   of  his   Majesty's    Justices    of 
the  Peace  for  the  County  of  Chester, 
and   upon   his    (Mr.   John  Cartlidge's) 
arrival   they   sit   down   before  him   in 
a  grand  Council  of  War,  produce  fif- 
teen  prisoners,     bid     him     discourse 
with  two  of  them  that  spoke  English. 
He    finds    them   Virginians    born,    and 
intercedes    for   their    lives    and    liber- 
ties;   they   refuse   his   request   and   in 
fine  tell  him  they  have  made  a  path 
to  pass   and   repass  to  and  from  the 
Southward,    having    removed    all    ob- 
tacles  out  of  the  way,  and  that  they 
expected    to    have    free    recourse    for 
their    people    amongst      the      English 
Plantations,  whilst  they  were  making- 


war. 

Soon  after  they  returned  in  sev- 
eral parties  carrying  themselves  very 
rudely  to  our  outward  inhabitants, 
and   in   the   month   of  July   last,   they 


I  approached    Christianna    and    ravaged 
|  our   corn    fields    close     to     the     Fort 
there,    upon    which    our    Indians    sal- 
lied   out     and      a     skirmish      ensued, 
wherein  were  two  of  ours  and  four  of 
|  yours    killed.      In    September    follow- 
\  ing  they   came   in   the  Night  and   lay 
|  in  ambush   before  the     gate     at     the 
|  Fort,  and  at  the  opening  thereof  they 
shott  the  first  person  that  came  out, 
and   kept   firing   upon   the   Fort   until 
the    English    got    to    the    great    Guns, 
and  so  scared  them  away  without  any 
further  mischief  done  at  that  time. 

At  length  I  found  means  to  per- 
jsuade  one  of  their  War  Captains, 
j  (who  calling  himself  Connaughtoora) 
ito  come  in  with  ten  more  to  a  Coun- 
cil held  here  at  Williamsburg,  on  the 
|  ninth  of  December  last,  where  I 
'with  abundance  of  civil  treatment, 
I  endeavored  to  engage  him  to  carry  a 
|  Belt  of  Peace  to  their  Five  Nations 
I  in  behalf  of  our  Christianna  Indians, 
but  he  hautily  refused  the  same,  and 
|  answered  that  they  would  not  be  at 
|  peace  with  them  upon  any  terms, 
|  however  I  prevailed  upon  him  to 
carry  it  with  this  proposal:  That  the 
Five  Nations  should  observe  their 
ancient  treaty  with  this  Government 
so  far  as  not  to  come  among  the 
English  Plantations,  and  particularly 
that  none  of  their  Warriors  should 
approach  within  twenty  miles  of  our 
Fort  at  Christiana." 

From  this  complaint  of  Spots- 
j  wood's  we  are  almost  forced  to  ad- 
I  mit  that  the  Conestogas  and  other  In- 
dians of  this  neighborhood  being 
!  forced  by  the  Senecas  and  other 
|  tribes  of  the  Five  Nations,  who  were 
;  their  masters  were  forced  to  make 
jwar  parties  into  Maryland  and  Vir- 
ginia, much  against  their  will  as  we 
j  shall  see  very  clearly  in  the  remon- 
jstrance  which  the  Conestogas  made 
|  about  these  proceedings  the  next 
i  year. 


OTHER   LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN    TRIBES 


24G 


1719— The    Conestoga    Indians    Com- 
plain that  the  Southern  Indians 
are  Attacking-  Them, 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  66,  at 
a  Council  held  it  was  set  forth  by 
Governor  Keith  that  he  received  a 
letter  from  Conestoga  and  his  com- 
ment upon  it  as  follows: 

"I  have  received  a  letter  from  the 
Indian  Chiefs  at  Conestogoe  by  a 
letter  to  Mr.  Secretary  Logan,  which 
inform  us,  that  our  Indian  Hunters 
have  been  atacked  near  the  head  of 
Potowmack  River  by  a  considerable 
body  of  Southern  Indians  come  out 
to  war  against  the  Five  Nations,  and 
the  Indian  settlements  on  Susque- 
hanna 

They  have  killed  several  of  our 
people,  and  alarmed  them  all,  so  that 
the  careful  attention  and  vigilance 
of  the  Government  was  never  more 
called  upon  than  at  this  Juncture, 
and  much  will  depend  upon  your  un- 
animous and  steady  resolutions  to 
support  the  administration  in  all  its 
Parts." 

From  this  it  will  appear  that  the 
above  complaint  of  Spotswood  may 
be  unfair  because  our  Indians  now 
complain  that  the  Southern  Indians 
were  making  war  upon  them. 

1719— Indian     Wigwams     Along     the 
Octoraro   Creek. 

Rupp  in  his  History  of  Lancaster 
County  at  the  bottom  of  page  42,  in 
a  note  says,  "The  Shawnese  had  wig- 
wams along  the  bank  of  the  Octoraro 
creek,  near  the  present  boundary  of 
Chester  and  Lancaster  county.  When 
the  road,  in  1719  to  Christiana  bridge, 
etc.,  was  laid,  its  course  was  defined 
—to  the  fording  place  at  Octoraro, 
at  old  Shaw  ana  town,  thence  over 
Octoraro,  along  the  Indian  path,  etc. 
Court  Records,  at  Chester,  August 
Term,    1719." 


[1719 — An   Attack  Made  Upon  the  In- 
dian Traders. 

In  Vol.  1  of  Watson's  Annals,  p.  97, 
i  he  says  that  in  the  year  of  1719  the 
i  Indian  Traders   at  the  head   ot  Poto- 
mac  were   attacked   by   some    Indians 
and   defeated,   with  the   loss  of  many 
lives. 

1719.— A    Lot    of    the    Five    Nations 
Now  Live  at  Conestoga. 

It  appears  from  Vol.   3  of  the  Cot 
Rec,  p  .66,  that  some  of  the  Five  Na- 
tions  are  living  on   the   Susquehanna 
at  this  time,  because  in  the  book  and 
at  the  page  mentioned,  a  letter  from 
the    Chiefs    at    Conestoga    states   that 
i  the  Southern  Indians     came     out     to 
|  war    with     the      Five     Nations      and 
against   them    and    against   other    In- 
dian    settlements     on     the     Susque- 
hanna River,  and  that  several  of  our 
|  people    were    killed.      And    on    p.    67 
|  of   the   same    book    additional     views 
|  are  given  of  the  same  event  and  it  is 
j  there   stated    that   peace    is   likely   to 
ensue. 

1 720 — The  Governor  of  Virginia  says 

that  Our  Indians   Caused   Bacon's 

Rebellion. 

In  Vol.    3   of   the   Colonial    Rec,    \k 
89,    Governor    Spotswood    of    Virginia 
in    a    long   letter   to    Governor    Keith, 
which  begins   at   p.    82,   sets  forth   in 
regular    order    the    different    war    ex- 
peditions  which  he   claims     our     In- 
i  dians   made   to  the   South   among   his 
|  Indians;    and   among  other  things  be 
j  says  that  in  1712-13  they  came  to  his 
countrv   and    assisted   the   Tuscaroras 
to  slaughter  people  of  the  South;  and 
i  that    a    little    later,    during    the    Tus- 
!  carora,  war,  two  hundred  of  our  In- 
|  dians    went   south    and   fell    upon   the 
Virginia    traders;     and    that    in    1717. 
while  ne  was  with  the  Chiefs  of  the 
Catawbas   making   peace,   our    Indians 
joined    with   the    Tuscaroras    and   fell 
on   the   28th   of  August  and   the   15tb 


241 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


of  September  of  the  same  year  five  ! 
hundred  of  our  young  warriors  be- 
gan  a  slaughter  on  some  of  his  In- 
dians about  the  Susquehanna  river; 
and  on  the  unarmed  Catawbas;  and 
that  in  1718  our  Indians  were 
hovering  around  the  white  settle- 
ments in  the  South,  looking  for  a 
chance  to  kill  their  people;  and  that 
in  1719  our  Indians  started  back  but 
threatened  to  come  again  with  force, 
and  that  on  their  way  home  they 
stopped  on  the  20th  of  May  a-t  Conoy 
Town  and  sent  for  John  Cartledge, 
one  of  the  Justices  and  complained 
to  him;  and  finally  he  accuses  them 
that  a  good  long  time  ago  they  lead 
the  famous  insurrection  into  Virginia 
called    "Bacon's    rebellion." 

1720— The   Main   Body    of    the    Tus- 

caroras  are  Kow  on  the   Sus- 

qnehanna  River. 

Governor  Spotswood  in  the  letter 
just  quoted  in  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec. 
says  that  these  Tuscaroras  massa- 
cred some  hundreds  of  English  and 
that  they  have  at  this  day  the  chief 
murderers,  and  the  greater  part  of 
their  Nation  seated  under  their  pro- 
tection near  Sasquehanna  river 
where  they  removed  when  they 
found  that  they  could  no  longer  sup- 
port them  against  the  forces  which 
the  English  brought  on. 

1720— James   Logan  Again   at   Cones- 
toga  In  a  Treaty. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  92, 
James  Logan  makes  a  report  of  an- 
other treaty  he  held  at  Conestoga, 
and  he  sets  forth  the  report,  as  fol- 
lows: "James  Logan,  Secretary,  re- 
ported to  the  Board,  that  having 
lately  acquainted  the  Governor  that 
he  had  occasion  to  go  towards  the 
farther  end  of  the  Great  Valley,  on 
the  road  to  Conestogoe,  the  Governor 


had  desired  him  not  to  fail  to  proceed 
to  Susquehannah  and  there  discourse 
the  Indians  concerning  their  late 
message  to  him,  excusing  their  not 
coming  to  town  had  been  proposed 
by  reason  of  some  trouble  they  were 
under,  the  loss  of  some  of  their  men 
slain  by  the  Southern  Indians;  and 
thereupon  desiring  the  Governor  to 
come  up  to  them;  That  acordingly 
he  went,  and  finding  the  Indians  de- 
sirous to  speak  with  him,  he  appoint- 
ed the  27th  of  last  month,  that  the 
Chiefs  of  the  Mingoes  or  Conestogoe 
Indians,  the  Sachem  or  Chief  of  the 
Shawanese,  the  Chief  of  the  Gana- 
wese,  with  several  of  their  people, 
and  some  of  the  Delawares,  met  him 
on  the  said  day  at  John  Cartledge's. 
and  being  all  sate,  Peter  Bizallion 
and  John  Cartledge,  Interpreters, 
James  Logan  first  spoke  to  the  In- 
dians telling  them,  that  as  they  had 
been  long  expected  at  Philadelphia, 
in  pursuance  of  their  own  messages 
for  that  purpose,  but  instead  of  com- 
ing had  lately  sent  to  the  Governor, 
desiring  for  some  reasons  that  he 
would  come  up  to  them;  He,  their 
old  friend,  with  whom  they  had  been 
acquainted  in  their  treaties  for 
twenty  years  past,  being  now  come 
upon  business  in  these  parts  are  will- 
ing to  hear  from  themelves,  now 
only  how  it  was  with  them,  but  the 
occasion  of  their  delaying  their  jour- 
ney to  Philadelphia  so  long,  and  at 
length  sending  the  message  to  the 
Governor.  They  hereupon  sat  silent 
for  some  time  without  appearing 
ready  to  speak  to  anything,  and 
make  no  returns,  the  Secretary 
pressed  them  to  answer  him,  telling 
them  that  he  asked  these  questions 
in  behalf  of  the  Governor  and  the 
Government,  that  they  themselves 
had  appeared  desirous  to  speak  to 
him,   and   that   as   they   now   had     an 


OTHER   LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


242 


opportunity  they  ought  to  proceed  I 
and  speak  their  minds  freely.  To 
which  at  length  they  answered,  that  ; 
there  had  been  lately  killed  by  the 
Southern  Indians  twelve  men,  ten  of 
the  Mingoes  or  Five  Nations  and  two  j 
Shawanese,  about  one  hundred  and 
sixty  miles  from  that  place,  which  ! 
was  the  occasion  of  their  sending 
that  message.  James  Logan  asked 
them  whether  these  two  Shawanese 
had  been  abroad  hunting,  they  an- 
swered,  No!  They  had  gone  out  to  | 
war.  He  then  demanded  the  reason 
why  they  would  offer  to  go  to  war 
after  their  solemn  promise  to  our 
Government  to  the  contrary.  The 
Chief  of  the  Shawnese  replied  that  a 
dispute  arising  among  some  of  their 
young  men,  who  was  the  best  man, 
to  end  it  they  resolved  to  make  the 
tryal  by  going  out  to  war,  that  they 
could  not  be  restrained,  but  took  the 
opportunity  of  accompanying  some  of 
the  Five  Nations  that  were  going  out 
and  took  their  road  that  way. 

The  Secretary  told  them  that  he 
should  have  a  great  deal  to  say  to 
them  on  these  heads,  and  that  the 
day  being  now  far  advanced,  he  must 
desire  them  to  meet  him  the  same 
place  in  the  morning,  and  then  treat- 
ing them  to  some  drink  they  with- 
drew. 

Next  morning  the  same  persons  at- 
tended, bringing  some  bundles  of 
skins  with  them,  from  whence  it 
being  conjectured  that  the  Indians  de- 
signed to  begin  a  discourse.  All 
being  seated  after  some  time  being 
spent  in  silence,  the  Mingoes  or  Con- 
estogoe  Indians  began.  A  Ganawese 
Indian,  who  called  him  Captain 
Smith,  and  is  said  knows  all  the 
several  languages,  viz:  his  own  or 
the  Ganawese,  the  Mingoe,  the 
Shawnese  and  Delaware,  to  perfec- 
tion, being  appointed  interpreter  in- 
to the  Delaware  Tongue,  and  Peter 
Bizallion    and    John    Cartledge    inter- 


preting that  into  English.  They  spoke 
as  follows,  viz: 

That  the  last  year  Colonel  French 
came  to  them  on  a  message  from  the 
Governor  to  inquire  into  their  health, 
and  how  it  was  with  them,  their 
children    and   their    grandchildren. 

That  they  were  now  ready  to  give 
an  answer  to  all  that  he  had  said  to 
them,  but  that  now  they  would  speak 
freely  from  the  bottom  of  their 
hearts,  and  their  friend  might  de- 
pend on  not  having  words  only  but 
their  truest  inward  sentiments  with- 
out reserve;  and  then  they  laid  down 
a  bundle  of  undrest  deer  skins. 

That  Colonel  French  and  those  with 
him  told  from  the  Governour,  that 
the  message  that  the  Governor  sent 
them  and  the  advice  he  gave  them 
was  for  his  heart  and  for  their  good, 
and  that  they  would  as  freely  speak 
from  their  hearts.  The  Governor  ad- 
vised thme  to  go  out  no  more  to  war. 
nor  to  join  with  any  of  the  Five  Na- 
tions or  others,  that  when  out  for  that 
purpose,  but  to  live  at  peace  with  all 
people,  and  if  any  prisoners  were 
brought  to  their  towns,  they  should 
not  suffer  them  to  be  burnt  or  tor- 
tured; that  though  some  of  their 
people  were  killed  once  or  again,  yet 
they  should  not  go  out  but  bear  it, 
but  the  third  time  they  might  all  go 
lout  as  one  man  together;  that  this 
they  thought  was  somewhat  too  hard 
;  upon  them,  if  they  must  be  confined 
as  prisoners  at  home,  and  could  not 
;  go  to  meet  their  enemies  that  came 
against  them. 

That    when    Governor      Penn      first 
iheld  councils  with  them,  he  promised 
;  them   so  much   love     and     friendship 
that  he  would  call  them  brothers,  be- 
cause brothers  might  differ,  nor  chil- 
;  dren  because  these  might  offend  and 
I  require  correction,but  he  would  reck- 
on them  as  one  body,  one  blood,  one 
heart    and    one    hand;    That   they    al- 
[  ways    remembered    this,    and    should 


243 


ANNALS  OP  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


on  their  parts  act  accordingly;  that 
few  of  the  old  men  who  were  at 
those  councils  were  living;  these 
were  removed  and  those  were  then 
very  young  men  are  now  grown  up 
to  succeed,  but  they  transmitted  it  to 
their  children,  and  they  and  all  theirs 
should  remember  it  forever;  that 
they  regarded  not  reports  or  what 
was  said  abroad,  their  head  was  at 
Philadelphia,  and  they  were  one 
with  him,  on  him  they  depended  that 
they  should  know  everything  that 
concerned  them. 

The  Ganawese  in  behalf  of  their 
people  say,  they  are  glad  that  they 
never  hear  anything  from"  the  Gov- 
ernment, at  Philadelphia,  but  good 
advice  and  what  is  for  their  advan- 
tage; that  their  present  chief  was 
once  at  a  Council  with  William  Penn 
before  they  removed  into  this  Prov- 
ince, and  that  since  they  came  into 
it,  they  have  always  lived  quiet  and 
in  Peace  which  they  acknowledge, 
and  are  thankful  for  it;  that  the  ad- 
vice that  is  send  them  is  always  so 
much  for  their  good  that  they  can 
not  but  gladly  receive  it,  When  the 
sun  sets  they  sleep  in  Peace  and  in 
Peace  they  rise  with  him,  and  so 
continue  while  he  continues  his 
course,  and  think  themselves  happy 
In  their  Friendship,  which  they  shall 
take  care  to  have  contniued  from 
Generaton  to  Generation.  And  that 
as  it  shall  thus  forever  continue  on 
their  side;  so  they  desire  that  the 
same  continue  on  the  Governor's 
part,  and  that  if  any  reports  should 
l>e  heard  concerning  them,  they  de- 
sire it  may  not  be  believed  to  their 
disadvantage,  for  they  will  still  be 
true  and  the  same  they  at  first  pro- 
fessed themselves  and  then  lay  down 
a  bundle  of  Deer  Skins.  To  Cones- 
togoes  say,  that  William  Penn  made 
a  league  with  them  to  last  for  three 
or  four  generations;    that  he   is   now 


|  dead,  and  most  of  their  ancients  are 
I  also  dead  but  the  league  still  remains 
J  and    they    now    take    this    opportunity 
:  to  renew  and  strengthen  it  with  their 
friend,    who    has    always    represented 
;  William   Penn   to   them   since   he    left 
j  them ;    one    generation    may    die    and 
!  another   may   die    but   the    League    of 
friendship   continues   strong   and  shall 
j  forever  continue  so     on     their     part. 
And    this    is    not    said    in    behalf     of 
themselves,   the   Mingoes   only,   but  of 
!  all  the  Indians     on     the     river,     and 
|  they   give    another    Bundle     of     Deer 
j  skins.     Captain  Civility  throws   down 
I  a  small  bundle  of  furs  and  says,  that 
|  they  all  join  and  send  that  as  a  pre- 
|  sent  to  the  Governor  to  make  him  a 
Beaver  Hatt.     They   say   in   behalf  of 
the    Ganawese,    that     they     have      no 
i  writing    to      show      their      league      of 
j  friendship  as  the     others     have     and 
!  therefore  desire  that  they  may  be  fa- 
vored with  one  at  least  if  they  should 
transgress    by    reason    of    rum,    which 
is    brought    to   them    in    large    quanti- 
ties,  they   must   be   cast   off   and   for- 
:  gotten  that  ever  they  were  in  friend- 
|  ship   with   us. 

The  Indians  being  met  again  after 
j  some  refreshments,  the  Secretary 
I  spoke  to  them  as  follows: 

It  must  be  a  great  satisfaction  to 
all  honest  and  good  men,  to  find  that 
the  measures  that  great  man,  Wil- 
liam Penn,  took  to  establish  a  firm 
friendship  with  you  has  had  such  an 
excellent  success.  Your  predecessors 
and  you  have  always  found  him  sin- 
cere in  what  he  professed.  Pie  al- 
ways ordered  those  in  power  during 
his  absence  to  shew  you  all  the  like 
friendship  and  affection.  Every  Gov- 
ernor that  came  has  been  the  same  to 
you.  and  the  present  Governour,  Col- 
onel Keith,  shewed  the  same  disposi- 
tion immediately  upon  his  arrival,  by 
hastening  up  to  you  with  his  coun- 
cil  and  many  of  his  freinds   as   soon 


OTHER    LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


244 


as  he  heard  that  you  were  in  trouble. 

You  on  your  parts  have  been  faith- 
ful and  true  to  us,  whatever  reports 
might  have  spread,  yet  the  chain  was 
still  preserved  strong  and  bright.  You 
never  violated  it.  We  have  lived  in 
perfect  peace  and  Unity  above  any 
other  Government  in  America,  and 
you  renewing  the  chain  at  this  time 
upon  the  Decease  of  your  great 
Friend,  with  us  who  remain  alive,  is 
so  affectionate  and  kind  that  I  shall 
not  fail  to  represent  it  duly  to  the 
Governor  and  your  good  friends  in 
Philadelphia.  This  chain  has  been 
made  nearly  forty  years  agoe;  it  is 
at  this  time  strong  and  bright  as  ever, 
and  I  hope  will  continue  so  between 
our  Children  and  your  Children,  and 
their  Children's  children  to  all  Gen- 
erations, while  the  water  flows  or  the 
sun  shines  in  the  Heavens;  and  may 
the  Great  Spirit  who  rules  the  Hea- 
vens and  the  Earth,  and  who  made 
and  supported  us  all,  who  is  a  friend 
to  all  good  men  who  love  Justice  and 
Peace,  continue  the  same  blessings 
upon  it  forever. 

But  my  friends  and  brothers,  as  we 
are  obliged  to  take  care  of  each 
other,  and  as  the  English  have  op- 
portunities of  seeing  farther  than 
you,  I  find  myself  obliged  in  behalf 
of  our  Governor  and  Government,  to 
offer  you  some  advice  that  may  be 
of  great  importance  to  you,  and 
which  at  this  time  is  absolutely  nec- 
essary- 

You  acquainted  me  yesterday  with 
a  loss  that  you  had  sustained,  viz: 
that  twelve  men,  ten  of  the  Five  Na- 
tions and  two  Shawanese,  had  been 
lately  cut  off  by  the  Southern  In- 
dians, not  two  hundred  miles  from 
this  place,  which  grieves  me  exceed- 
ingly. 

I  am  scarcely  willing  to  mention 
the  Cause  of  it  lest  I  should  trouble 


'you,  but  I  must  do  it  for  your  good; 
i  I  should  not  be  a  true  friend  should 
;  I  forbear  it. 

You  know  then,  my   Brothers,  that 
|  the  cause  is,  that  some  of  your  young 
!  men      had      unadvisedly    gone    out   to 
war   in    company   with    others    of  the 
|  Five   Nations    against   these    Southern 
!  Indians.      Young     men     love     to     go 
sometimes  to  war  to  shew  their  man- 
i  hood,   but  they   have    unhappily    gone 
|  against    Indians    that    are    in    Friend- 
ship with  the  English.       You     know. 
!  that  as  of  the  Five  Nations  some  are 
',  called    Isawandowaes,      some     Cayoo- 
gooes,  some  Onondogoes,  some  Oney- 
!  ookes,    and    some      Connyingoes,     yet 
I  they  are  all  one  people,  so  the  Eng- 
lish though  they  have  different  Gov- 
I  ernments,  are  divided  into  New  Eng- 
land,  New    York,   New    Jersey,    Penn- 
sylvania,     Maryland,      Virginia       and 
Carolina,  yet  they  are  all   under  one 
great  king  who  had  twenty  times  as 
jmany   subjects   as   all   these,   and  has 
i  in   one   city   as   many   subjects   as   all 
the    Indian    that    we    know    in    North 
America.     To   him   we   are   all  subject 
and    are    all    governed    by    the    same 
laws;    Therefore,    those    Indians    who 
are   in   League   with   one   Government 
are  in  League  with  all;    your  friend- 
ship with  us  recommends  you  to  the 
j  Friendship  of  all  other  English  Gov- 
ernments,   and   their   friends    are    our 
friends.        You    must    not      therefore, 
hunt  or  annoy  any  of  the  English  or 
any  of  their  friends  whatsoever. 

These  Southern  Indians,  especially 
the  Tootelese.  formerly  made  friend- 
ship with  you,  and  I  believe  that  it 
was  they  who  lately  sent  you  the 
nine  belts,  of  Wampum,  to  continue 
the  League;  They  Desired  Peace,  yet 
j  the  Five  Nations  and  some  of  your 
rash  young  men  have  set  upon  them; 
pray  remember,  they  are  men  as  well 
as  you,  consider  therefore,   I   request 


245 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


you,  what  you  would  think  of  your- 
selves should  you  suffer  these  or  any 
other  people  to  come  year  after  year 
and  cut  off  your  towns,  your  wives 
and  children,  and  those  that  escape 
should  sit  still  and  not  go  out  against 
them,  you  would  not  then  deserve 
to  be  accounted  men;  and  as  they, 
you  find  are  men  it  is  no  wonder  if 
they  come  out  to  meet  these  young 
fellows  and  endeavor  to  destroy 
them   and  their  families. 

I  must  further,  as  your  friend,  lay 
before  you  the  consequence  of  your 
suffering  any  of  your  young  men  to 
join  with  those  of  the  Five  Nations 
They  come  through  your  towns  and 
bring  back  their  prisoners  through 
your  settlements,  thus  they  open  a 
clear  path  from  these  Southern  In- 
dians to  your  Towns,  and  they  who 
may  have  been  wrong  may  follow 
that  open  path,  and  first  come' direct- 
ly as  the  path  leads  to  you.  Thus 
vou,  who  have  done  but  little  and  by 
the  instigation  and  advice  of  others 
may  be  the  first  that  are  fallen  up- 
on, while  those  of  the  Five  Nations 
are  safe  at  home  at  a  great  Distance 
with  their  Wives  and  Children,  and 
you  may  be  the  only  sufferers. 

They  have  hitherto  come  out  to 
meet  their  ^enemies,  who  were  going 
to  attack  them,  and  like  men  they 
fight  them;  but  as  I  am  your  friend 
[  must  further  inform  you  that  these 
people  would  come  quite  up  to  your 
towns  to  do  the  same  to  you  that  they 
have  suffered,  but  your  being  settled 
among  the  English  has  hitherto  pre- 
served you,  for  the  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia and  Carolina  can  no  longer 
hinder  them  from  defending  them- 
selves; and  desired  peace  and  would 
live  in  Peace  if  it  might  be  granted 
them. 

I  must  further  inform  you  as  a 
friend  that  this  whole  business  of 
making  War  in  the  manner  you  do,  is 


now  owing  to  those  who  desire  noth- 
ing more  than  to  see  all  the  Indians 
cut  off,  as  well  to  the  Northward  as 
the  Southward,  that  is  the  French 
of  Canada,  for  they  would  have  the 
Five  Nations  destroy  the  Southern 
Indians,  and  the  Southern  Indians 
destroy  you  and  the  Five  Nations, 
the  destruction,  being  their  Desire. 
The  Governor  told  you,  by  Colonel 
French,  that  they  were  your  enemies 
who  put  you  upon  war,  and  they  are 
your  truest  friends  who  would  pre- 
serve you  in  Peace,  Hearken  to  the 
advice  of  your  friends  and  you  will 
be  preserved.  You  see  how  your 
numbers  yearly  lessen;  I  have 
known  about  three  score  men  be- 
longing to  the  Town,  and  now  I  see 
not  five  of  the  old  men  remaining. 

What  the  Governor  has  said  to  you 
by  himself,  and  by  Colonel  French, 
and  what  I  now  say  to  you  is  for  your 
own  advantage,  and  if  you  are  your 
own  friends  you  will  pursue  the 
advice  that  is  given  you.  If  any  of 
the  Five  Nations  go  this  way  in  their 
going  out  to  war,  and  call  on  any  of 
you  to  accompany  them,  you  must  in- 
form them  as  you  are  in  League 
with  us,  and  are  as  one  people,  you 
cant  not  break  your  promises,  and  it 
can  not  be  pleasing  to  them  to  see 
you  living  in  such  friendship  with 
us.  I  have  said  enough  on  these 
heads,  and  you  I  hope  will  lay  it  up 
in  your  hearts  and  duly  observe  it; 
let  it  sink  into  your  minds,  for  it  is 
of  great  weight. 

The  Ganawese  having  hebaved 
themselves  well  since  they  came 
amongst  us.  and  they  shall  have 
what  they  desire.  Your  people  of 
Conestogoe  about  twenty  years  agoe 
brought  the  Shawanese  with  them  to 
Philadelphia  to  see  and  treat  with 
Governor  Penn,  and  then  promised 
the  Governor  that  they  would  answer 
for   the    Shawanese    that   they   should 


OTHER    LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


246 


Vive  peaceably  with  us  and  in 
friendship  with  us,  but  we  find  their 
•ears  are  thick,  they  do  not  hear  what 
we  say  to  them,  nor  regard  our  ad- 
vice. 

The  Chiefs  of  the  Shawanese  an- 
swered to  this  with  a  deep  concern, 
that  this  was  occasioned  by  the 
young  men  who  lived  under  no  Gov- 
ernment; that  when  their  king  who 
was  then  living,  Opessah,  took  the 
Government  upon  him,  but  the  people 
differed  with  him;  he  left  them,  they 
had  then  no  Chief,  therefore  some  of 
them  applied  to  him  to  take  that 
charge  upon  him,  but  that  he  had 
only  the  name  without  any  authority, 
and  could  do  nothing.  He  counselled 
them,  but  they  would  not  obey,  there- 
fore he  can  not  answer  for  them,  and 
divers  that  were  present,  both  Eng- 
lish and  Indians,  confirmed  the  truth 
of  this. 

The  Secretary  hereupon  admonish- 
ed him  and  the  rest  to  take  a  further 
Care,  that  what  had  been  said  should 
be  pressed  upon  the  young  people 
and  duly  observed,  and  then  calling 
for  Liquor  and  drinking  with  them 
dismissed  them. 

But  the  Indians,  before  they  would 
depart,  earnestly  pressed,  that  on  ac- 
count of  this  treaty  should  with  all 
possible  speed  be  dispatched  to  the 
Governours  to  the  Southward,  and  to 
their  Indians  that  further  mischief 
might  be  prevented,  for  they  were  ap- 
prehensive that  the  Southern  Indians 
might  come  out  to  met  the  Five  Na- 
tions, and  then  they,  as  had  been 
said  to  them  lying  in  the  road  might 
be  the  sufferers,  but  they  truly  de- 
sired peace,  and  were  always  against 
molesting  any  Indians  that  were  un- 
der the  protection  or  lived  in  friend- 
ship with  the  English. 

The  Secretary  then  proposed  to 
them  that  they  should  send  some  of 
their  people  with  Belts  of  Wampum 
to  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  to  assure 


him   of  their   resolution     to     live 


|  Peace,  and  to  desire  him  to  acquaint 
|  all  his  Indians  with  the  same.  They 
!  readily  agreed  to  send  the  belts  with- 
I  out  delay  and  promised  the  following 
j  week  to  bring  them  to  Philadelphia, 
i  but  they  seemed  apprehensive  of  dan- 
|  ger  to  their  People  in  going  to  Vir- 
|  ginia,  where  they  were  all  strangers. 
;  unless  the  Governors  would  send 
|  some  English  in  Company  with  them 
to  protect  them. 

After    this    conference    was    ended, 
!  Civilty   desired   to     speak     with     the 
Secretary   in    private,    and   an   oppor- 
|  tunity  being  given,  he  acquainted  the 
|  Secretary  that  some  of  the  Five  Na- 
tions   especially    the    Cayoogoes,    had 
!  at  divers  times   expressed  a  dissatis- 
i  faction  at  the  large  settlements  made 
!  by  the   English  on   Sasquehannah  and 
that  they  seemed  to  claim  a  property 
i  or   right  to   those   lands.     The   Secre- 
tary answered,  that  he      (viz:      Civil- 
Jity)    and   all   the   Indians   were   sensi- 
I  ble  of  the  Contrary,     and     that     the 
;  Five   Nations   had   long     since     made 
over  all  their  right  to  Sasquehannah 
I  to  the  Government  of  New  York,  and 
j  that    Governor    Penn    had    purchased 
|  that  right  with  which  they  had  been 
I  fully    acquainted.       Civility    acknowl- 
edged the  Truth  of  this  but  proceeded 
!  to  say  that  he  thought  it  his  duty  to 
inform    us    of   it,    that   we    might   the 
;  better    prevent    all    misunderstanding. 
The  Secretary  having  made  an  end 
!  of  his  report,  the  Governor  observed, 
j  that  from  the  last  particular  year  if 
!  there   was   ground  to   apprehend  that 
the  Five  Nations,  especially  the  Cay- 
oogoes,   did    entertain     some     secret 
grudges      against      the    advancing    of 
our    advancig    settlements    upon    Sas- 
quehannah river,  and  that  it  was  very 
much   to   be   suspected   that   the   Five 
Nations     were    spirited     up     by     the 
French   agents   from   Canada  or   Mis- 
sissippi,  to     make     these     new     and 
groundless    claims    upon      us      whom 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCS  AND 


they  believed  to  be  a  mild  defenceless 
people,  and  therefore  liable  to  be 
with  less  hazard  and  more  easily  in- 
sulted than  any  of  the  neighboring 
colonies;  that  though  the  Governor 
was  not  under  any  immediate  appre- 
hension of  Danger  from  the  Indians 
of  the  Five  Nations,  yet  our  present 
security  semed  to  depend  upon  the 
strength  and  authority  of  New  York, 
and  not  upon  the  peaceable  disposi- 
tion of  faith  of  these  barbarians;  That 
if  the  French  (as  it  was  but  too  pro- 
bable at  this  juncture),  should  pur- 
sue their  usual  policy  in  not  only  de- 
bauching the  Indians  everywhere 
from  the  English  interest,  but  also  to 
provoke  and  encourage  them  to  make 
war  upon  one  another,  and  thereby 
to  embroil  all  the  English  settlements 
upon  this  continent  every  Colony 
would  in  that  case  find  themselves 
sufficiently  employed  in  their  own 
proper  defence.  And  these  things 
had  made  such  a  deep  impression  up- 
on the  Governour's  mind,  but  he 
could  not  but  think  of  the  Public 
safety,  as  well  as  his  honor  and 
character,  to  be  particularly  con- 
cerned in  making  such  timely  pro- 
vision for  the  defence  of  this  colony, 
as  the  nature  of  the  Constitution  and 
the  good  inclinations  of  the  people 
would  permit,  unto  which  end  the 
Governors  believed  that  a  voluntary 
militia  might  be  raised  and  put  un- 
der such  good  regulations  by  an 
Ordinance  as  could  give  no  offence 
to  any,  but  be  of  a  general  advantage 
and  security  to  the  Trade  and  People 
of  this   province. 

The  members  present  being  all 
Quakers,  some  of  them  desired  to  be 
excused  from  giving  their  sentiments 
upon  a  subject  of  that  nature  but  all 
seemed  to  acquiesce  that  leave  that 
matter  wholly  to  the  Governour's 
prudence  and  good  conduct.  The 
Secretary  was  in  the  mean  time  dir- 
ected  to  examine   whether  there  was 


I  any  ground  for  the  Five  Nations  to 
claim  a  right  to  any  lands  upon  the 
Sasquehannah;  and  also  it  was  mov- 
ed and  agreed  upon,  that  the  Gover- 
nor should  write  to  the  President  of 
New  York  representing  the  ill  treat- 
ment of  our  people  lately  received 
from  those  of  the  Five  Nations  in 
their  last  return  from  the  Southward 
and  the  ill  consequence  which  may 
possibly  ensue  from  their  opening  a 
path  to  war  through  our  settlement 
upon    Sasqquehannah." 

Governour    Keith      considered      this 
treaty  at  Conestoga  a  matter  of  great 
importance  and  he  wrote  to  the  Gov- 
ernor of  New  York   about  the  affair, 
the  main  points  of  which  letter  were, 
that    we    have    a   great    reason    to   be 
apprehensive     of     the   growth  of  the 
French    settlements    and    the  power  of 
the   Jesuits   over   our   Indians   on   the 
Susquehanna,    and   that     the     Jesuits 
are  very   active  in  trading  to  get  our 
Indians  over  to  the  French  and  that 
the   Southern   Indians   are  very  much 
I  provoked   and    come   out   to   fight   the 
I  Five  Nations  and  pursued  to  the  Sus- 
|  quehanna     river.       He   further     says 
|  that   when     Governor     Penn      settled 
j  this  country,  when  he   came  to  treat 
I  with   the    Indians   settled    on    Susque- 
hanna  River,   he   began   to   deal   with 
New    York   concerning   it,     and     that 
Governor  Penn  on  his  last  visit  about 
twenty  years   ago  held  a  treaty  with 
the  Conestogas  settled  on  Susquehan- 
na River  and  that  the  question  about 
the  land  was  taken  up. 

So  here  we  see  in  this  letter  that 
difficulties  about  the  land  around 
Conestogoe  were  again  arising,  and 
we  also  see  what  seems  to  be  a  clear 
admission  that  Penn  made  the  two 
trips  to  Susquehanna,  of  which  we 
have  spoken  of  before.  All  this  may 
be  seen  in  Vol.  3  of  the  Colonial  Re- 
cords, pp.  99  to  102.  One  of  the 
chief  questions  that  Logan  was  try- 
ing to  settle  was  the  dissatisfaction 
of  these  lands  around  Suquehanna. 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


241 


1720— The    Conestoga     Indians     Com- 
plain   that    the    Five    Nations 
Compel  Them  to  Go  South 
to  Fight. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  subjec- 
tion to  the  Five  Nations  which  the 
Conestogas  were  compelled  to  under- 
go was  very  galling  to  them  and 
frequently  brought  them  into  dan- 
gerous situations  and  compelled 
them  to  go  on  expeditions  in  the 
South  against  their  friends.  The  Con- 
estogas, Conoys.  the  Ganawese,  the 
Delawares  and  the  Tuscaroras,  all 
of  which  tribes  lived  around  about 
Conestoga  and  Susquehanna,  were 
under  the  Five  Nations  at  this  time 
and  if  they  refused  to  obey  the  Five 
Nations,  they  were  in  great  danger 
of  being  butchered  themselves.  Their 
condition  was  pitiable  and  in  a 
paper  sent  to  the  Council  at  Phila- 
delphia they  set  forth  their  sad  con- 
dition. This  paper  and  the  proceed- 
ings connected  with  it  are  as  fol- 
lows: At  a  Council  held  at  Philadel- 
phia, July  20,  1720,  besides  the  Coun- 
cil and  the  Governor  there  were  pre- 
sent also  "Conestogce  Indians  Tago- 
leless  or  Civility,  Oyanowhachso, 
Sohais  Connedechto's  son,  Tayuch- 
einjeh. 

Ganawese:  Ousewayteichks  or 
Captain  Smith,  Sahpechtah,  Meemee- 
ivoonnook,  Winjock's  son,  George 
Waaspessum,  and  John   Prince. 

Shawanese:    Kenneope. 

Edwad   Farmer,   Sworn   Interp'r. 

The  Secretary  acquainted  the 
Board,  that  the  Indians  present  were 
sent  by  their  chiefs  from  Conestoga, 
in  pursuance  of  the  resolution  they 
had  taken  at  the  conference  he  had 
lately  held  with  them  there,  of  send- 
ing a  message  to  the  Goernor  of  Vir- 
ginia. 

The  Interpreter,  by  the  Governor's 
order,  told  the  Indians  that  their 
Governor   waft   glad   to   see   them   and 


to  hear  of  the  welfare  of  their  people. 
The  Indians  delivered  two  Belts  of 
Wampum  with  a  written  paper, 
which  they  say  contains  the  whole  of 
what  they  were  ordered  to  deliver  to 
the  Governor  and  Council  at  the 
time. 

The  said  paper  was  read,  and  is  as 
follows: 

July   16th,  1720. 
To    our    Friends    and    Brothers,    the 
:  Governour      and      James     Logan,      at 
|  Philadelphia.     These  as  to  what  hath 
I  been    proposed    by    our      Friend      and 
j  Brother   James   Logan,   when  here,   of 
i  our    sending   to    the    Southward    Gov- 
!  ernments    to    confirm   a      peace ;      We 
|  are  very   willing  to  have     and     keep 
!  Peace,   and   therefore    send    a   belt   of 
Wampum  to  confirm  it,  but  we  must 
;  leave  it  wholly  to  you  to  perfect  the 
'  same.     As   to   any   of   our    People   on 
J  this  river  going  to  the  Southern  parts 
I  about  the  same,  it  will  doubtless  oc- 
;  casion  the  death  of  us,  while  the  Five 
'Nations    still    follow    the    practice    of 
:  going  there   to  war,   of  whom   at  thTs 
time   there   is   a   great   number    going 
that    way;    therefore,    we    plainly    tell 
you.   we  know  not  what  measures  to 
\  take,   but  leave   all   to   you,    resolving 
to   follow   your   council,   but   sure   we 
;  are    to    suffer    for    what    we    have    al- 
;  ready  yielded  to     do     in     the     affair 
,  aforesaid    as    soon    as    the    Sinnekaes 
|  come  to  know  thereof,  if  not  protect- 
!  ed   by  you,   for   they   will    be   enraged 
against   us   when   they  know   that  we 
are  willing  to  be  at  Peace  with  those 
Nations,  that  they  resolve  to  maintain 
war    against,    and    will    certainly    cut 
us  off  as  well  as  the  Back  Christian 
Inhabitants;    for  they  we     are     sure, 
do   not  bear  true   affection     to     your 
Government,    and    some    of    them    are 
already    very    bold    and    impudent    to 
the  Christian  inhabitants  and  us  also 
for  their  sakes,  whom  we  are  unwil- 
ling should  have  any  damage  done  by 
them  if  we  can  prevnt  it,  and  in  real 


249 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


good  will  do  certify  the  Government 
that  we  believe  they  will  shortly  have 
gome  trouble  with  them  if  not  pre- 
vented. Our  Captain  Tagoteless,  and 
some  other  of  our  people  comes  with 
our  words  to  you,  and  this  present 
letter  taken  by  his  interpretation,  by 
our  good  friend  John  Cartiledge, 
whom  we  could  have  been  glad  if  he 
would  have  come  himself  and  given 
an  account  of  matters.  We  are  your 
true  friend  and  Brothers  at  Conesto- 
goe."     See  3  Col.  Rec,  .  102.  B. 

This  needs  no  further  comment  as 
everything  is  set  forth  fully  in  the 
paper. 

The  next  day  the  Council  being 
met  again  the  Governor  spoke  as  fol- 
lows -to  them  concerning  their 
troubles: 

"That  nothing  can  be  more  accept- 
able to  this  Government  than  that 
the  Indians  should  live  in  Peace  with 
all  the  Nations  around  them,  but 
above  all  with  those  who  are  friendly 
with  the  English  Governments.  The 
Governor  has  often  seriously  exhorted 
them  to  it.  and  they  had  engaged  to 
go  out  no  more  to  war,  with  which 
engagements  he  had  acquainted  the 
Governours  to  the  Southward,  and 
more  specially  the  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, by  Captain  Smith,  who  came 
from  that  Governour  to  the  N  orth- 
ward,  on  purpose  to  engage  the 
Northern  Indians  to  live  in  Peace 
with  all  his  people  and  friends.  And 
the  said  Gentleman,  Captain  Smith, 
they  may  well  remember,  was  pres- 
ent with  the  Governour  at  his  first 
conference  with  them  at  Conestogoe 
soon  after  his  arrival,  when  they 
promised  in  that  treaty  to  go  out  to 
war  no  more. 

That  it  was  a  very  great  satisfac- 
tion to  all  parties  to  find  them  thus 
engage  themselves,  though  what  was 
proposed  to  them  was  wholly  for 
their  own  benefit  and  advantage. 
Captain  Smith  carried  this  news  with 


gladness,  and  the  Governour  of  Vir- 
ginia and  his  people  received  it  with 
joy,  and  everybody  believing  that 
they  might  surely  depend  on  these 
assurances. 

Yet  notwithstanding  all  these,  some 
of  their  young  men  had  been  unhap- 
pily   prevailed    on    to   go   out   against 
the    same    people.      The    Governor    is 
very  well  pleased  to  hear  by  the  Sec- 
retary's   respect   on   what  they   lately 
said  on  that  head  at  Conestoga,  that 
they   condemn    these    proceedings,  and 
excused    themselves    by    the    influence 
the  Five  Nations  have  over  their  peo- 
ple,  and   that  the  young  men   carted 
on  by  the  Heat  and  Blood  to  martial 
;  exploits,   and  to   shew  their  manhood 
i  are  difficulty  restrained  by  the  more 
I  sage  advice  of  their  elders.     But  it  is 
!  now  hoped  that     these     young     men, 
j  some   of  them   having   forfeited   their 
I  lives  by  their  disobedience     to     their 
|  Elders,   are    also    as      fully      resolved 
I  most  strictly   to  observe  these  present 
|  engagements ;    and  though  the  Gover- 
[  our    realty    lies    under  some  disadvan- 
!  tages  in     the     representation     he     is 
now   to  make   to   the   Governours     of 
[Virginia   and   Carolina,    by    reason    of 
'their    having    failed    in    their    former. 
|  yet   he    will   without   delay     acquaint 
these  Governours  with  their  renewed 
resolutions,    and    give    them    all    pos- 
sible assurances  from     our     Indians, 
that  nothing  in  their  power  shall  di- 
i  vert  them  from  a  strict  observance  of 
j  what  they  have  promised  for  the  fu- 
!  ture,  and  as   a  binding    proof    of    it 
according  to  the  custom  of  their  Na- 
tions,   shall    convey    these    two    belts 
I  of   Wampum   as   firm   and     inviolable 
!  seals    to    all    that     they     have      said. 
These   the   Governour   will   convey   to 
j  the    Governour   of   Virginia   with    let- 
ters  in   their   favour  who   sent   them, 
and   a  particular     account     of     their 
;  country     and    habitations,     with     all 
!  which   the   Governor   of  Virginia  will 
i  undoubtedly   take    care     to     acquaint 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN  TRIBES 


250 


all  his  Indians  and  people,  and  en- 
gage them  for  the  future  to  consider 
our  friends  as  his  friends,  and  the 
Governour  will  endeavor  to  make 
them  all  as  one  People. 

But  as  this  will  require  some  time, 
and  all  the  Indians  in  those  South- 
ern Parts,  can  not  be  immediately  ac- 
quainted with  these  messages, 
though  the  Governor  intends  to  use 
all  possible  dispatch.  They  must  in 
the  mean  time  take  care  of  them- 
selves and  keep  out  of  the  way  of 
the  Warrior's  path,  till  a  good  and 
perfect  peace  and  good  understand- 
ing can  be  settled. 

But  after  the  Governor  has  thus 
proceded  in  their  behalves,  and  in 
some  measure  pledges  his  honor  for 
them,  they  must  not  fail  on  any  terms 
whatsoever,  most  strictly  to  make 
good  their  present  engagements 
against  the  Perswasions  of  all  Peo- 
ple whatsoever. 

We  are  all  friends  to  the  Five  Na- 
tions and  have  a  great  respect  for 
them,  and  these  can  not  but  be 
pleased  to  find  out  that  our  Indians 
live  in  such  Friendship  with  their 
English  Neighbors,  as  to  resolve  also 
to  live  in  Peace  with  all  their  friends. 
Whenever  any  of  these  Minquays 
come  amongst  them,  they  must  not 
fail  to  inform  them  that  they  and  we 
are  one  people  and  not  to  be  sepa- 
rated in  interest,  and  we  desire  that 
the  Minquays  also  may  be  the  same, 
and  live  with  us  as  brotters." 

This  being  interpreted,  it  was  or- 
dered that  they  should  be  supplied 
with  a  Quarter  Cask  of  powder,  fifty 
pounds  of  lead,  five  gallons  of  rum, 
with  Bisket,  Pipes,  Tobacco,  etc..  for 
their  Journey;  in  the  mean  time 
that  the  Treasurer  or  Secretary 
should  see  them  duly  accomodated. 
This  is  set  forth  in  Vol.  3  of  the  Col- 
onial Records,  pp.   103  to  105. 

1720— The  Cost  of  the  Second  Treaty 

Made  at  Conestoga. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p  107 
the    cost   of    James      Logan's      second 


treaty  at  Conestoga  is  set  out  as  fol- 
lows: "The  Secretary  laid  before 
the  Board  an  Account  of  the  charg- 
es of  a  Treaty  held  with  the  Indians 
at  Conestogoe,  the  27th  day  of  June 
last,  being  Eight  Pounds  Four  shil- 
lings and  Eight  Pence;  as  also  an  ac- 
count of  goods  and  provisions  sup- 
plied the  Indians  at  Philadelphia,  by 
order  of  this  Board  the  20th  of  July 
last,  amounting  to  Eight  Pounds, 
Thirteen  Shillings  and  Five  Pence, 
the  whole  charge  being  sixteen 
Pounds,  eighteen  Shillings  and  one 
penny,  from  which  deducting  the 
presents  received  from  the  Indians  -to 
the  value  of  ten  Pounds,  four  Shil- 
lings, there  remains  due  to  the  Sec- 
retary the  sum  of  six  Pounds,  thir- 
teen Shillings  and  one  penny,  which 
accounts  being  examined  were  allow- 
ed by  the  Board,  and  the  Treasurer 
is  ordered  to  pay  the  said  Ballance  to 
the  Secretary  fortwith." 

1720— The     Southern     Indians  Retal- 
iate  on   the   Conestogas. 

The  above  account  of  the  Five  Na- 
tions forcing  the  Conestogas  to  go 
southward  and  fight  their  friends  is 
also  taken  notice  of  in  Vol.  2  of  tii  • 
Votes  of  Assembly,  p.  258,  where  it  is 
shown  that  the  expeditions  to  the 
South  have  caused  an  attack  upon 
our  Indians  near  the  head  of  the 
Potomac  River,  by  the  Southern  In- 
dians who  are  on  their  way  to  Sus- 
quehanna to  fight  our  people,  by  rea- 
son of  the  fact  that  the  Five  Na- 
tions compel  our  Indians  to  go  to 
war  against  those  of  the  South. 

1720 — The   Shawanese,   Ganawese  and 
the  Delawares  Present  at  Logan's 
Treaty   with   the   Con- 
estogas. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  92, 
in  which  we  have  discussed  the 
treaty  made  by   James     Lgoan     with 


251 


ANNALS  OP  THE   SU  SQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


the  Conestogas  and  others,  he  sets 
forth  that  the  Sachem  or  Chief  of  the 
Shawanese,  the  Chief  of  the  Gana- 
wese  and  the  people  of  the  Delaware 
Indians  met  him  at  John  Cartledge's 
house  the  same  as  the  chiefs  of  the 
Conestogas.  I  merely  quote  this 
item  to  show  that  these  various  other 
tribes  were  still  living  in  this  neigh- 
borhood at  this  time. 

1721 — A   Message  Sent  to  the  Cones- 
toga  Indians,  Because    of    the 
Dissatisfaction  of  the  Vir- 
ginian Government. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec.,  p.  116, 
it  is  set  forth  that  a  complaint  of 
Governor  Spotswood  of  Virginia 
caused  the  Governor  and  Council  in 
Pennsylvania  to  send  a  message  to 
the  Conestoga  Indians,  in  which  he 
asked  them  to  be  very  careful  to  obey 
all  the  laws  and  not  to  offend  the  In- 
dians of  the  South  nor  the  Governor 
in  any  way. 

Keith  says  in  this  message  that  he 
has  had  many  conferences  with  the 
Government  of  Virginia  about  our 
Conestoga  Indians.  As  the  result  of 
this  the  Conestoga  Indians  and  other 
Indians  at  Susquehanna  river  promis- 
ed that  they  would  not  cross  the 
Potomac  river  to  go  South,  if  the 
Southern  Indians  will  not  cross  the 
Potomac  River  to  come  north.  And 
the  Governor  further  says  that  our  i 
Indians  never  do  go  down  across  the 
Potomac  River. 

1721— The  Conestoga    Indians    Go    to  I 

the  Ohio  and  Wabash  Rivers 

to  Fish. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  116,  j 
Governor  Keith  in  a  speech,  states  | 
that  the  Conestogas  and  other  allied 
Indians  go  hunting  and  fishing  on  the 
branches  of  the  Wabash  and  Ohio 
Rivers  in  the  Fall  of  the  year  and  do 
not  return  until  the  following  May. 


1721— The  Conestoga    Indians    Send  a 
Peaceful  Message  to  the  South- 
ern  Indians. 

In  the  book  and  at  the  page  last 
mentioned  it  is  set  forth  that  he  Con- 
estoga and  allied  Indians  sent  by 
Governor  Keith  to  Virginia  several 
belts  of  wampum  as  pledges  of  Peace 
with  all  the  Indians  from  the  South. 
On  the  next  page  we  find  that  Keith 
begs  the  Governor  of  Virginia  that  I 
shall  mention  and  include  the  Indians 
of  the  Susquehanna  Country  with  his 
Cherokees  and  other  Southern  In- 
dians. 

1721— The  Five  Nations  Come  to  Con- 
estoga to  Make  a  Treaty. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Colonial  Records, 
p.  118,  it  is  set  forth  that  the  depu- 
ties of  the  Five  Nations  are  on  their 
way  to  Conestoga  to  treat  with  this 
Province;  and  word  is  sent  -to  Phila- 
delphia that  the  Five  Nationas  are 
coming  to  treat.   (120). 

This  statement  is  given  by  the  Gov- 
ernor to  the  Board  or  Council  1l 
which  he  says  that  he  had  yesterday 
received  an  express  from  the  Cones- 
toga, intimating  that  they  were  cer- 
tainly informed  of  some  deputies  of 
the  Five  Nations  being  on  their  way 
to  Conestoga  in  order  to  treat  with 
this  Government.  The  Council  de- 
cided, however,  not  to  do  anything 
until  they  heard  of  the  arrival  of  the 
Five  Nations  at  Conestoga,  but  in  the 
meantime  the  Government  will  send 
a  message  to  the  Conestoga  Indians 
to  inform  them  about  his  negotia- 
tions for  peace  in  Virginia. 

As  is  shown  on  p.  120  of  the  same 
book,  John  Cartledge  sent  an  express 
to  Philadelphia,  announcing  that  the 
deputies  had  arrived  at  Conestoga, 
that  he  entertained  them  at  his  house 
and  desired  them  to  come  to  Phila- 
delphia and  treat  with  the  Governor. 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


252 


That  they  were  very  reserved  in  tell- 
ing their  business  and  insisted  that 
they  must  meet  the  Governor  himself 
at  Conestoga,  where  they  wished  him 
to  come.  .  Cartledge  also  states  that 
a  considerable  number  of  the  Chiefs 
and  others  of  the  Indians  of  the  Five 
Nations  now  actually  at  Conestoga, 
positively  refused  to  go  any  nearer 
to  Philadelphia  than  Conestoga  and 
he  urges  the  Governor  to  come  at 
once  and  treat  with  them;  and  the 
Governor   accordingly   made    the   trip. 

1721— Governor    Keith's     First    Great 
Treaty  at  Conestoga. 

Pressed  by  the  above  urgent  de- 
mands that  he  should  come  to  Con- 
estoga to  meet  the  Five  Nations  and 
other  Indians  the  Council  decided 
that  the  Governor  should  go  on  the 
journey;  and  the  Governor  named 
Richard  Hill,  Janothan  Dickinson, 
Colonel  French  and  the  Secretary, 
James  Logan  to  accompany  him  in 
his  journey.  It  was  decided  that  they 
would  leave  on  Monday,  the  third  of 
July.  (See  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec, 
pp.  120-121). 

This  treaty  of  Governor  Keith  also 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  people 
generally  and  a  notice  of  it  may  be 
found  in  the  American  Weekly  Mer- 
cury, the  only  newspaper  at  that 
time  which  began  publication  in  1719 
and  ran  until  1746,  under  the  editor- 
ship of  Andrew  Bradford.  The 
newspaper  account  is  found  in  the 
issue  of  July  6,  1721,  in  which  the 
paper  states,  "His  Excellency,  Sir 
William  eKith,  our  Governor,  with 
some  of  his  Council  and  thirty  other 
gentlemen  set  out  Monday  last  for 
Conestoga  in  order  to  meet  our  In- 
dians there  and  some  of  the  Five  Na- 
tion to  settle  a  peace  with  them  as 
usual." 

It  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  news- 
paper report  states  that  thirty  of  the 


citizens  went  along.  The  return 
from  Conestoga  is  also  set  forth  in 
the  same  newspaper  in  the  issue  of 
July  13,  1721,  where  it  is  stated  that, 
"On  Tuesday  night  last,  his  Excel- 
lency, Sir  William  Keith,  Baronett, 
our  Governor,  and  the  gentlemen 
who  attended  him  arrived  here 
(Philadelphia)  from  Conestoga.  He 
went  thither  to  meet  the  heads  of  the 
Five  Nations  who  awaited  his  com- 
ing to  renew  the  treaties  of  peace 
and  friendship  with  them,  and  ac- 
comodated some  irregularities  com- 
mitted by  the  young  men  of  those  na- 
tions of  war  Indians.  The  Governor 
and  all  the  Company  were  handsomely 
entertained  and  treated  at  the  house 
of  John  Cartledge,  Esq.,  during  their 
stay  at  Conestoga." 

In  the  issue  of  July  27,  1721,  the 
particulars  of  this  treaty  are  adver- 
tised as  being  for  sale,  having  been 
published  by  Andrew  Bradford,  but 
I  can  not  find  that  the  pamphlet  was 
ever  seen.  Dr.  Jordan  of  the  Phila- 
delphia Historical  Society  says  that 
this  pamphlet  has  never  been  seen  in 
print.  It  is,  however,  quoted  in  Hil- 
deburn's  issue  of  the  Pennsylvania 
press,  p.  58.  There  is  a  Dublin  re- 
print of  it  dated  1723,  in  the  Ridge- 
way  Branch  of  the  Library  Company 
of  Philadelphia,  which  I  have  seen, 
and  excepting  the  introduction,  it  is 
a  literal  copy  of  the  Colonial  Records. 

This  Irish  reprint  of  1723  (which  is 
found  in  Vol.  797  in  the  Ridgeway 
branch,  etc.,)  sets  forth  on  the  title 
page  that  Andrew  Bradford  printed 
the  original  and  published  it  at  the 
request  of  the  gentlemen  whow  were 
present  at  the  treaty,  and  who  went 
on  the  journey.  It  is  said  that  it  was 
reprinted  by  Eliz.  Saddler  and  Sam. 
Fuller  at  the  Globe  &  Scales  in 
Meath  street,  Dublin,  in  1723.  The 
following  glowing  introduction  ap- 
pears in  the  book.which  is  not  found 
in  the  Colonial  Records; 


253 


ANNALS  OF  TH  ESU  SQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


"The   Publisher   to  the   Reader,  Phila- 
delphia,   July    26,    1721. 

Courteous  reader:  We  here  pres- 
ent you  with  an  exact  copy  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  Governor  in  the 
late  treaty  with  several  nations  of 
Indians  at  Conestoga,  taken  from  the 
minutes  of  the  respective  councils, 
which  were  held  on  the  occasion. 
And  we  hope  this  will  be  more 
agreeably  acceptable  to  our  corres- 
pondents than  any  abstracts  that 
could  be  published  in  our  Weekly 
Mercury. 

The  Indian  village  of  Conestoga 
lies  about  seventy  English  miles  dis- 
tant, almost  directly  West  of  the 
city,  and  the  land  thereabout  being 
exceedingly  rich,  it  is  now  surround- 
ed by  divers  fine  plantations  or 
farms,  where  they  raise  quantities  of 
wheat,  barley,  flax  and  hemp,  with- 
out help  of  any  dung. 

The  company  who  attended  the 
Governor  consisted  of  between  70 
and  80  horsemen,  most  of  them  well 
armed,  and  the  directions  that  had 
ben  given  were  so  well  observed  that 
great  plenty  of  all  sorts  of  provis- 
ions were  everywhere  provided  bet 
for  man  and  horse. 

His  Excellency  the  Governor's 
care  for  the  public  safety  of  this 
colony  plainly  discovers  itself  in  his 
management  of  affairs  with  the  In- 
dians in  general  as  well  as  by  his 
late  toilsome  journey  to  and  fror 
Virginia  and  Conestoga.  The  good 
people  of  this  city  and  province  from 
a  just  sense  of  happiness  they  enjoy 
the  present  administration  embrace 
all  opportunities  of  expressing  their 
love  and  esteem  for  the  Governor, 
who  at  his  return  from  Conestoga 
was  waited  upon  at  the  upper  ferry 
of  the  Schuylkill  River  by  the  Mayor 
and  Aldermen  of  the  City  with  about 
two  hundred  horse.     After  a  refresh- 


ment of  wine  and  other  good  liquors, 
upon  the  eleventh  inst,  about  sunset 
his  Excellency  arrived  in  good  health 
at  his  own  house  to  the  universal 
joy  of  all  the  inhabitants." 

The  official  report  of  this  treaty  is 
found  in  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p. 
121,  as  follows: 

"Conestogoe,   July  the  5th,   1721. 

"The  Governor  arrived  here  this 
day  at  Noon,  and  in  the  evening  went 
to  Capt.  Civility's  cabin,  where  four 
Deputies  of  the  Five  Nations,  and 
some  few  more  of  their  people  came 
to  see  the  Governour,  who  spake  to 
them  by  an  interpreter  to  this  pur- 
pose, viz: 

That  this  being  the  first  time  that 
the  Five  Nations  had  thought  fit  to 
|  send  any  of  their  Chiefs  to  visit  him; 
he  had  come  a  great  way  from  home 
to  bid  them  welcome,  that  he  hoped 
to  be  better  acquainted  and  hold  a 
further  discourse  with  them  before 
he  left  the  Place. 

|    They  answered  that  they  were  come 
j  a  long  way  on  purpose     to     see     the 
Governor   and   speak   with   him;     that 
they  had  heard  much     of     him     and 
;  would    have    come    here    before     now, 
but  that  the  faults  and  mistakes  com- 
mitted  by   some    of   their  young   men 
I  had      made      them    ashamed    to    show 
their    faces,    but    now    that    they    had 
seen   the    Governor's   face,   they   were 
well      satisfied      with      their     journey 
whether    anything    else    was    done    or 
not. 

The  Governour  told  them  that  to- 
morrow morning  he  designed  to 
speak  a  few  words  to  his  Brothers 
and  Children,  the  Indians  of  Cones- 
togoe and  their  friends  upon  Susque- 
hanna, and  desired  that  the  Deputies 
of  the  Five  Nations  might  be  presen. 
in  Council  to  hear  what  is  said  \ 
them. 

At  a  Council  held  at  Conestogoe, 
July  the  6th,  1721. 


OTHER   LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


254 


PRESENT: 
The,  Honorable  Sir  William  Keith 
Bart.,  Govr.,  Richard  Hill,  Colonel 
John  French,  Caleb  Pusey,  James 
Logan,  Secretary,  Jonathan  Dickin- 
son. 
The   Governor   spoke  to  the  Conesto- 

goe  Indians  as  follows: 
My  Brothers  and  Children, 

So  soon  as  you  sent  me  word  that 
your  near  friends  and  relatives,  the 
Chiefs  of  the  Five  Nations,  were  come 
to  visit  you,  I  made  haste  and  am 
come  up  to  see  both  you  and  them, 
and  to  assure  all  the  Indians  of  the 
Continuance  of  my  love  to  them. 

Your  old  acquaintance  and  true 
friend,  the  Great  William  Penn,  was 
a  wise  man,  and  therefore  he  did  not 
approve  of  war  among  the  Indians 
whom  he  loved,  because  it  wasted  and 
destroyed  their  people,  but  always 
rocommended  peace  to  the  Indians  as 
the  surest  way  to  make  them  rich 
and  strong  by  increasing  their  num- 
bers. 

Some  of  you  can  remember  since 
William  Penn  and  his  friends  came 
first  to  settle  amongst  you  in  this 
country;  it  is  but  a  few  years  and 
like  as  yesterday  to  an  old  man, 
nevertheless  by  following  that  great 
Man's  peaceable  councils  this  Gov- 
ernment is  now  become  wealthy  and 
powerful  in  great  numbers  of  people, 
and  though  many  of  our  inhabitants 
are  not  accustomed  to  war  and  dislike 
the  practice  of  man  killing  one  an- 
other, yet  you  can  not  but  know  that 
I  am  able  to  bring  several  thousand 
into  the  field,  well  armed,  to  defend 
both  your  people  and  ours  from  being 
hurt  by  any  enemy  that  durst  at- 
tempt to  invade  us;  however,  we  do 
not  forget  what  William  Penn  often 
told  us,  that  the  experiences  of  old 
age,  which  is  true  wsdom,  advises 
peace,  and  I  say  to  you,  that  the  wis- 


est man  is  always  the  bravest  man, 
for  he  safely  depends  on  his  wisdom, 
and  there  is  no  true  courage  without 
it.  I  have  so  great  a  love  for  you; 
my  dear  Brothers,  who  live  under  the 
protection  of  this  Government  that  I 
can  not  suffer  you  to  be  hurt  no  more 
than  I  would  my  own  children;  lam 
but  just  now  returned  from  Virginia 
where  I  wearied  myself  in  a  long 
journey  both  by  land  and  water,  only 
to  make  peace  for  you  my  children, 
that  you  may  safely  hunt  in  the 
woods  without  danger  from  Virginia 
and  the  many  Indian  nations  that  are 
at  peace  with  this  Government.  But 
the  Governour  of  Virginia  expects 
that  you  will  not  hunt  within  the 
Great  Mountains  on  the  other  side  of 
Patowmeck  River,  being  it  is  a  small 
tract  of  land  which  he  keeps  for  the 
Virginia  Indians  to  hunt  in,  and  he 
promises  that  his  Indians  shall  not 
any  more  come  on  this  side  of 
Potawmeck,  or  behind  the  great 
mountain  this  way  to  disturb  your 
hunting;  and  this  is  the  condition  I 
have  made  for  you,  which  I  expect 
you  will  firmly  keep,  and  not  break 
it   on   any   consideration   whatsoever. 

I  desire  that  what  I  have  now  said 
to  you  may  be  interpreted  to  the 
Chiefs  of  the  Five  Nations  present, 
for  as-  you  are  a  part  of  them,  and 
are  in  like  manner  one  with  us  as 
you  yourselves  are,  and  Therefore 
our  Councils  must  agree  and  be  made 
known  to  one  another,  for  our  hearts 
should  be  open  that  we  may  perfectly 
see  into  one  another's  breasts.  And 
that  your  friends  may  speak  to  me 
freely,  tell  them  I  am  willing  to  for- 
get the  mistakes  which  some  of  their 
young  men  were  guilty  of  amongst 
our  people;  I  hope  they  will  grow 
wiser  with  age,  and  hearken  to  the 
grave  Counsels  of  their  old  men  whose 
valour   we   esteen   because   they     are 


255 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU  SQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


wise;   but  the  rashnes  of  their  young 
men   is   althogether   folly. 

At  a  Council  held  at  Conestogoe, 
July  the  7th,  1721. 

PRESENT: 
The  Honourable  Sir  William  Keith, 
Bart.,  Governour;  Richard  Hill,  Col- 
onel John  French,  Caleb  Pusey,  Jas. 
Logan,  Secretary;  Jonathan  Dickin- 
son,   with    divers    gentlemen. 

PRESENT  ALSO: 

The  Chiefs  of  Deputies  sent  by  the 
Five  Nations  to  treat  with  this  Gov- 
ernment, viz.; 

Sinnekass  Nation,  Onondagoes  Na- 
tion, Cayoogas  Nation;  Ghesaont, 
Tannawree,  Sahoode,  Awennool.Skee- 
towas,   Tchehuque. 

Smith,  the  Ganawese  Indian  inter- 
preter from  the  Mingoe  Language  to 
the  Delaware;  John  Cartledge  and 
James  Le  Tort,  Interpreters  from  the 
Delaware  into  the  English. 

Ghesaont,  in  the  name  and  on  the 
behalf  of  all  the  Nations,  delivered 
himself  in  speaking  to  the  Gover- 
nour, as  follows: 

They  were  glad  to  see  the  Gover- 
nour and  his  Council  at  this  place, 
from  home,  and  now  they  find  it  to 
be  what  they  had  heard  of  him,  viz: 
their  friend  and  brother,  and  the 
same  as  if  William  Penn  were  still 
amongst   them. 

They  assure  the  Governour  and 
Council  that  they  had  not  forgot 
William  Penn's  treaties  with  them, 
and  that  his  advice  to  them  was  still 
fresh   in  their,  memories. 

Though  they  can  not  write,  yet 
they  retain  everything  said  in  their 
Councils  with  all  the  Nations  they 
treat  with,  and  preserve  it  as  care- 
fully in  their  memories  as  if  it  was 
committed   in  our  method  to  writing. 

They  complain  that  our  Traders 
carrying  goods  and  Liquors  up  Sas- 
quehanna   River     some     times     meet 


with  their  young  men  going  out  to 
war,  and  treat  them  unkindly,  not 
only  refusing  them  a  dram  of  their 
liquor,  but  use  them  with  ill  lan- 
guage and  call  them  dogs,  etc. 

They  take  this  unkindly,  because 
dogs  have  no  sense  of  understand- 
ing; whereas  they  are  men,  and 
think  that  their  brothers  should  not 
compare  them  to  such  creatures. 

That  some  of  our  Traders  calling 
their  young  men  by  those  Names,  the 
young  men  answered,  if  they  were 
dogs  then  they  might  act  as  such; 
Whereupon  they  seized  a  keg  of 
their  Liquor  and  ran  away  with  it. 

N.  B.  This  seems  to  be  told  in 
their  usual  way  to  excuse  some 
small  robberies  that  had  been  com- 
mitted by  their  young  people. 

Then  laying  down  a  belt  of  Wam- 
pum upon  the  table,  he  proceeded 
and   said, 

That  all  their  Disorders  arose  from 
the  use  of  rum  and  strong  spirits 
which  took  away  their  sense  and 
memory ;  that  they  had  no  such  liquors 
amongst  themselves,  but  were  hurt 
with  what  we  furnished  to  them  and 
therefore  desired  that  no  more  of 
that  sort  might  be  sent  amongst 
them. 

He  presented  a  bundle  of  drest 
skins   and   said, 

That  the  Five  Nations  faithfully 
remember  all  their  ancient  treaties, 
and  now  desire  that  the  chain  of 
friendship  between  them  and  us  may 
be  made  so  strong  as  that  none  of 
the  links  can  ever  be  broken. 

Presents  another  bundle  of  raw 
skins   and  observes, 

That  a  chain  may  contact  rust 
with  lying  and  become  weaker; 
Wherefore  he  desires  it  may  now  be 
so  well  cleaned  as  to  remain  bright- 
er and  stronger  than  ever  it  was  be- 
fore. 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


256 


Presents  another  parcel  of  skins 
and   says, 

That  as  in  the  Firmament  all 
clouds  and  darkness  are  removed 
from  the  face  of  the  sun,  so  they  de- 
sire that  all  misunderstandings  may 
be  fully  done  away,  so  that  when 
they  who  are  now  here  shall  be 
dead  and  gone,  their  while  people 
with  their  children  and  posterity  may 
enjoy  thf  clear  sunshine  and  friend- 
ship forever,  without  anything  to 
interpose  and  obscure  it. 

Presents  another  bundle  of  skins 
and  says, 

That  looking  upon  the  Governour 
as  if  William  Penn  was  present  they 
desire,  that  in  case  any  disorders 
should  hereafter  happen  between 
their  young  people  and  ours,  we 
would  not  be  too  hasty  in  resenting 
any  such  accident,  until  their  Col- 
onel and  ours  can  have  some  oppor- 
tunity to  treat  amicably  upon  it, 
and  so  to  adjust  all  matters  as  that 
the  friendship  between  us  may  still 
be   inviolably   presrved. 

Presents  a  small  parcel  of  deer 
skins   and  desires, 

That   we   may   now   be   together   as 
one    people,    treating     one      another's 
children    kindly    and    affectionately  on 
all   occasions. 
He  proceeds  and  says: 

That  they  consider  themselves  in 
this  treaty  as  the  full  plenipoten- 
tiaries and  Repesentatives  of  the 
Five  Nations  and  they  look  upon  the 
Governour  as  the  Great  Kin^  of  Eng- 
land's representative,  and  therefore 
they  expect  that  everything  now  stip- 
ulated will  be  made  absolutely  firm 
and  good  on  both  sides. 

Presents  a  bundle  of  bear  skins 
and  says, 

That  having  now  made  a  firm 
league     with     us     as     becomes     our 


brothers,  they  complain  that  they  got 
too  little  for  their  skins  and  furs,  so 
as  they  can  not  live  by  hunting,  they 
desire  us  therefore  to  take  compassion 
on  them  and  contrive  some  way  to 
help  them  in  that  particular. 

Presenting  a  few  furs,  he  speaks 
only  as  from  himself  to  acquaint  the 
Governour,  that  the  Five  Nations 
have  heard  that  the  Governour  of 
Virginia  wanted  to  speak  with  them. 
He  himself  with  some  of  his  Com- 
pany intended  to  proceed  to  Virginia, 
but  do  not  know  the  way  to  get 
safe  thither." 

At  a  council  held  at  the  House  of 
John  Cartledge,  Esq.,  near  Conesto- 
goe. 

PRESENT: 

The  Honorable  Sir  William  Keith, 
Bart.,  Governor,  Richard  Hill,  Col. 
John  French,  Jonathan  Disksinson, 
James   Logan,   Secretary. 

The  Governour  desired  that  the 
Board  would  advise  him  as  to  the 
quantity  and  kind  of  the  presents 
that  must  be  made  to  the  Indians  in 
return  to  their  and  In  confirmation 
of  this  speech  to  them;  Whereupon 
it  was  agreed  that  twenty-five  Stroud 
Match  coats  of  two  yards  each,  One 
Hundred  wt.  of  Gunpodwer,  two  hun- 
dred of  lead,  with  some  Bisket,  To- 
bacco and  Pipes,  should  be  delivered 
as  the  Governor's  present  to  the  Five 
Nations.  And  the  same  being  pre- 
pared accordingly,  the  Council  was 
adjourned  to  Conestogoe,  the  Place 
of  Treaty. 

At  a  Council  held  at  Conestogoe, 
July  the  8th,  1721.  Post  Meridiem. 
PRESENT: 

The  Honourable  Sir  William  Keith 
Bart.,   Governour. 

The  same  members  as  before  with 
divers  gentlemen  attending  the  Gov- 
ernour and  the  Chiefs  of  the  Five 
Nations  being  all  seated  in  Council, 
and  the  presents  laid  down  before  the 
Indians. 


257 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU  SQUEHANNOCKS    AND 


The    Governour    spoke    to   them   by 
the   Interpreters   in   these   words. 
My  Friends  and  Brothers: 

It  is  a  great  satisfaction  to  me  that 
I  have,  this  opportunity  of  speaking 
to  the  Valiant  and  wise  Five  Nations 
whom  you  tell  me  you  are  fully  em- 
powered to  represent.  I  treat  with 
you  therefore  as  if  all  these  Nations 
were  here  present,  and  you  are  to 
understand  what  I  now  say  to  be 
agreeable  to  the  mind  of  our  Great 
Monarch  George  the  King  of  Eng- 
land, who  bends  his  care  to  estab- 
lish peace  amongst  the  mighty  na- 
tions of  Europe  and  unto  whom  all 
the  People  in  these  parts  as  it  were 
but  like  one  drop  out  of  a  Bucket,  so 
that  what  is  now  transacted  between 
us  must  be  laid  up  as  the  words  of 
the  whole  Body  of  your  People  and 
our  People,  to  be  kept  in  perpetual 
Remembrance.  I  am  so  glad  to 
find  that  you  remember  what  Wil- 
liam Penn  formerly  said  to  you;  he 
was  a  great  and  a  good  man,  his 
own  people  loved  him;  he  loved  the 
Indians,  and  they  also  loved  him. 
He  was  as  their  father,  he  would  nev- 
er suffer  them  to  be  wronged,  neith- 
er would  he  let  his  people  enter  up- 
on any  lands  until  he  had  first  pur- 
chased them  of  the  Indians;  He  was 
just,  and  therefore  the  Indians  lov- 
ed him. 

Though  he  is  new  removed  from  us 
yet  his  children  and  people  follow 
his  example  and  will  always  take 
the  same  measures,  so  that  his  and 
our  posterity  will  be  as  a  long  chain 
of  which  he  was  the  first  link,  and 
when  one  link  ends  another  succeeds 
and  then  another,  being  all  firmly 
bound  together  in  one  strong  chain 
to  endure  forever. 

He  formerly  knit  the  chain  of 
friendship  with  you  as  the  Chief  of 
all  the  Indians  in  these  parts,  and 
lest   this    chain    should      grow      rusty 


you  now  desire  it  to  be  scoured  and 
made  strong  to  bind  us  as  one  people 
together;  We  do  assure  it  is  and  al- 
ways has  been  bright  on  our  side, 
and  so  we  will  ever  keep  it. 

As  to  your  complaint  of  our  Trad- 
ers, that  they  have  treated  some  of 
your  young  men  unkindly  I  take  that 
to  be  said  by  way  of  excuse  only  for 
the  follies  of  your  people,  thereby 
endeavoring  to  persuade  me  that 
they  were  provoked  to  do  what  you 
very  well  know  they  did,  but  as  I 
told  your  Indians  two  days  ago,  I 
am  willing  to  pass  by  all  those 
things.  You  may  therefore  be  as- 
sured that  our  people  shall  not  suf- 
fer any  injury  to  yours;  or  if  I 
know  that  they  do,  they  shall  be  sev- 
erely punished  for  it;  so  you  must 
in  like  manner  strictly  command 
your  young  men  that  they  do  not  of- 
fer any  injury  to  ours;  for  when 
they  pass  through  the  utmost  skirts 
of  our  inhabitants,  where  there  are 
no  people  yet  settled  but  traders, 
they  should  be  more  careful  of  them 
as  having  separated  themselves  from 
the  body  of  their  friends,  purely  to 
serve  the  Indians  more  commodious- 
ly  with  what  they  want. 

Nevertheless  if  any  little  disorders 
should  at  any  time  hereafter  arise, 
we  will  endeavor  that  it  shall  not 
break  or  weaken  the  chain  of  friend- 
ship between  us;  to  which  end  if  any 
of  your  people  take  offence,  you 
must  in  that  case  apply  to  me  or  to 
our  chiefs;  and  when  we  have  any 
cause  to  complain,  we  shall  as  you 
desire  apply  to  your  chiefs  by  our 
friends  the  Conestogoe  Indians,  but 
on  both  sides  we  must  labor  to  pre- 
vent everything  of  this  kind  as 
much  as  we  can. 

You  complain  that  our  traders 
come  into  the  path  of  your  young 
men  going  out  to  war,  and  thereby 
occasion  disorders  amongst  them,  I 
will  therefore  my  friends  and  broth- 
ers speak  very  plainly  to  you  on  this 
Head. 


OTHER  LANCASTER  CO  OUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


25S 


Your  young  men  come  down  Sus- 
quehanna river  and  take  their  road 
through  our  Indian  towns  and  settle- 
ments and  make  a  path  between  us 
and  the  people  against  whom  they  go 
out  to  war;  Now  you  must  know, 
that  the  path  this  way  leads  them 
only  to  the  Indians  who  are  in  al- 
liance with  the  English,  and  first  to 
those  who  are  in  a  strict  League  of 
Friendship  with  the  great  Governor 
of  Virginia,  just  as  these  our  friends 
and  children  who  are  settled  amongst 
us  are  in  league  with  me  and  our 
people. 

You  can  not  therefore  make  war 
upon  the  Indians  in  League  with 
Virginia  without  weakening  the 
chain  with  the  English;  for  as  we 
would  not  suffer  these  our  friends 
and  brothers  of  Conestogoe,  and  up- 
on this  River  to  be  hurt  by  any  per- 
son without  considering  it  was  done 
to  ourselves;  so  the  Governour  of 
Virginia  looks  upon  the  injuries 
done  to  his  Indian  brothers  and 
friends  as  if  they  were  done  to  him- 
self; and  you  very  well  know  that 
though  you  are  five  different  nations 
yet  you  are  but  one  people;  so  as  that 
any  wrong  done  to  one  Nation  is  re- 
ceived as  an  injury  done  to  you  all. 

In  the  same  manner  and  much 
more  so  it  is  with  the  English,  who 
are  all  united  under  one  great  King, 
who  has  more  people  in  that  one 
town  where  he  lives,  than  all  the  In- 
dians in  North  America  put  together. 

You  are  in  League  with  New  York 
as  your  ancient  Friends  and  nearest 
Neighbors,  and  you  are  in  League 
with  by  treaties  often  repeated,  and 
by  a  chain  which  you  have  not 
brightened.  As  therefore  all  the 
English  are  but  one  People  you  are 
actually  in  League  with  all  the  Eng- 
lish governments  and  must  equally 
preserve  the  Peace  with  all  as  with 
one    Government. 


You  pleased  me  very  much  when 
you  told  me  that  you  were  going  to 
treat  with  the  Governour  of  Virginia. 
Your  nations  formerly  entered  into 
a  very  firm  League  with  the  Govern- 
ment, and  if  you  have  suffered  that 
chain  to  grow  rusty  it  is  time  to  se- 
cure it,  and  the  Five  Nations  have 
done  very  wisely  to  send  you  there 
for  that  purpose  . 

I  do  assure  you,  the  Governour  of 
Virginia  is  a  great  and  good  man; 
he  loves  the  Indians  as  his  children 
and  so  protects  and  defends  them, 
for  he  is  very  strong,  having  many 
thousand  Christian  warriors  under 
his  command,  whereby  he  is  able  to 
assist  all  those  who  are  in  any 
League  of  Friendship  with  him.  Has- 
ten therefore,  my  friends,  to  brigh- 
ten and  strengthen  the  claim  with 
that  great  man,  for  he  desires  it,  and 
will  receive  you  kindly.  He  is  my 
great  friend,  I  have  been  lately  with 
him,  and  since  you  say  you  are 
strangers,  I  will  give  you  a  letter  to 
him  to  inform  him  what  ye  have 
done,  and  of  the  good  design  of  your 
visit  to  im  and  ti  his  Country. 

My  Friends  and  Brothers:  I  told 
you  two  days  agoe  that  we  must 
open  our  Breasts  to  each  other,  I 
shall  therefore,  like  your  true  Friend 
open  mine  yet  further  to  you  for 
your  good. 

You  see  that  the  English,  from  a 
very  small  People  at  first  in  these 
parts,  are  by  peace  amongst  them- 
selves become  a  very  great  people 
amongst  you,  far  exceeding  the  num- 
ber of  all  the  Indians  that  we  know 
of. 

But,  while  we  are  at  peace-  the  In- 
dians continue  to  make  war  upon 
one  another,  and  destroy  each  other, 
as  if  they  intended  that  none  of  their 
people  should  be  left  alive,  by  which 
means  you  are  from  a  great  people 
become  a  very  small  people  and  yet 
you  will  go  on  to  destroy  yourselves. 


259 


ANNALS  OP  THE  SU  SQUEHANNOCKS    AND 


The  Indians  of  the  South  although 
they  speak  a  different  language,  yet 
they  are  the  same  people  and  inhabit 
the  same  land  with  those  of  the 
North,  we  therefore  can  not  but  won- 
der how  you  that  are  a  wise  people 
should  take  delight  in  putting  an  end 
to  your  race.  The  English  being 
your  true  friends  labor  to  prevent  it. 
We  would  have  you  strong  as  a  part 
of  ourselves,  for  as  our  strength  is 
your  strength,  so  we  would  yours  to 
be  as  our  own. 

I  have  persuaded  all  our  Brethren 
in  these  parts  to  consider  what  is  for 
their  good,  and  not  to  go  out  any 
more  to  war,  but  your  young  men  as 
they  come  this  way  endeavor  to  force 
them,  and  because  they  incline  to 
follow  the  Counsels  of  Peace  and  the 
advice  of  their  friends,  your  people 
use  them  ill  and  often  prevail  with 
them  to  go  out  to  their  destruction. 
Thus  it  was  that  this  town  of  Cones- 
togoe  lost  their  good  king,  not  long 
ago,  and  thus  many  have  been  lost, 
their  young  children  are  left  without 
parents,  their  wives  without  hus- 
bands, the  old  men,  contrary  to  the 
course  of  nature  mourn  te  death  of 
their  young,  the  people  decay  and 
grow  weak,  we  lose  our  dear  friends 
and  are  afflicted,  and  this  is  chiefly 
owing  to  your  young  men. 

Surely  you  can  purpose  to  get 
other  riches  or  possessions  by  going 
thus  out  to  war;  for  when  you  kill 
a  deer  you  have  the  flesh  to  eat  and 
the  skin  to  sell,  but  when  you  return 
from  war  you  bring  nothing  home  but 
the  scalp  of  a  dead  man  who  perhaps 
was  husband  to  a  kind  wife,  and 
father  to  tender  children  who  never* 
wronged  you,  though  by  losing  him 
you  have  robbed  them  of  his  help 
and  protection,  and  at  the  same  time 
get  nothing  by  it. 

If  I  were  not  your  true  friend  I 
would  not  take  the  trouble  of  saying 


all  these  things  to  you,  which  I  de- 
sire may  be  fully  related  to  all  your 
people  when  you  r.eturn  home,  that 
they  may  consider  in  time  what  is 
for  their  own  good;  and  after  this  if 
any  will  be  so  madly  deaf  and  blind 
as  neither  to  hear  or  see  the  danger 
before  them,  but  will  still  go  out  to 
destroy  and  be  destroyed  for  noth- 
ing, I  must  desire  that  such  foolish 
young  men  will  take  another  path 
and  not  pass  this  way  amongst  our 
people,  whose  eyes  have  opened,  and 
they  have  wisely  hearkened  to  my 
advice.  So  that  I  must  tell  you 
plainly,  as  I  am  their  best  friend, 
and  this  Government  is  their  Protec- 
tor and  as  a  father  to  them.  We 
will  not  suffer  them  any  more  to  go 
out  as  they  have  done  to  their  des- 
truction. I  say  again,  that  we  will 
not  suffer  it,  for  we  have  the  Coun- 
sel of  wisdom  amongst  us  and  know 
what  is  for  their  good,  for  though 
they  are  weak  yet  they  are  our  Breth- 
ren, we  will  therefore  take  care  of 
them  that  they  are  not  misled  with 
ill  Council;  you  mourn  when  you  lose 
a  brother,  we  mourn  when  when  any 
of  them  are  lost,  to  prevent  which 
they  shall  not  be  suffered  to  go  out 
as  they  have  done  to  be  destroyed  by 
war. 

My  Good  Friends  and  Brothers:  I 
give  you  the  same  Counsel  and  earn- 
estly desire  that  you  will  follow  it, 
since  it  will  make  you  a  happy 
people,  I  give  you  this  advice  be- 
cause I  am  your  true  friend,  but  I 
much  fear  you  hearken  to  others  who 
never  were  or  never  will  be  your 
Friends.  You  know  very  well  that 
the  French  have  been  enemies  from 
the  Beginning,  and  though  they  made 
peace  with  you  about  two  and  twenty 
years  ago,  yet  by  subtle  practices 
they  still  endeavor  to  ensnare  you. 
They  use  arts  and  tricks  and  tell  you 


Other  Lancaster  county  indian  tribes 


lies,  to  deceive  you,  and  if  you  would 
make  use  of  your  own  eyes  and  not 
be  deluded  by  their  Jesuits  and  In- 
terpreters; you  would  see  this  your- 
selves, for  you  know  they  have  had 
no  goods  of  any  value  these  several 
years  past,  except  what  has  been 
sent  to  them  from  the  English  of 
New  York,  and  that  is  now  all  over. 
They  give  fair  speeches  instead  of 
real  services,  and  as  for  many  years 
they  attempted  to  destroy  you  in 
war,  so  they  now  endeavor  to  do  it 
in  Peace;  for  when  they  perswade 
you  to  go  out  to  war  against  others, 
it  is  only  that  you  may  be  destroyed 
jourselves,  which  we  as  your  true 
friends  labor  to  prevent,  because  we 
would  have  your  numbers  increased 
that  you  may  grow  strong  and  that 
we  may  be  all  strengthened  in 
Friendship  and  Peace  together. 

As  to  what  you  have  said  of  Trade, 
I  suppose  the  great  distance  at 
which  you  live  from  us  has  prevented 
all  comerce  between  us  and  your 
people;  we  believe,  those  who  go  in- 
to the  woods  and  spend  all  their 
time  upon  it  endeavor  to  make  the 
best  bargains  they  can  for  them- 
selves; so  on  your  part  you  must  take 
care  to  make  the  best  bargain  you  can 
with  them,  but  we  hope  that  our 
traders  do  not  cheat,  for  we  think 
that  a  Stroud  Coat  or  a  pound  of 
powder  is  now  sold  for  more  Buck 
skins  than  formerly;  beaver  indeed  is 
not  of  late  so  much  used  in  Europe, 
and  therefore  does  not  give  a  price, 
and  we  deal  but  very  little  in  that 
commodity.  But  deer  skins  sell  very 
well  amongst  us,  and  I  shall  always 
take  care  that  the  Indians  be  not 
wronged,  but  except  other  measures 
be  taken  to  regulate  the  Indian 
trade  everywhere,  the  common 
methods  used  in  Trade  will  still  be 
followed,   and   every   man   must   take 


care  of  himself,  for  thus  I  must  do 
myself,  when  I  buy  anything  from 
our  own  people,  if  I  do  not  give  them 
their  price  they  will  keep  it  for  we 
are  a  free  people.  But  if  you  have 
any  further  proposals  to  make  about 
these  affairs  I  am  willing  to  hear 
and  consider  them,  for  it  is  my  desire 
that  the  trade  be  well  regulated  to 
your  content. 

I  am  sensible  rum  is  very  hurtful 
to  the  Indians;  we  have  made  laws 
that  none  should  be  carried  amongst 
them,  or  if  any  were,  that  it  should 
be  staved  and  thrown  upon  the 
ground,  and  the  Indians  have  been 
ordered  to  destroy  all  the  rum  that 
comes  in  their  way,  but  they  will  not 
do  it,  they  will  have  rum,  and  when 
we  refuse  it  they  will  travel  to  the 
neighboring  provinces  and  fetch  it; 
their  own  women  go  to  purchase  it, 
and  then  sell  it  amongst  their  own 
people  at  excessive  rates.  I  would 
gladly  make  any  laws  to  prevent 
this  that  could  be  effectual,  but  the 
country  is  so  wide  and  the  woods 
are  so  dark  and  private,  and  so  far 
out  of  my  sight,  that  if  the  Indians 
themselves  do  not  prohibit  their  own 
people  there  is  no  other  way  to  pre- 
vent it;  for  my  part,  I  shall  readily 
join  in  any  measures  that  can  be 
proposed  for  so  good  a  purpose. 

I  have  now  my  friends  and  broth- 
ers, said  all  that  I  think  can  be  of 
any  service  at  this  time,  and  I  give 
you  these  things  here  laid  before  you 
to  confirm  my  words,  viz:  five  Stroud 
coats,  twenty  pounds  of  powder,  and 
forty  pounds  of  lead  for  each  of  the 
Five  Nations ;  that  is  twenty-five 
coats,  one  hundred  weight  of  powder 
and  two  hundred  of  lead  in  the 
whole,  which  I  desire  may  be  deliv- 
ered to  them,  with  these  my  words 
in  my  name  and  on  behalf  of  this 
province. 


261 


ANNALS  OF  THE   SU    SQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


"I  shall  be  glad  frequently  to  see 
some  of  your  chief  men  sent  in  the 
name  of  the  rest,  but  desire  you  will 
be  so  kind  as  to  come  to  us  to  Phila- 
delphia to  visit  our  families  and  chil- 
dren born  there,  where  we  can  pro- 
vide better  for  you  and  make  you 
more  welcome,  for  people  always  re- 
ceive their  friends  best  at  their  own 
houses.  I  heartily  wish  you  well  on 
your  journey  and  good  success  in  it, 
and  when  you  return  home  I  desire 
you  will  give  my  very  kind  love  and 
the  love  of  all  our  people  to  your 
kings  and  to  all  their  people. 

Then  the  Governor  rose  up  from 
his  chair,  and  when  he  had  called 
Ghesont  the  speaker  to  him,  he  took 
a  Coronation  Medal  of  the  Kings  out 
of  his  pocket  and  presented  it  to  the 
Indian  in  these  words. 

That  our  children  when  we  are 
dead  may  not  forget  these  things,  but 
keep  this  treaty  between  us  in  per- 
petual remembrance.  I  here  deliver 
to  you  a  picture  in  gold,  bearing  the 
image  of  my  great  master  the  King 
of  all  the  English;  and  when  you  re- 
turn home  I  charge  you  to  deliver 
this  piece  into  the  hands  of  the  first 
man  or  greatest  Chief  of  all  the  Five 
Nations  whom  you  call  Kannygoodk, 
to  be  laid  up  and  kept  as  a  token  to 
our  childrens'  children,  that  an  en- 
tire and  lasting  Friendship  is  now 
established  forever  between  the  Eng- 
lish in  this  country  and  the  Great 
Five  Nations. 

1721— James     Logan     Continues      the 
Conestoga  Treaty  After  the 
Governor  Left  for  Phila- 
delphia 

Tn  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  130, 
"James  Logan,  Secretary,  further 
reports,  that  having  continued  at 
Conestogoe,  after  the  departure  of 
the  Governor  and  the  rest  of  the 
Company,  he  had  the  next  day  by  the 
continued  treaty  held  by  James  Logan 
Governour's    approbation    and    direc- 


tion held  a  discourse  with  Ghesaont, 
the  Chief  of  those  Indians  and  their 
Speaker  Civility,  the  Captain  of 
Conestogoe,  and  John  Cartlidge, 
being  the  Interpreter. 

That  he  had  first  put  Ghesaont  in 
mind  of  the  great  satisfaction  the 
Governour  had  expressed  to  him  in 
the  Council  upon  their  kind  visit, 
and  the  freedom  and  openness  that 
had  been  used  to  them  on  our  parts, 
and  therefore  advised  him  if  he  had 
anything  in  his  thoughts  further  re- 
lating to  the  Friendship  established 
between  us  and  the  matters  treated 
in  Council  he  would  open  his  Breast 
in  his  free  Conversation,  and  speak 
it  without  reserve,  and  whatever  he 
said  on  those  heads  should  be  re- 
ported   faithfully   to   the    Governour. 

Ghesaont  then,  said  that  he  was 
very  well  pleased  with  what  had  been 
spoken.  He  saw  the  Governour  and 
the  English  were  true  friends  to  the 
Five  Nations,  but  as  to  their  people 
going  out  to  war,  which  head  we 
chiefly  insisisted  on,  the  principal 
reason  was  that  their  young  men  had 
become  very  poor,  they  could  get  no 
goods  nor  clothing  from  the  English, 
and  therefore  they  went  abroad  to 
gain  them  from  their  Enemies. 

"They  had  at  once  a  clear  Sky  and 
Sunshine  at  Albany,  but  now  all  was 
over  cast,  and  they  could  no  longer 
trade  and  get  goods  as  they  had 
done,  of  which  he  could  not  know 
the  reason,  and  therefore  they  had 
resolved  to  try  whether  it  was  the 
same  among  the  other  English  Gov- 
ernments." 

"To  this  the  Secretary  answered, 
that  they  had  from  the  first  settle- 
ment of  New  York  and  Albany  been 
in  strict  League  and  Friendship  with 
that  Government,  and  had  always 
had  a  trade  with  and  been  supplied 
by    them,  with    Goods    they     wanted 


OTHER   LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN    TRIBES 


262 


That  it  was  true,  three  or  four  years 
past  the  French  had  come  from 
Canada  to  Albany  in  New  York,  and 
purchased  and  carried  a  great  part 
of  the  goods,  Strowd  waters  especi- 
ally, sometimes  three  or  four 
hundred  pieces  in  a  year,  which  the 
Five  Nations  ought  to  have  had;  but 
that  now,  another  Governor  being 
lately  sent  thither  from  the  Great 
King  of  England,  he  had  made  a  law 
that  the  French  should  not  have  any 
more  goods  from  the  English;  that 
this  had  been  the  reason  of  the 
Clouds  and  dark  weather  they  com- 
plained of,  but  that  now  a  clear  Sun- 
shine as  they  desired  would  be  re- 
stored to  them;  That  he  knew  very 
well  this  Gentleman  the  new  Gov- 
ernour,  that  he  had  not  long  since 
been  at  Philadelphia,  and  at  his  (the 
Secretary's)  house,  and  that  he  had 
heard  him  (the  Corlear)  say  he 
would  take  care  of  his  Indians  should 
be  well  supplied  for  the  future,  and 
accordingly  they  might  depend  on  it. 

Ghesaont  being  hereupon  asked 
whether  they  did  not  know  that  the 
French  had  for  some  years  past  had 
the  Cloths  from  the  English,  an- 
swered, that  they  knew  very  well 
that  these  English  goods  went  now 
in  a  new  path,  different  from  what 
they  had  formerly  gone  in,  that  they 
knew  not  where  they  went,  but  they 
went  besides  them  and  they  could  not 
get  hold  of  them,  though  they  much 
wanted  them. 

"The  Secretary  proceeded  to  say, 
that  as  New  York  and  Albany  had 
been  their  ancient  friends,  so  they 
could  best  supply  them,  and  they 
would  certainly  do  it  if  they  con- 
tinued in  their  Duty  on  their  part; 
that  they  were  sensible  the  Great 
King  of  England  had  a  regard  for 
them,  by  the  Notice  he  took  of  them 
almost  every  year;  that  all  the  Eng- 


lish everywhere  were  their  Friends. 
We  were  now  very  gald  to  see  them, 
but  wished  for  the  future  they  would 
come  to  Philadelphia,  as  they  former- 
ly used  to  do;  that  he  himself  had 
seen  their  Chiefs  twice  at  Philadel- 
phia, the  two  years  that  William 
Penn  was  last  here,  and  that  when 
his  son  came  over  about  three  years 
after,  now  about  seventeen  years 
agoe,  a  considerable  number  of  them 
came  down  and  held  a  great  Council 
with  us,  and  therefore  he  hoped  they 
would  visit  us  there  again,  which 
would  be  much  more  convenient  than 
so  far  back  in  the  woods  where  it 
was  difficult  to  accomodate  them  and 
ourselves,  that  however  we  were  glad 
to  see  them  there.  This  they  knew 
was  a  Government  but  lately  settled, 
but  that  they  were  now  going  into 
two  Governments  that  had  been  much 
longer  seated  and  were  very  rich,  and 
would  make  them  exceeding  wel- 
come; that  we  saw  them  in  the 
woods  only,  at  a  great  distance  from 
home,  but  they  would  see  the  Govern- 
ours  of  Maryland  and  Virginia  at 
their  own  towns  and  houses  where 
they  could  entertain  them  much  bet- 
ter; that  they  would  be  very  kindly 
received,  for  we  were  all  of  one 
heart  and  mind,  and  should  always 
entertain  them  as  Brothers. 

"Ghesaont  took  an  opportunity  of 
himself  to  enter  again  on  the  subject 
of  their  people  making  Peace  with  the 
other  Indians  on  the  Main.  He  said 
that  he  had  in  his  own  person 
laboured  it  to  the  utmost;  that  he  had 
taken  more  pains  to  have  it  establish- 
ed than  all  the  French  had  done; 
that  their  people  had  lately  made 
peace  with  the  Tweuchtwese;  that 
they  had  also  sent  some  of  their  men 
to  the  Flat  Heads  for  the  same  pur- 
pose, that  they  had  now  a  universal 
Peace  with  all  the  Indians,  excepting 


263 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU  SQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


three  small  Nations  to  the  Southward 
with  whom  he  hoped  to  have  one 
concluded  upon  his  present  journey- 
by  means  of  the  Governour  of  Vir- 
ginia, that  his  own  desires  were  very 
strong  for  Peace  as  his  Endeavors 
had  shewn,  and  he  doubted  not  to 
see  it  established  everywhere.  He 
said  the  Governous  had  spoken  very 
well  in  the  Council  against  their 
young  men  going  to  war,  yet  he  had 
not  done  it  fully  enough  for  he  should 
have  told  them  positively  that  they 
should  not  on  any  acount  be  suffered 
to  go  out  to  war,  and  he  would  have 
reported  it  accordingly,  and  this 
would  have  been  a  more  effectual 
way  to  prevent  them. 

"The  Secretary  then  proceeded  to 
treat  with  them  about  the  road  they 
were  to  take,  and  it  was  agreed  that 
the  Chief  of  the  Nantikokes,  a  sensi- 
ble man,  who  was  then  present, 
should  conduct  them  from  Conestogoe 
to  their  own  town  on  Wye  Rver,  that 
they  should  be  furnished  for  their 
journey  with  provisions  sufficient  to 
carry  them  among  the  inhabitants, 
after  which  they  were  directed,  as 
the  Governour  had  before  ordered, 
that  they  should  produce  his  pass- 
port to  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Country, 
where  they  travelled  by  whom  they 
would  be  provided  for;  and  the  Nan- 
tikoke  chief  was  further  desired, 
upon  their  leaving  the  Nantikoke 
Towns  to  direct  them  to  some  of  the 
Chief  of  Gentlemen  and  officers  of 
those  parts  who  would  undoubtedly 
take  care  of  them  on  sight  of  their 
passports  and  thereby  knowng  their 
business  have  them  transported  over 
the  Bay  of  Annapolis.  Being  further 
asked  how  they  would  get  an  inter- 
preter in  Virginia  where  the  Indians 
knew  nothing  of  their  language,  and 
some  proposals  being  made  to  furnish 
them  they   answered   there   would   be 


no  occasion  for  any  care  of  that  kind, 
for  they  very  well  knew  the  Govern- 
our of  Virginia  had  an  interpreter 
for  their  language  always  with  him. 

"Provisions  being  orderd  for  their 
journey  and  also  at  their  desire,  some 
for  those  of  their  Company,  who  with 
their  women  and  children  were  to  re- 
turn directly  home  by  water,  up  the 
river  Sasquehanna,  viz:  a  Bagg  of 
Biskett,  some  pieces  of  Bacon  and 
dried  venison;  these  matters  were 
concluded  with  great  expressions  of 
thankfulness  for  the  Governours 
great  care  of  them  and  their  families, 
which  kindness  they  said  they  never 
should  forget. 

"The  Discourse  being  continued 
they  were  told  it  was  now  very  near, 
viz:  within  one  Moon  of  thirty-seven 
years  since  a  great  man  of  England, 
Governour  of  Virginia,  called  the 
Lord  Effingham  together  with  Colonel 
Dungan,  Governour  of  New  York,held 
a  great  treaty  with  them  at  Albany, 
of  which  we  had  the  writings  to  this 
day. 

"Ghsaont  answered,  they  knew  it 
well  and  the  subject  of  that  treaty, 
it  was  said  about  settling  of  lands. 
Being  further  told  that  in  that  treaty 
the  Five  Nations  had  given  up  all 
their  rights  to  all  the  lands  on  Sas- 
quehannah  to  the  Duke  of  York,  then 
brother  to  the  King  of  England.  He 
acknowledeged  this  to  be  so,  and 
that  William  Penn  since  had  the  right 
to  these  lands,  to  which  Civility,  a 
descendant  of  the  ancient  Susque- 
hannah  Indians  the  old  Settlers  of 
these  parts,  but  now  reputed  as  of 
an  Iroquois  descent  added  that  he 
had  been  informed  by  their  old  men, 
that  they  were  troubled  when  they 
heard  that  their  Lands  had  been  given 
up  to  a  place  so  far  distant  as  New 
York,  and  that  they  were  overjoyed 
when  they  understood  William  Penn 
had  brought  them  back  again,  and 
that  they  had  confirmed  all  their 
rights  to  him. 


OTHER    LANCASTER   COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


264 


"Divers  Questions  were  further 
asked  him,  especially  concerning  the 
French  of  Canada,  their  trade  and 
fortifications,  on  which  he  said,  that 
the  French  had  three  forts  on  this 
side  of  the  River  St  Lawrence,  and 
between  their  Towns  and  Mentual 
furnished  with  great  numbers  of 
Great  Guns,  that  the  French  drove 
a  great  trade  with  them,  had  people 
constantly  in  or  going  to  and  coming 
from  their  Towns,  that  the  French 
kept  young  People  in  their  towns  on 
purpose  to  learn  the  Indian  Language, 
which  many  of  them  now  spoke  as 
well  as  themselves;  that  they  had  a 
great  Intercourse  with  them,  that 
about  three  hundred  of  their  men, 
(viz:  of  the  Five  Nations)  were  seat- 
ed on  the  other  side  of  the  Great 
River,  that  the  French  had  this  last 
Spring  begun  to  build  or  to  provide 
for  building  a  Fort  at  Niagara  Falls, 
but  they  had  since  declined  it;  he 
knew  not  for  what  reason,  and  they, 
(the  French)  had  sent  to  his  town 
(the  Isanondonas)  this  last  winter 
a  great  deal  of  powder  to  be  dis- 
tributed among  them,  but  nothing 
was  done  upon  it.  Being  particular- 
ly asked  whether  the  French  had-ever 
treated  them  about  any  of  their  Land, 
or  whether  the  Indians  had  ever 
granted  the  French  any,  he  answered 
No!  that  his  People  knew  the  French 
too  well  to  treat  with  them  about 
Lands;  they  had  never  done  it,  nor 
either  granted  them  any  upon  any 
account  whatsoever,  and  of  this,  he 
said,  we  might  assure  ourselves.  Thus 
the  day  was  spent  in  such  Discourses, 
with  a  Pipe  and  some  small  mixt 
liquors,  and  the  next  morning 
Ghesaont,  with  the  rest  of  his  Com- 
pany, returning  from  the  Indian 
town,  to  John  Cartilidge's,  took  their 
leaves  very  affectionately  with  great 
expression  of  thankfulness  to  the 
Governour  and  this  Government  for 
their  kind  reception." 


1721— The  Conestogas'    King     Killed 

in  a  Southern  War. 

In  Vol.3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  128,  it 
is  set  forth  that  the  Conestoga  In- 
dians lost  their  King  not  long  ago, 
because  the  Five  Nations  compelled 
him  to  go  along  to  the  .South  to  make 
war  against  the  Southern  Indians. 

1721— Civility,    A  Descendant  of  the 

Ancieut   Susquehan nocks. 

In  Vol.3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  133,  it 
is  set  forth  that  Captain  Civility  of 
the  Conestogas  was  "a  descendant  of 
the  ancient  Susquehannocks;  '  and  it 
is  also  stated  that  the  old  Susquehan- 
nocks were  reputed  as  being  of  the 
Iroquois  stock,  and  that  so  was  Civili- 
ty reputed. 

1721— John    Grist   Takes    Conestogas' 
Lands  without  Consent 

In  Vol.3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  137,  it 
is  set  forth  that  John  Grist  was  in 
prison  at  Philadelphia  and  that  he 
was  arrested  because  with  other  per- 
sons he  settled  himself  and  family 
and  took  up  lands  on  the  Susquehan- 
na River,  without  any  warrant  from 
the  Commissioners  of  Property  or 
temptuously  defied  any  one  to  put  him 
off,  and  that  the  complaint  having 
been  made  to  the  Governor  by  the 
Indians  of  Conestoga  in  July  last  of 
the  many  abuses  that  they  had 
received  from  John  Grist;  the  Gover- 
Tiour  with  the  advice  of  some  of  the 
Commissioners,  who  were  then  with 
him  at  Conestoga,  thought  it  was 
necessary  to  have  John  Cartlidge  one 
of  the  Justices  of  the  Peace,  to  go  to 
Conestoga  and  warn  Grist  to  get  off 
the  land,  which  he  refused  and  was 
now  thrown  in  jail,  and  he  petitions 
that  he  may  be  given  his  liberty. 
And  the  board  in  Compassion  to  his 
poor  famiy,  is    pleased  to   order  that 


265 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU  SQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


he  be  given  leave  to  carry  off  his 
corn,  provided  he  will  enter  into  a 
bond  to  move  off  the  land  and  be  of 
good  behavior  for  one  year,  and  pay 
his  fees. 

1721— The    Nantikokes    Move    to  Co- 
calico. 

In  Lyle's  History  of  Lacaster  Coun- 
ty, p.  14  it  is  stated  that  the  Nanti- 
kokes  who  first  lived  on  Chesapeake 
Bay  were  allowed  to  move  to  Tulpe- 
hocken  Valley  and  moved  there  until 
1721,  when  the  large  settlement  of 
Germans  which  came  to  Tulpehocken 
from  New  York  made  them  restless 
and  they  moved  to  Cocalico  Town- 
ship in  Lancaster  County,  settling 
along  "Indian  River"  at  the  place 
known  as  "Indiantown";  as  late  as 
1758  there  were  still  several  scatter- 
ed tribes  along  the  little  streams  of 
this  viciity.  The  town  covered  500 
acres  and  came  into  the  possession  of 
John  Wistar  and  Henry  Carpenter. 
Another  branch  of  the  Nantikokes 
had  a  town  on  land  owned  by  Levi  S. 
Reist,  called  "Lehoy' .  This  land  was 
also  bought  from  Pennsylvania 
families  by  John  Wistar.  The  Nanti- 
kokes understood  the  English  lan- 
guage and  were  frequently  with  the 
whites;  and  afterwards  moved  up  the 
West  branch  of  the  Susquehanna 
River. 

1722— Conestoga     Indians    Killed   By 

John  and  Edmund  Cartlidge. 

Richard  Landgon,  a  butcher  of 
Conestoga,  took  a  message  to  Phila- 
delphia of  the  death  of  an  Indian  at 
one  of  their  towns  above  Conestoga, 
caused  by  blows  by  John  or  Edmond 
Cartlidge  or  both.  Langdon  got  the 
news  from  several  persons  of  respon- 
sibility near  Conestoga.  The  Govern- 
or found  it  advisable  to  call  the  Coun- 
cil together  and  inquire  of  this  mat- 
ter; and  they  decided  that  it  would  be 


necessary  to  get  further  information. 
It  was  ordered  that  Langdon  and 
David  Robinson,  a  blacksmith  near 
Perquayomen,  should  meet  the  board 
and  give  full  information.  This  may 
be  seen  in  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p. 
146. 

As  the  result  of  these  investiga- 
tions Colonel  French  was  sent  to  Con- 
estoga to  investigate  the  affair.  He 
did  so  and  James  Logan  went  with 
him.  Upon  their  return  they  made  a 
report,  which  may  be  found  in  the 
same  book,  p.  148. 

1722 — James      Logan     and      Colonel 

French's     Report    of   the     Conestoga 

Indian. 

In  the  last  mentioned  book,pp  148 
and  149,  Logan  and  French  gave  the 
following  report: 

"To  the  Honourable  Sir  William 
Keith,  Bart.,  Goernour  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Pennsylvania  and  Counties 
of  New  Castle,  Kent  and  Sussex  upon 
Deleware,  and  the  Council  of  the 
same. 

The  Report  of  James  Logan  and 
Colonel  French,  of  their  execution  of 
a  particular  commission  to  them 
directed. 

May  it  please  the  Governour  and 
Council:  NlflB 

Pursuant  to  the  instructions  given 
to  us  by  the  Governour  we  set  out 
from  Philadelphia  for  Conestoga  on 
the  7th  Instant,  as  soon  as  our  com- 
mission was  delivered  to  us,  and  the 
next  day  meeting  with  the  High 
Sheriff  of  the  County  of  Chester, 
according  to  an  appointment  made 
with  him.  We  sent  herewith  a  proper 
warrant  before  us  for  a  greater  Dis- 
patch, to  apprehend  the  two  brothers 
John  and  Edmund  Cartlidge,  who 
were  reported  to  have  committed  the 
fact  which  occasioned  our  Journey. 
On  the  9th,  in  the  afternoon,  we 
came  to  John  Cartiidge's  house  where 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


266 


we  found  himself  in  the  Sheriff's  cus- 
tody, Edmond  Cartlidge  was  then  in- 
formed, for  his  brother  to  join  him  to 
proceed  on  their  business  of  trade 
towards  the  Patowmeck;  but  on  our 
informing  John  of  the  necessity  there 
was  of  seeing  his  brother,  he  was  pre- 
vailed upon  to  send  for  him  the  next 
day,  and  accordingly  he  came.  The 
same  morning,  we  dispatched  a 
messenger  to  summon  Peter  Bizail- 
lion,  who  lives  about  36  miles  higher 
up  Susquehanna,  to  attend  us  as  In- 
terpeter  between  us  and  the  Indians, 
but  he  having  no  horses  at  home,  and 
being  far  from  neighbors,  he  could 
not  get  down  till  the  fourth  day  after 
the  messenger  set  out,  viz:  till  the 
13th  in  the  afternoon. 

Soon  after  our  first  arrival  at  Con- 
estogoe  we  gave  the  Chiefs  of  the 
Indians  Notice  of  our  Business,  and 
upon  Peter  Bizallion's  coming,  we 
appointed  a  meeting  with  them  the 
next  morning;  accordingly,  we  met, 
with  the  Chiefs  of  the  Mingoe  or  Con- 
estogoe  Indians,  of  the  Shawanese 
and  Ganawese,  and  some  of  the  Dela- 
wares  in  Council,  in  which  we  spoke 
to  them  in  the  following  words,  inter- 
preted in  sentences,  first  from  our 
language  into  Delaware  Indian  by 
Peter  Bizaillion,  who  took  an  oath 
faithfully  to  interpret  between  us  and 
the  Indians,  and  afterwards  was 
interpreted  into  the  three  other  lan- 
guages by  Captain  Civility  of  Cones- 
togoe  and  Smith  the  Ganawese,  who 
excels  in  the  skill  •  of  those  lan- 
guages. 

At  a  Council  held  at  Conestogoe, 
the  14th  day  of  March,  1721-2,  be- 
tween James  Logan,  Secretary,  and 
Colonel  John  French,  in  behalf  of  the 
Governour  of  Pennsylvania,  thereun- 
to authorized  by  virtue  thereof  a 
commission  to  them  from  the  Govern- 
our, under    the    Great    seal,    bearing 


date  the   7th  inst. ;    and   also  came 

Civility,  Tannacharoe,  Gunnehator- 
ooja,  Toweena,  and  other  old  men  of 
the   Conestoga   Indians,   and 

Savannah,  Chief  of  the  Shawanese; 
Winjack,  Chief  of  the  Ganawese; 
Tekaachroon,  a  Cayoogoe;  Oweeye- 
kanowa,  Nostarghkamen,  Delawares. 
Present  divers  English  and  Indians. 
The  Secretary  laying  down  a  belt 
of  Wampum  on  the  Board  before 
them,  which  he  had  taken  with  him 
for  that  purpose,  spoke  to  the  In- 
dians, as  follows: 

Friends  and  Brethren: 
William      Penn,      our       and      your 
Father,    when     he     first     settled    this 
|  country  with  English  subjects,    made 
|  a    firm    League     of     Friendship     and 
|  Brotherhood      with     all     the     Indians 
!  then  in  these  parts,  and  agreed  that 
iboth  you  and  his  people  should  be  all 
j  as  one   Flesh  and  Blood.     The    same 
|  League   has   often   been    renewed    by 
|  himself   and   other   Governours   under 
him,  with  their  Council  held  as  well 
j  in   this   place   where   we   now   are   as 
j  at    Philadelphia,     and     other     places. 
I  Both    his    People      and     yours     have 
hitherto     inviolably     observed     these 
Leagues   so   that   scarce   any  one   In- 
jury has  been  done,  nor  anyone  Com- 
plaint   made    on    either    side,    except 
I  one   for   the   Death   if    La    Tour    and 
|  his    company    for    near    forty    years 
I  past,     and     of    this    you    are    fully 
|  sensible. 

Yet  as  all  human  affairs  are  liable 


to  accidents  which  sometimes  fall  out 


;  even  between  Brethren  of  the  same 
|  Family  though  issuing  from  the  same 
Parents,  so  now  your  good  Friend, 
our  Governour  and  his  Council  hav- 
ing heard  by  report  only,  that  one  of 
i  our  Brethren  had  lost  his  Life  by 
some  Act  of  violence,  alleged  to  be 
done  by  some  of  our  People,  without 
receiving  any  notice  of  it  or  Com- 
plaint from  you,  but  moved  with  great 


267 


ANNALS   OF   THE   SU SQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


Concern  for  the  loss  and  unhappi- 
ness  of  the  accidents,  like  true 
friends  and  Brothers,  the  very  next 
Day  sent  us  two,  Colonel  French  and 
me,  first  to  condole  with  you,  which 
we  now  do  very  heartily,  and  next  by 
the  full  Power  with  which  we  are 
invested  to  inquire  how  the  matter 
came  to  pass,  that  Justice  may  be 
done  and  satisfaction  be  made  ac- 
cording to  the  firm  Leagues  that 
have  from  time  to  time  been  made 
between  us  and  you,  for  We  will 
suffer  no  injury  to  be  done  to  any  of 
you  without  punishing  the  offenders 
according  to  our  Laws;  nor  must  we 
receive  without  just  satisfaction  made 
ot  us,  for  so  the  Laws  of  Friendship 
and  the  Leaques  between  us  require. 

We  therefore  now  desire  you,  that 
according  to  the  notice  we  gave  you 
three  days  agoe,  to  have  all  those 
persons  ready  here  who  know  any- 
thing of  this  matter.  You  would 
fully  inform  us  of  every  particular, 
for  we  are  now  here  to  take  their 
Examinations,  which  we  expect  you 
will  take  care  shall  be  given  with 
Truth  and  exactness,  and  without 
any  partiality  from  resentment  or 
favour;  that  when  our  Governour 
and  Council  are  assured  of  the 
Truth  they  may  proceed  more  safely 
in   doing  of  Justice. 

This  being  interpreted,  as  has  been 
said,  into  the  four  several  Languages 
of  those  People,  we  judged  it  neces- 
sary that  our  Commission  should  be 
publicly  read  in  the  hearing  and  for 
the  satisfaction  of  the  English  who 
were  there,  and  then  we  proceeded 
and  put  the  following  Questions,  and 
to  examine   Indian  Evidence. 

Quest.  When  did  Civiliity  and  the 
other  Indians  of  Conestogoe  first 
hear  of  the  death  of  the  man,  and 
by  whom? 

Answer.  They    heard    of   it   by    sev- 


eral Indians  much  about  the  same 
1  time. 

Quest.  Where  was  it  done? 

Answer.  At  Manakassy,  a  branch 
of  Potomac  river. 

Quest.  What  was  the  man's  name, 
!his  Nation,  and  rank  among  his  own 
people? 

Answer.  His  name  was  Sanataeny 
of  the  Tsanondowaroonas  or  Sinne- 
:kaes,  a  Warrior,  a  civil  man  of  very 
I  few  words. 

Quest.  What  was  his  business 
there? 

Answer.  He  was  hunting,  he  being 
I  used  to  hunt  in  that  place. 

Quest.  Who  do  you  understand, 
;  was  present  besides  the  English  at 
ithe  Commission  of  the  fact? 

Answer.  The  Man  had  been  hunting 
|  there  alone,  with  a  Squaw  that  kept 
|  his  Cabin,  till  John  Cartlidge  and 
his  people  came  thither  to  trade  with 
him  for  his  skins.  John  Cartlidge 
had  an  Indian  guide  with  him  of  the 
G'anawese  Nation,  named  Aqua- 
chan,  who  is  here  present;  also  two 
Indian  Shawana  Lads  came  thither 
about  the  same  time,  whose  names 
are  Acquittanachke  and  Metheegue- 
yt;  also,  his  Squaw,  a  Shawnese 
woman,  named  WTeyneprecueyta,Cou- 
sin  to  Savannah,  Chief  of  that  Na- 
tion who  are  all  here  present. 

Then       Winjack       and       Savannah, 
Chiefs    of    the    Ganawese    and    Shaw- 
'  nese,  were    required  to    charge  those 
i  four    witnesses    of    the    fact    of   their 
respective     nations  to  speak  the     im- 
i  partially,    without   malice   .or   Hatred, 
,  Favour    or    affection    on   any    account 
;  whatsoever.        The    three      Shawanna 
Witnesses    being    desired    to    witdraw 
Ayaquachan,  the  Ganawese,  aged  ac- 
cording   to    appearance,    about    thirty 
years  was  called  uon  to  give  an  ac- 
count of  what  he  knew,  and  accord- 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


268 


ingly  he  said,  that  he  came  in  the 
evening  to  the  Indian  Cabin  in  which 
Indian  is  dead,  with  John  Cartlidge 
and  Edmund  Cartlidge,  who  had 
with  them  William  Wilkins  and  one 
Jonathan,  both  servants  to  John 
Cartlidge  with  an  intent  to  trade 
with  the  said  Indians,  for  his  skins, 
they  having  hired  him  to  be  their 
guide;  that  John  Cartlidge  gave  the 
Sennikae  some  small  quantities  of 
Punch  and  rum  three  times  that 
evening,  as  he  remembers,  as  a  free 
gift,  and  then  sold  him  some  rum; 
That  both  the  Sinnekae  and  this  Ex- 
aminant  were  drunk  that  night;  that 
in  the  morning  the  Sinnekae  said  he 
must  have  more  rum,  for  that  he  had 
not  received  all  he  had  bought;  that 
accordingly  he  went  to  John  Cartlidge 
and  demanded  it,  but  that  John  de- 
nied to  give  him  any,  and  taking  the 
pot  out  of  the  Indians  hands  threw 
it  away;  that  the  Sinnekae  told  him 
he  need  not  be  angry  with  him  for 
asking  more  for  he  owed  it  to  him, 
and  he  still  pressed  him  to  give  it; 
that  John  then  pushed  the  Indian 
down  who  fell  with  his  necfc  across 
a  fallen  tree,  where  he  lay  for  some 
time,  and  then  rising  walked  up  to 
his  Cabin;  That  this  Examinant  was 
then  by  the  fire  which  he  thinks  was 
about  thirty  or  forty,  others  say  a 
hundred  paces  from  the  Cabin;  that 
he  saw  John  Cartlidge  strip  off  his 
clothing  near  the  fire;  That  then 
this  Examinant  went  up  towards  the 
Cabin  and  saw  the  Sinneka  sitting  on 
the  ground  with  the  blood  running 
down  his  neck,  and  that  when  John 
Cartlidge  came  up  he  kicked  him  on 
the  Forehead  with  his  foot;  that  this 
Deponent  was  in  liquor  at  the  time 
and  knows  no  more.  Being  asked  if 
he  saw  any  gun,  he  says  he  saw 
none. 


Acqueannacke,    the    Shawana,    aged 
I  in      appearance       about      twenty-two 
;  years,  says,  that  he  came  to  the  same 
|  place    with    John    Cartlidge     and    his 
!  Company,    that    the    Sinneka    had    li- 
quor  overnight,  and  was  drunk  with 
it;    that    he    and    the    Ganawese    sate 
up  all     Night,     but  this       Examinant 
|  went  to  sleep.     The  next  day  the  Sin- 
j  neka    asked    for    more    rum    of    John 
|  Cartlidge    who    refused    to    give    him 
|  any ;    that  John  threw  away  the  Pot, 
j  and  upon  the   Indian     still     pressing 
|  for   more    liquor   drew    him    down    ac- 
|  ross   a   Tree,   that   the    Indian   rising, 
I  went   up   to   his   Cabin;    that  William 
|  Wilkins    followed    him    and    met   him 
I  coming  out  of  the     Cabin     with     his 
|  Gun,    that   Wilkins    laid   hold   of   him 
|  and  the  gun  and  they  both  struggled, 
i  but    not    much ;    That    Edmund    Cart- 
Hdge    came    up    and   forcing   the   gun 
i  from   the    Indian   struck     him     three 
blows   on    the   head     with      it,     with 
I  which  it  broke.     He  struck  him  also 
Ion  the  Collar  bone;    that  John  Cart- 
ridge   being    at    the    fire    there    stript 
off  his  clothes  and  coming  up  kicked 
the    Indian    on    the    side    and    broke 
I  two  of  his   ribs;    that   the   man   then 
1  bled  at  the  mouth  and  nose  and  was 
|  unable    to    speak,   but    rattled    in    the 
|  Throat ;  That  John  Cartlidge  with  his 
:  Company  went  to   the   fire,  made   uy 
his  goods  and  came  away;     that  the 
i  Sinneka  in  the  mean  time  came  into 
j  his  cabin    where  these    S"hawana  lads 
ileft   him,   and   followed     John     Cart 
jlidge    to    trade    with    him;    that    this 
!  happened  about  nine  in  the  morning, 
and   John  Cartlidge  himself  says,   he 
left  the  place  at  ten  by  his  watch. 

Metheequeyta,  the  other  Shaw  anna 
lad,  aged  about  seventeen  or  eigL 
teen  years,  confirms  what  the  other 
young  man,  his  companion  has  said, 
and  declares  he  can  say  nothing  fur- 
ther. 


269 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU  SQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


Hereupon,  great  pains  were  taken 
and  Endeavors  used  to  perswade 
these  evidences,  to  declare  of  them- 
selves all  that  they  particularly 
knew  without  considering  what  the 
others  had  said,  or  were  supposed  by 
them  to  say,  for  they  were  kept 
apart  during  the  examination,  but  the 
Indians  could  not  be  prevailed  with, 
alleging  it  was  to  no  purpose  to  re- 
peat what  others  had  already  de- 
clared, and  it  was  by  many  leading 
question  that  Acquanachke  was  in- 
duced to  mention  any  part  of  what 
the  Ganawese  had  said  before. 

Weenepeeweytah,  the  Sqnaw,  was 
then  examined  and  said,  that  she  was 
in  the  cabin  when  her  husband  came 
in  for  the  Gun,  that  she  shrieked  out 
and  endeavored  to  hinder  him  from 
carrying  it  out,  but  could  not;  that 
she  followed  him  and  Wilkins  being 
then  by  came  up  and  laid  hold  of 
the  Gun,  but  could  not  take  it  from 
him;  that  Edmund  forced  it  out  of 
his  hand  and  struck  him  first  on  the 
Shoulder,  and  then  thrice  upon  the 
head,  and  broke  the  gun  with  the 
blows;  that  John  Cartlidge  stript  off 
his  clothes  and  coming  up  to  them 
found  the  Indian  sitting  and  he  then 
gave  him  one  kick  on  the  side  with 
his  foot,  and  struck  him  with  his 
fist,  that  the  man  never  spake  after 
he  received  the  blows,  save  that  af- 
ter he  got  into  the  Cabin  he  said  his 
friends  had  killed  him;  that  a  great 
quantity  of  blood  came  from  his 
wounds,  which  clotted  on  the  bear 
skin  on  which  he  lay;  that  his  mouth 
and  nose  were  full  of  blood;  that  he 
died  the  next  day  about  the  same 
time  he  was  wounded  the  day  be- 
fore; that  she  was  alone  with  the 
corpse  and  went  to  seek  some  help  to 
bury  him;  that  in  the  mean  time  an 
Indian  woman,  wife  of  Passalty  of 
Conestogoe,    with    the    Hermaphrodite 


!  of  the  same  place  coming  thither  by 
|  accident  and  finding  the  man  dead 
I  buried  him  in  the  cabin,  and  were 
I  gone  from  thence  before  she  return- 
ed, but  she  met  them  in  the  way  and 
|  understood  by  them  that  they  had 
j  lain  him  in  the  ground. 

Passalty's  wife  and  the  Hermaph- 
rodite being  called  declared  that 
j  Kannannowach,  a  Cayoogoe  Indian 
I  was  the  first  one  who  found  the  man 
|  dead,  and  that  he  hired  them  to  go 
j  bury  him  lest  the  beasts  or  fowls 
!  should  eat  him;  that  it  was  about 
:  seven  days  after  his  death  that  they 
|  went  thither,  and  the  body  then 
{stunk;  they  found  three  wounds  in 
i  his  head  and  they  washed  away  the 
i  blood  and  the  brains  appeared;  that 
;  two  of  his  ribs  were  broke,  and  his 
j  side  on  that  part  was  very  black. 

These,  may  it  please  the  Gover- 
!  nour  are  the  examinations  of  the  In- 
dian evidences  which  we  hav°  taken, 
I  with  all  the  exactness  that  was  in 
;our  power  and  with  the  utmost  im- 
I  partiality.  We  confess  that  we  had 
;no  reason  to  be  full  satisfied  with  the 
management  of  the  three  Shawanese 
|  Indians  vix:  the  two  lads  and  the 
|  Sqnaw,  especially  the  two  first,  for 
Ithey  seemed  to  have  agreed  on  their 
j  story  before  hand,  esepecially  on  the 
j  particular  of  the  man's  ribs  being 
i  broke  of  which  we  conceive  these 
l  two  youths  could  not  possibly  know 
!  anything  before  they  left  the  place, 
j  because  they  came  from  it  much 
!  about  the  same  time  with  the  Cart- 
!  lidge's  and  therefore  we  judge  they 
i  could  hear  of  it  in  no  other  way 
|  than  by  the  woman  afterwards,  yet 
|  they  were  positive  in  affirming;  And 
|  we  have  here  given  the  whole,  with- 
out retrenching  anything  in  favor  of 
j  any  person  whatsoever. 

The  belt     of     wampum     was     then 
I  taken   up   and   shewed     the     Indians. 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN  TRIBES 


27ft 


and  they  were  told  it  was  sent  from 
the  Gbvernour  by  us,  to  be  forwarded 
with  a  message  to  the  Sinneka  In- 
dians upon  this  unhappy  accident 
They  were  therefore  desired  to  think 
by  the  morning  of  a  proper  person  to 
carry  it,  that  the  day  being  now  far 
spent  and  the  Company  tired,  (for 
we  sate  on  the  business  near  eight 
hours)  we  should  leave  what  we  had 
further  to  say  for  the  next  day,  and 
accordingly  desired  them  to  meet  us 
early  in  the  same  place.  We  then 
ordered  two  gallons  of  rum  made  in- 
to Punch,  with  the  above,  a  hundred 
weight  of  meat  and  bread  brought 
from  John  Cartlidge's,  to  be  distri- 
buted among  the  Company  which  was 
large  and  provisions  being  exceed- 
ingly scarce  at  present  among  them. 

The  next  day,  viz.  the  15th  of 
March,  we  met  the  same  Chiefs  with- 
out other  company  to  consult  about 
sending  the  message  before  mention- 
ed and  Colonel  by  the  same  interpre- 
ters spoke  to  them  as  follows, 
Friends  and  Brethren: 

We  informed  you  yesterday  that 
we  were  sent  by  the  Governour  in 
very  great  haste  from  Philadelphia 
upon  the  news  of  this  unhappy  acci- 
dent, which  we  have  been  enquiring 
into.  We  therefore,  had  not  anytime 
to  bring  with  us  any  presents  to 
make  you,  nor  could  we  indeed  be- 
lieve they  would  be  expected  on  this 
occasion.  We  thought,  however, 
that  if  any  should  be  wanted  they 
might  be  easily  had  at  Conestogoe, 
but  find  them  very  scarce.  We  have 
however  procured  two  Stroud  Coats 
to  be  sent  to  our  Brethren,  .the 
Sinnekas  to  cover  our  dead  friend, 
and  this  belt  of  Wampum,  (Which 
was  taken  up),  is  to  wipe  away  the 
tears.  We  yesterday  recommended 
to  you  to  think  of  a  fit  person  to 
carry  the    message,    which    we    hope 


I  you  have  done,  and  pitched  upon  one 
i  accordingly. 

The  Indians  answered:  They  had 
i  deferred  the  choice  of  a  person  till 
I  this  meeting  and  then  they  named 
j  some  one  of  them  to  which  we  much 
|  desired  to  be  the  person,  but  he  ex- 
|  cused  himself.  At  length  one  Skatctu 
]  eetchoo,  a  Cayoogoe  of  the  Five  Na~ 
|  tions,  and  of  that  next  in  situation  to 
|  the  Sinnekaes,  who  had  for  divers 
{years  resided  among  our  Indians, 
was  chosen  and  he  undertook  the 
i  journey,  but  said  he  could  not  leave 
|  his  family,  who  then  wanted  bread, 
i  unless  they  were  provided  for.  We 
assured  him  that  the  next  day  six 
\  bushels  of  Corn  should  be  brought  to 
j  him  for  his  Family's  support  in  his 
I  absence,  and  for  his  journey  he 
|  should  have  a  Stroud  Coat,  a  new 
i  Gun,  with  three  pounds  of  powder 
!  and  six  pounds  of  lead,  which  he 
|  seemed  cheerfully  to  accept  of;  some 
■  Palatines,  undertook  on  the  Secre- 
j  tary's  promise  to  pay  to  bring  the 
|  Corn  the  next  day;  a  Gun  and  the 
I  lead  we  had  from  John  Cartlidge, 
1  but  he  having  no  good  powder  or 
Strouds  at  home,  Peter  Bizallion, 
|  promised  to  deliver  these  to  the 
|  mesenger  as  he  passed  his  house 
I  near  Pexton.  Soon  after  the  two 
I  Stroud  Coats  were  presented,  one  of 
i  the  Conestogoe  old  men  proposed  to 
!  Civility,  that  John  Cartlidge  having 
!  before  given  them  a  Stroud,  with  a 
i  String  of  Wampum  for  the  same  pur- 
pose, these  should  also  be  sent  with 
the  others,  which  being  approved  of 
by  the  other  Indians,  the  said  Stroud 
and  Wampum  was  brought  and  added 
to  those  we  had  delivered. 

The  messenger  being  fully  con- 
cluded on,  we  desired  Civility  and 
him  to  be  with  us  in  the  evening,  at 
John  Cartlidge's  house,  to  receive  the 
words  of  our  message;  but  first  we 
proposed    to    the    Indians    to    send    a 


in 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU  SQIJEHANNOCKS  AND 


message  for  themselves  in  Conjunc- 
tion with  ours  to  shew  their  satis- 
faction in  our  proceedings,  but  they 
gave  us  to  understand  that  they 
could  not  join  any  words  of  theirs  to 
our  present,  for  no  such  thing  was 
ever  practiced  by  the  Indians,  and 
they  had  no  belt  of  their  own  ready, 
otherwise  they  would  send  it.  Civili- 
ty was  then  privately  informed  that 
we  had  a  belt  also  for  them  (the 
Secretary  having  carried  up  two), 
which  they  might  take  as  their  own 
and  send  it  accordingly.  He  seemed 
much  pleased  with  this,  and  we  pre- 
pared for  that  time  to  take  our  leaves 
but  before  we  did  this  we  judged 
it  necessary  to  caution  them,  that 
from  the  example  we  had  given  them 
of  our  great  care  and  tenderness 
over  them,  and  our  regard  to  our 
League  made  with  them.  They 
should  be  very  careful  on  their 
parts  not  to  give  offense  to  the 
Christians  who  were  settled  near 
them,  or  by  any  means  to  injure 
their  cattle  or  anything  belonging  to 
them;  for  as  we  would  suffer  none  of 
our  people  to  injure  them  without 
punishing  the  offenders,  so  we  could 
not  receive  injuries  without  requir- 
ing satisfaction;  and  this  we  en- 
deavored to  impress  upon  them,  af- 
ter which  we  took  leave  of  them  all, 
excepting  Civility  and  the  Messeng- 
er, and  came  to  our  lodging  at  John 
Cartlidge's  whither  also  about  two 
hours  after  came  the  said  two  last 
mentioned  Indians;  and  to  the  mes- 
senger we  delivered  the  following 
words  as  the  signification  of  the 
Belt,  we  sent  with  him,  viz: 

Deliver  this  Belt  from  the  Gover- 
nour  and  Government  of  Pennsyl- 
vania to  the  King  of  chief  of  the 
Sinnegaes,  and  say  the  words  it 
brings  are  these:  — 

Wiliam  Penn  made  a  firm  peace 
and  league  with  the  Indians  in  these 


I  parts  nearly   forty  years  agoe,  which 
League  has  often  been  renewed,   and. 
never  broken,   but   an   unhappy   acci- 
';  dent  has   lately   befallen  us.     One  of 
our    Brethren     and   your   people    has 
lost  his  life  by  some  of  our  People ; 
I  Rum    was    the    first    cause    of    it;    he 
i  was   warm    and    brought    his    gun    in 
;  anger    against      them.        They      were 
afraid   of  his   gun   took   it   from  him, 
wounded  him  and  he  died.     Our  Gov- 
ernour,   on  the   first  news   of  it  sent 
us  two  of  his  Council  to  inquire  in- 
to it.     We  have   done   it  and  we  are 
!  now    taking    the    offenders    to    Phila- 
delphia to  answer     for     their     fault. 
We  send  these  Strowds  to  cover  our 
dead    brother,    and    this   belt   to   wipe 
'away  the  tears;    and   when  we  know 
'your    mind    you    shall    have    all    fur- 
ther     reasonable       satisfaction        for 
!  your    loss.     Civility    also   received  the 
;  other    belt    privately,    promised    they 
would   hold    a   Council    the    next   day 
among    themselves,    as    they    had    be- 
fore engaged  to  us,  and  sending  that 
belt   in    their    own    name    would    give 
|  an   account  of   it  of  our  Governour's 
j  great  care  over  them,  and  of  all  our 
|  proceedings  in   this   matter. 

Being    the    same    time    credibly    in- 
formed that  the  Five  Nations  had  sent 
down  a  large  Belt  of  Wampum,  with  a 
I  figure  of  a  Rundlet  and  an  Hatchet  on 
|  it  to  the  Indians  settled  upwards    on 
I  Sasquehanna,    with    orders    to    stave 
j  all  the  rum  they  met  with  we  judged 
|  it  necessary     to     send    by    the    same 
messenger  a  public  order,  under  our 
Hands   and   Seals,  to   all   our   traders 
whom    we    should    met    with,    to    ac- 
quaint them,  as  their  carrying  of  rum 
to  the  Indians  was  against  the  Law, 
so  the  Indians  staving  it  was  no  more 
than  what  from  time  to  time  they  had 
been  encouraged  to  do,  and  therefore 
they  must  take  care  not  to  cause  any 
riot     or     Breach    of    the     Peace,    by 


OTHER    LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


272 


making     any     resistance,   a    copy    of 
which  order  is  here  presented. 

All  this  time  from  the  first  day  of 
our  arrival  at  Conestogoe  John  Cart- 
ridge, and  from  the  second  day  Ed- 
mund Cartlidge,  had  by  virtue  of  our 
warrant,  been  in  the  custody  of  the 
High  Sheriff  of  Chester,  who  accom- 
panied us,  or  in  that  of  persons  de- 
puted by  him. 

The  next  morning.  Civility  the 
Messenger,  and  divers  of  the  old  men 
came  over  to  John  Cartlidge's  to  see 
us  at  our  departure.  The  Messenger 
assured  us  he  would  set  out  the  next 
morning,  viz:  the  17th,  that  he  hoped 
to  be  with  the  Sinnekaes  in  eight 
days,  and  to  return  in  thirty;  that 
he  and  Civility,  upon  his  return, 
would  come  directly  to  Philadelphia 
to  give  an  account  here  of  the  Dis- 
charge of  his  message. 

We  then  very  much  pressed  John 
Cartlidge,  (Edmd.being  gone  before 
with  an  officer  to  his  own  house  al- 
most in  our  way)  to  hasten  and  go 
along  with  us.  His  wife  grieved  al- 
most to  distraction,  and  would  force 
herself  and  her  child  with  him,  but 
was  at  length  prevailed  with  to  stay; 
this  caused  us  some  loss  of  time.  The 
woman's  sorrows  being  loud  the  In- 
dians went  in  to  comfort  her,  and  so 
we  departed. 

We  have  brought  both  John  Cart- 
lidge and  Edmund  .Cartlidge  Prison- 
ers to  town  with  the  lad  Jonathan 
who  was  present  at  the  fact,  and 
have  committed  them  to  the  custody 
of  the  High  Sheriff  of  Philadelphia, 
where  they  now  are.  William  Wilkins 
was  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  up 
Sasquehanna  trading  for  his  master, 
and  therefore  too  far  out  of  our 
reach. 

This,  may  it  please  the  Governor, 
is  in  pursuance  of  our  Instructions, 
the    report    we  have  humbly  to  offer 


of     our     executing    the    Commission 
with  which  we  were  intrusted. 

JAMES  LOGAN. 

JOHN  FRENCH. 

An  important  thing  to  notice  in 
this  investigation  is  as  shown  on 
p.  270,  that  a  lot  of  the  English  had 
collected  aTound  about  Conestoga, 
where  this  inquest  was  held. 

1722 — Action   of   the   Government   on 
the  killing  at  Conestoga. 

James  Logan  and  John  French  no* 
only  acted  as  Commissioners  but 
they  brought  the  two  Cartlidges 
along  with  them  and  put  them  in  the 
custody  of  the  Sheriff.  It  seems  that 
the  Indian  had  been  killed  and  bur- 
ied  before  they  got  to  Conestoga;  he 
was  buried  three  days'  journey  from 
Conestoga.  They  had  a  very  hard 
task  to  get  a  legal  jury.  This  is 
found  on  p.  155  of  Vol.  3  of  the  CoL 
Rec 

The  next  day  on  the  22nd  of  March, 
at  Philadelphia  the  investigation  was 
continued  and  John  Cartlidge's  ser- 
vant was  sworn  After  this  the  two 
Cartlidge's  sent  a  petition  to  the 
Government  from  the  jail,  saying 
that  they  were  sorry,  that  they  did 
not  Intend  to  hurt  the  Indian  and  that 
they  acted  In  self  defense.  They 
prayed  a  speedy  trial  and  the  Coun- 
cil admitted  them  to  bail.  They  en- 
tered into  the  ball  in  the  Court 
House  before  the  Governor;  and  in 
a  very  public  manner  it  was  at  once 
moved  that  John  Cartlidge's  name  be 
dropped  as  a  Justice  of  the  Peace 
and  that  he  be  struck  out.  (See  p* 
156.)  Both  men  succeeded  in  giving 
bail  as  we  are  shown  on  p.  157. 

1722— The  Feeling  of  the  Indians  at 
Conestoga  Aoont  the  Killing. 

In  Vol.  3  Col.  Rec,  p.  152,  we  are 
told  that  the  Indians  at  Conestoga 
selected  a  Cayuga  Indian  to  :ake  the 


!Tl 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU  SQ  UEH  ANN  OCRS  AND 


news  to  the  Five  Nations  and  also 
the  news  of  the  proceedings,  but  the 
fndian  said  that  he  could  not  leave 
his  family  without  provisions.  The 
white  people  around  Conestoga,there- 
fore  sent  his  wife  a  lot  of  corn  and 
some  of  the  Mennonites  about  Con- 
estoga  said  that  they  would  pay  for 
more  corn  and  take  it  there. 

In  the  last  mentioned  book,  p.  155, 
we  are  told  that  John  Cartilage's 
wife  was  very  much  distracted  about 
this  killing  and  that  the  Indians 
around  there  went  to  her  and  tried 
to  comfort  her  and  make  her  feel 
that  Cartlidge  would  come  out  all 
right. 

The  messenger  also  returned  from 
the  Five  Nations  and  made  a  favor- 
able report.  • 

1722— The     Five     Nation's    Attitude 
About  This  Conestoga  Killing-. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  it  is 
stated  at  p.  163,  that  a  number  of  the 
Conestoga  Indians  and  the  messen- 
ger sent  to  the  Five  Nations,  the 
Delawares  and  others  being  present 
In  Council  the  Governor  asked  the 
messenger  for  a  report  and  he  said 
among  other  things,  that  when 
Logan  came  up  to  Conestoga  because 
of  those  news  that  their  cousin  had 
been  killed,  that  all  felt  a  great  sor- 
row and  he  delivered  a  belt  of  wam- 
pum to  wipe  the  tears  away.  He 
also  says  that  the  Five  Nations  are 
well  pleased  with  what  has  been 
done  and  that  they  hope  we  will 
keep  the  bones  of  the  dead  more  in 
memory.  He  presented  other  belts 
and  desired  that  the  Governor 
would  be  strong  friends  with  them. 

On  the  report  being  made  the 
Council  decided  that  John  and  Ed- 
mund Cartl ledge  must  be  prosecuted 
according  to  law.  And  because  the 
Five  Nations  think  that  they  ought 
to  be  tried     these     two     men     were 


again    arrested.        Some    of  the    Five 
Nations   being  present  and  the  Con- 
toga   Indians  also,  the  Governor  said 
to    them    "Friends    and    Brothers     of 
j  Conestoga,  it  makes  our  hearts  glad 
I  to    see   how  you   brighten   the    chain 
|  and  make  it  strong.     The  chief    law 
j  among  the  English  is  that  when  any 
|  man  has  done  another  an  injury,  he 
I  must   be    punished,     and    these    men 
i  who  killed  your  cousin  must  be  tried 
according  to  law." 

Finally     the     Indians      themselves 
asked  that  they  would  let  John  and 
Edmund  Cartiledge  go  free  and  they 
|  were  left  go. 

|  1722 — The   Conestoga    Indians    Much 

Excited  About  the  Taking  of 

Land  at  Conestoga, 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec.  p.  178, 
it  is  stated  that  the  Governor  sent 
a  letter  by  express  to  Conestoga  on 
the  land  question  and  received  news 
of  the  excitement  in  Conestoga.  He 
said  he  found  the  Indians  were  much 
alarmed  about  a  survey  of  land  on 
|  the  bank  of  the  Susquehanna,  that 
\  he  held  a  Council  with  the  Indians 
I  of  Conestoga  on  Friday  and  Satur- 
day and  proposed  that  he  would  sur- 
vey for  them  a  tract  on  the  West 
side  of  the  Susquehanna  river,  be- 
ginning on  the  upper  line  of  the  new 
settlement  and  running  back  six 
miles  into  what  is  now  York  County, 
and  down  that  line  to  a  point  oppo- 
site the  mouth  of  the  Conestoga 
Creek  and  then  by  a  line  into  the 
river.  This  pleased  them  very  much 
This  land  excitement  became  so  great 
that  the  Governor  ordered  a  company 
of  the  militia  to  set  out  from  New 
Castle  up  to  Octora.ro  to  prevent  the 
Marylanders  from  disturbing  our  In- 
dians. 


OTHER  LANCASTER  CO  UNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


274 


1722— Governor  Keitli  Holds    Another 

Council  with  the  Indians   at 

Conestoga. 

On  the  loth  of  June,  1722,  Gover- 
nor Keith  was  at  Conestoga  holding 
a  Council  to  take  up  several  ques- 
tions, and  among  others  was  this 
question  of  surveying  a  tract  of  70,- 
000  acres  of  land  across  the  Susque- 
hanna, so  as  to  keep  people  out  and 
away  from  the  Indians.  This  tract 
was  known  as  Springetsburg  Manor. 
The  minutes  of  the  Council  are  set 
forth  in  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p. 
181,  as  folloks: 

At  a  Council  with  the  Indians  at 
Conestoga,   June   loth,   1722. 

PRESENT: 
Sir   William   Keith,   Bart.,   Govr. 

Col.  John  French  and  Francis 
Worley,  Esqs., 

The  Chiefs  of  the  Conestogoe,  Sha- 
wana  and    Ganaway    Indians;    Smith, 
the  Ganaway  Indian,   and    James    Le 
Tort,   Interpreters. 
The  Governor  spoke  as  follows: 

Friends  and  Brothers:  The  belts 
which  I  lately  received  from  the  Five 
Nations  signify,  that  they  are  one 
people  with  the  English,  and  are 
very  kind  neighbors  and  friends.  They 
invite  me  to  come  to  them  at  Albany, 
and  make  the  chain  between  us  as 
bright  as  the  Sun.  When  they  see 
me  they  will  remember  their  great 
friend  William  Penn,  and  then  our 
hearts  will  be  filled  with  love  and  our 
Councils  with  peace. 

You  say  you  love  me  because  I 
came  from  your  father,  William 
Penn,  to  follow  his  peaceable  ways, 
and  to  fulfill  all  his  kind  promises  to 
the  Indians,  you  call  me  William 
Penn  and  I  am  very  proud  of  the 
name  you  give  me;  but  if  we  have  a 
true  love  for  the  memory  of  William 
Penn,   we   must   now    shew    it   to   his 


famiy  and  to  his  children,  that  are 
grown  up  to  be  men  in  England,  and 
will  soon  come  over  to  represent  him 
here.  Last  time  I  was  with  you  at 
Conestogoe,  you  showed  me  a  parch- 
ment which  you  had  received  from 
William  Penn  containing  many  arti- 
cles of  friendship  between  him  and 
you  and  between  his  children  and 
your  children;  you  then  told  me  he 
desired  you  to  remember  it  well  for 
three  generations,  but  I  hope  you  and 
your  children  will  never  forget  it. 
That  parchment  fully  declared  your 
consent  to  William  Penn's  purchase 
and  right  to  the  lands  on  both  sides 
Sasquehanna;  but  I  find  both  you  and 
we  are  like  to  be  disturbed  by  idle 
people  from  Maryland,  and  also  by 
others  who  have  presumed  to  survey 
lands  on  the  banks  of  Sasquehanna, 
without  any  powers  from  William 
Penn  or  his  children  to  whom  they 
belong,  and  without  so  much  as  ask- 
ing your  consent. 

I  am  therefore  come  to  hold  a 
Council  and  consult  with  you  how  to 
prevent  such  injust  practices  for  the 
future,  and  hereby  we  will  shew  our 
great  love  and  respect  for  William 
Penn's  children  who  inherit  their 
father's  estate  in  this  country,  and 
have  a  just  hight  to  the  hearty  love 
and  friendship  of  all  the  Indians 
promised  to  them  in  many  treaties, 
I  have  fully  considered  this  thing, 
and  if  you  approve  my  thoughts,  I 
will  immediately  cause  to  take  up  a 
large  tract  of  land  on  the  other  side 
of  Sasquehanna  for  the  Grandson  of 
Wiliam  Penn,  who  is  now  a  man  as 
tall  as  I  am;  for  when  the  land  is 
marked  with  his  name  upon  the  trees 
it  will  keep  off  the  Marylanders  and 
every  other  Person  whatsoever  from 
coming  to  settle  near  you  to  disturb 
you,  and  he  bearing  the  same  kind 
heart  to  the  Indians  which  his  Grand- 


275 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU  SQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


father  did,  will  be  glad  to  give  you 
any  part  of  his  land  for  your  own 
use  and  convenience;  but  if  other 
people  take  it  up  they  will  make  set- 
tlements upon  it,  then  it  will  not  be 
in  his  power  to  give  it  to  you  as  you 
want  it. 
My  Dear  Friends  and  Brothers: 

Those  who  have  any  wisdom 
amongst  you  must  see  and  be  coji- 
vinced  that  what  I  now  say  is  entire- 
ly for  your  good,  for  this  will  effec- 
tually hinder  and  prevent  any  person 
from  settling  lands  on  the  other  side 
of  Sasquehannah,  according  to  your 
own  desire,  and  consequently  you 
will  be  secure  from  being  disturbed 
by  ill  neighbors,  and  have  all  that 
land  in  the  same  time  in  your  own 
power  to  make  use  of.  This  will  al- 
so beget  a  true  hearty  love  and 
friendship  between  you,  .your  chil- 
dren, and  the  great  William  Penn's 
grandson,  who  is  now  Lord  of  all 
this  country  in  the  room  of  his 
grandfather.  It  is  therefore  fit  and 
necessary  for  you  to  begin  as  soon  as 
you  can  to  express  your  respect  and 
love  to  him;  he  expects  it  from  you 
according  to  your  promises  in  many 
treaties,  and  he  will  take  it  very 
kindly. 

Consider  them  my  brothers,  that  I 
am  now  giving  you  an  opportunity  to 
speak  your  thoughts  lovingly  and 
freely  unto  this  brave  young  man, 
Mr.  Penn's  grandson;  and  I,  whom 
you  know  to  be  your  true  friend 
will  take  care  to  write  down  your 
words  and  to  send  them  to  England 
to  the  gentlemen,  who  will  return 
you  a  kind  answer,  and  r.o  your 
hearts  will  be  glad  that  the  great 
William  Penn  still  lives  in  his  chil- 
dren to  love  and  serve  the  Indians. 

At  a  Council  held  with  the  Indians 
at    Conestogoe.   June   16th,    1722. 


PRESENT: 
Sir  William  Keith,  Bart,  Govr. 
Colo.      John     French   and     Francis 
Worley,  Esqs. 

The  Chiefs  of  the  Conestogoe, 
Shawana   and   Ganaway    Indians: 

Smith  and  James  LeTort,  Interpre- 
ters. 

The  Indians  spoke  in  answer  by 
Tawenea,   as  follows: 

They  have  considered  of  what  the 
Governor  proposed  to  them  yesterday 
and  think  it  is  matter  of  very  great 
importance  to  them  to  hinder  the 
Marylanders  from  settling  or  taking 
up  lands  so  near  them  upon  Sasque- 
hanna.  They  very  much  approve 
what  the  Governour  spoke  and  like  his 
Council  to  them  very  much,  but  they 
are  not  willing  to  discourse  partic- 
ularly on  the  business  of  land  lest 
the  Five  Nations  may  reproach  or 
blame  them. 

They  declare  again  their  satisfac- 
tion with  all  that  the  Governour  said 
yesterday  to  them  in  Council  and 
although  they  know  that  the  Five  Na- 
tions have  not  any  right  to  these 
lands,  and  that  four  of  the  towns  do 
not  pretend  to  any,  yet  the  fifth  town 
viz:  the  Cayugoes;  are  always  claim- 
ing the  same  right  to  lands  on  Sas- 
quehannah, even  where  they  them- 
selves now  live;  wherefore,  they 
think  it  will  be  a  very  proper  time 
when  the  Governour  goes  to  Albany 
to  settle  that  matter  with  the  Cay- 
ugoes, and  then  all  paties  will  be 
satisfied. 

They  asked  the  Governour  where- 
!  abouts  and  what  quantity  of  land  does 
he  propose  to  survey  for  Mr.  Penn. 
it  answered  from  over  against  the 
mouth  of  Conestogoe  Creek  up  to  the 
Governour's  new  settlement,  and  so 
far  back  from  the  river  as  no  person 
can  come  to  annoy  or  disturb  them 
in  their  towns  on  this  side. 


OTHER   LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


276 


They  proceeded  and  say  that  they 
are  at  this  time  very  apprehensive 
that  the  people  will  come  when  the 
Governour  has  gone  to  Albany  and 
survey  his  land;  wherefore  they 
earnestly  desire  that  the  Governour 
will  immediately  cause  the  surveyor 
to  come  and  lay  out  the  land  for  Mr. 
Penn's  grandson  to  secure  them,  and 
they  doubt  not  but  the  Governour's 
appearance  and  conduct  afterwards  at 
Albany  will  make  all  things  easy 
there. 

Copy  of  the  Governour  of  Pennsyl- 
vania's letter  to  the  Governour  of 
Maryland,  dated  from  Newberry,  on 
Sasquehannah,   June   23d,   1722. 

SIR:  After  I  had  been  here  some 
days  I  set  out  on  Sunday  morning 
last  from  Conestogoe  towards  New 
Castle  by  way  of  Nottingham,  not 
without  some  hopes  of  having  the 
happiness  to  meet  you  about  the 
head  of  the  Bay,  from  whence  I 
daily  expected  to  hear  from  you.  But 
after  I  had  proceeded  twenty  miles 
on  my  journey,  I  received  an  express 
on  the  road  from  two  Magistrates  of 
Pennsylvania,  informing  me  that 
they,  with  some  others,  had  been 
taken  prisoners  by  a  party  of  men 
in  arms  from  Cecil  county,  and  car- 
ried before  the  Justices  of  that 
Court,  who  detained  them  in  custody 
two  days,  and  afterwards  dismissed 
them  upon  a  verbal  promise  to  ap- 
peer  the  next  court.  They  also  ac- 
quainted me  of  their  being  certain- 
ly informed  by  the  Cecil  Magistrates, 
that  a  warrant  was  issued  by  Mr. 
Lloyd  fo  surveying  a  Mannor  to  my 
Lord  Baltimore,  upon  the  banks  of 
the  Susquehanna  above  Conestogoe, 
including  this  settlement  from 
whence  I  now  write,  and  that  an  or- 
der has  been  issued  by  yourself  in 
Council  to  press  Men  and  Horses  for 
that  service,  and  that  they  were  to 
set   out   from    Baltimore    on   Monday, 


[viz:  next  day,  under  the  command  of 
!one  Captain  Dursey  .  Now,  Sir. 
|  though  I  did  not  by  any  means  give 
|  credit  to  all  this  relation,  yet  know- 
ing the  weaknesses  and  former  at- 
tempts of  some  of  your  people  of 
i  whom  I  have  formerly  complained  to 
j  yourself,  who  justly  bear  the  char- 
acter of  land  Pirates,  I  was  resolved 
;to  put  it  out  of  their  power  on  this 
|  occasion  to  embroil  us  by  their  ridic- 
julous  projects,  and  returning  im- 
mediately to  Conestogoe,where  I  in- 
deed had  left  the  Indians  but  two 
days  before,  much  alarmed  with  gen* 
eral  reports,  that  the  Marylanders 
were  coming  to  survey  the  lands 
which  no  reasonable  man  could  then 
believe.  I  now  did,  at  the  earnest 
request  of  the  Indians,  order  a  sur- 
vey to  be  forthwith  made  upon  the 
banks  of  the  Sasquehannah,  right 
against  our  Indian  towns,  and  you 
will  find  the  reasons  I  had  for  it 
more  fully  set  forth  in  a  copy  of  the 
warrant  of  the  survey  herein  enclos- 
ed. As  I  found  this  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  be  done  for  quieting  the  In- 
dians, as  well  as  to  prevent  the  mis- 
chief which  might  happen  upon  any 
of  your  people  presuming  to  en- 
croach upon  what  these  Heathens 
call  their  property;  so  likewise,  it 
appeared  to  me  to  be  the  only  method 
I  could  take  at  this  juncture 
from  preventing  our  own  people 
from  taking  up  or  settling  lands  on 
this  side  to  disturb  or  hamper  the 
Indians  unto  whom  this  Province  is 
bound  by  old  Treaty  to  give  them  a 
full  scope  and  Liberty  in  their  set- 
tlemnts  from  the  Christian  inhabi- 
tants . 

But  that  all  things  of  this  nature 
may  be  carried  on  with  that  open- 
ness of  heart  and  perfect  good  under- 
standing which  I  am  sure  we  both  de- 
sire, and  that  your  own  prudent  mild 
conduct   may   be   strengthened   bjr   all 


277 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU SQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


the  arguments  I  can  furnish  you  for  !  ened  out  so  no  trouble  will  occur. 


putting  a  just     restraint     upon     that 
Covetous  and  most  licentious  Humor, 
with    which   you    see   we    are    contin- 
ually  plagued,   I   thought   it  my  duty 
without    delay    to    acquaint    you      by 
express  with  all  that  has  been  done 
here  with  the  reasons  at  large. 
Perhaps  some  ignorant,  or  I  should 
rather  say  designing  people,  will  en- 
deavor to   perswade     you     that     this 
place  is  upon  the  Border     of     Mary- 
land;   Whereas    in    truth,    there    can- 
not be   a   clearer     demonstration     in 
anything    of    that    nature,    that    it    is 
about   twelve   miles     to     the     North- 
ward of  Philadelphia,  and  I  am  sure 
I  need  not  say  any  more  to  convince  I 
you  that  at  least  I  have  good  reasons  j 
to  insist  upon  it     being     within     the  j 
limits   of   this    province,   without     all  ! 
manner   of  dispute. 
My  fatigue  in  the  woods  has  brought 
a    small    fever    upon    me    which    an 
ounce  of  bark  has  pretty  much  abat- 
ed,  so   that   tomorrow    I    shall    return 
home  by  slow     journey     directly     to 
Philadelphia,   where    I   should   rejoice 
to  see  you     once     more     but     in     all 
places  and  at  all  times  I     shall     be, 
while  living  most  faithfully,   etc. 
1722— The    Cayugas    Claim     Land    at 
Conestoga,  Formerly  Sold  to 
William  Peim. 
In   Vol.    3   of   the   Col.    Rec ,    p.    182, 
as    shown    in    the    above    item,    the 
Cayuga     Tndias     had    told    the    Con 


1722— Location   of   the   Conestoga   In- 
diantown  and  Fort. 

By     reverting     to     the    survey    of 
Springetsbury  Manor  which  extended 
15  miles  Nortward  from  the  mouth  of 
j  the    Conestoga    creek,    we    are    given 
j  another   view   of   the   location   of    the 
j  Conestoga    Indiantown,    for    in   Vol.    3 
j  of  the   Col.   Rec,   p.    183,   it   is   stated 
that  the  Indiantowns  are  right  oppo- 
site this  tract  of  land,  to  be  surveyed 
across  the  Susquehanna  river. 
1722— A     Delegation      of     Conestogas 
Go  to   Philadelphia. 
In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  189,  it 
is  set  forth  that  the  Indians  of  Cone- 
stoga go  to  Philadelphia  to  attend  to 
important  business.     The  language  is 
i  as  follows: 

"Satseechoe,  the  Messenger,  who  in 

\  the   beginning   of   last  May   was    sent 

the  second  time  to  the  Five  Nations. 

being  returned   from   thence,   and   ac- 

:  companied   to   town   from   Conestogoe 

;  with  Captain   Civility,   Tehanoote   and 

Diohanse,    the    Governour     appointed 

,  him  a  public  audience,  wherein  by  the 

|  interpretation    of    Civility     from     the 

|  Mingoe     into     the     Delaware     Indian 

|  tongue,   and  of  Alice  Kirk    (who  was 

first   sworn   to   interpret   truly,)    from 

that    into    the    English.     He    reported 

as  follows: 

That  the  people  of  the  Five  Nations 
wanted  provisions  so  much,  and  were 


stogas  that  certain  lands  round  about  !  S°  busily  eml3l°yed  in  looking  out  for 
Suspuehanna  belonged  to  them  and  j  f°°d  that  the  Chiefs  had  not  time  to 
that  Penn  had  not  bought  it;  that  i  meet  and  °pen  the  Presenta  sent  them 
the  Conestogas  say  that  they'  know  !  by  the  Govern.our;  that  he  carried 
the  Five  Nations  have  no  right  to  i  them  alt°gether  to  the  house  of  the 
those  lands  and  that  four  of  the  Five  King  on  the  river  where  tne  Messeng- 
Nations  are  satisfied  but  the  Cayugas    3r   WaS   born     (viz:     the    Cayoogoes), 


claim  rights  to  lands  and  even  to 
those  where  the  Conestogas  now  live; 
and  the  Conestogas  now  ask  t1? 
Governor  to  get  this  matter  straight- 


where   he    left   them,   and    when   they 

have   leisure     from     providing    them- 

I  selves    with    victuals    they    will    meet 

I  together    and    open    them;    that    these 


OTHER   LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


27$ 


presents  are  all  put  together  with 
those  sent  by  the  Governour  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  the  Golden  Medal  sent  by 
the  Governour  until  our  Governour 
and  the  Governour  of  Virginia  come 
to  Albany,  to  which  place  they  desire 
the  Governour  and  James  Logan  to 
come." 

1722— The  Conestoga  Indians  and  the 

Five  Nation?  Want  the  Cart- 

lidges  Pardoned. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  189,  it 
Is  stated  that  the  Indian  delegation 
from  Conestoga  including  some  of  the 
Five  Nations  reported  to  Council, 
"that  they  were  glad  the  Governour 
sent  them  a  Letter  for  that  was  like 
two  tongue,  and  confirmed  what  the 
Messenger  said  to  them.  The  great 
King  of  the  Five  Nations  is  sorry  for 
the  Death  of  the  Indian  that  was 
killed,  for  he  was  his  own  flesh  and 
blood  he  believes  that  the  Governour 
is  also  sorry,  but  now  that  it  is  done 
there  is  no  help  for  it  and  he  desires 
that  John  Cartlidge  may  not  be  put 
to  death  for  it  nor  that  the  Governour 
should  be  angry  and  spare  him  for 
some  ime  and  put  him  to  death  after- 
wards; one  life  is  enough  to  be  lost, 
there  should  not  two  die.  The  King's 
heart  is  good  to  the  Governour  and  all 
the  English.  One  stuck  a  gentleman 
with  a  knife  at  Albany  and  they  were 
sorry  for  it,  but  it  was  made  up  and 
nobody  put  to  death  for  it.  So  they 
desire  John  Cartlidge  may  not  die  for 
this,  they  would  not  have  him  killed. 
John  Cartlidge  has  been  a  long  time 
bound,  and  they  desire  that  he  may 
be  bound  no  longer.  When  the  Gov- 
ernour comes  to  Albany,  they  will 
take  him  by  the  hand  and  their  hearts 
shall  be  joined  as  their  hands  to- 
gether. The  Governours  of  New  York, 
of  Virginia  and  New  England  are  to 
be    here.     The    Indians    will    all    meet 


and    all    will    be    made    up    when    the 

Governour     comes     to    Albany.       The 

Governour  of  New   England  has   sent 

them    great    presents    of   Match    Coat, 

thirty  bundles  of   goods   all   tyed   up, 

and  they  are  not  yet  opened.       When 

the    Governours    come    altogether     to 

Albany,     they    will    open    and    divide 

them.     The  Five  Nations  will  be  glad 

to  see  the  Governours,  they  have  been 

busy    getting   victuals    as    fish  out    of 

the    River   and   some     vension     from 

the  woods,   but     now     Squashes    and 

Pompions  are  come  they  will  be  able 

to  travel.     Their  King  is  an  old  man 

and   could  not  come   thither;    he   can 

not  travel  as  a  young  man,  but  he  will 

come  to  Albany  to  see  the  Governour 

]  there,  who  he  hopes  will  come  in  ten 

|  days.       They  desire  that  Satcheechoe 

j  may  come  hither  with  the  Governour." 

j  1722— The  Five  Nations  Surrender  All 

the  Conestoga  Land. 

At  a  treaty  held  at  Albany  in  1722, 

I  the  Five  Nations  said,  "Brother  Onas : 

those    lands    about   Conestogoe    which 

|  we    now    freely   surrender   to   you    ali 

I  the  Five  Nations  have  claimed,  and  it 

:  is  our  desire  that  the   same  may    be 

|  settled     with     Christians,     in     token 

!  whereof    we    give    you    this    string    of 

|  wampum,"   (See  3  Col.  Rec,  p.  201). 

To    this    Governour    Keith     replied. 
|  (p.  202)   "Brethren:     You    know    very 
I  well  that  the  lands  about  Conestogoe 
j  upon   the   River   Sasquehanna,   belong 
to  your  old  friend  and  Kind  Brother 
!  William      Penn,     nevertheless,     I     do 
I  here,   in   his    name,   kindly    accept    of 
j  the    offer    and    surrender,    which    you 
jhave  now  made  to  me  because  it  will 
put   an   end   to   all   other   claims    and 
disputes  if  any  should  be  made  here- 
after." 

1722— Governor  Spotswood  of  Virginia 

Intends  Holding  a  Treaty  at 

Conestoga, 

In  Vol.3   of  the  Col.   Rec,  p.  202,  it 
is    stated    that,    "The    Secretary    com- 


279 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU  SQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


municated  to  the  Board  a  Letter  he 
had   received   from   the   Governour   of 

this  Province,  dated  Albany  the  

instant,  informing  him  that  Colonel 
Spotswood,  Governour  of  Virginia, 
then  with  him  at  Albany,  had  resloved 
on  his  return  homeward  to  hold  a 
treaty  with  our  Indians  at  Conesto- 
goe,  whither  our  Governour  designed 
to  accompany  him,  and  therefore  de- 
sires the  Secretary  to  give  notice  by 
James  Le  Tort  and  Smith,  the  Gana- 
wese  Indian,  to  the  Chiefs  of  the 
Four  Nations  of  Indians  settled  upon 
Sasquehanna  River,  viz:  The  Mingoes 
or  Conestogoe  Indians;  the  Shawa- 
nese,  the  Ganawese  and  the  Delawares 
to  be  ready  to  meet  Colonel  Spots- 
wood  and  him  at  Conestogoe  in  the 
beginning  of  October;  but  James  Le 
Tort  and  Smith,  the  Indian  not  being 
returned  from  Albany  as  the  Govern- 
our expected,  the  said  direction  of  the 
Governour's  is  at  present  imprac- 
ticable. And  further  this  Board  is  of 
opinion,  that  they  can  not  concur  in 
directing  our  Indians  to  meet  the 
Governour  of  Virginia  at  Conestogoe, 
until  this  Government  is  acquainted 
with  the  end  and  Design  of  the  said 
meeting." 

This  desire  of  Colonel  Spotswood 
to  hold  a  treaty  at  Conestogoe  was 
not  received  well  by  the  Council  of 
Pennsylvania  (3  Col.  Rec,  p.  206.) 
The  members  in  Council  differed  very 
much  on  this  matter  and  they  decided 
to  put  the  decision  off  for  a  while, 
and  finally  after  the  Council  broke  up 
the  Governour  found  most  of  the 
members  to  be  of  a  different  opinion 
from  him  on  the  subject  of  Spots- 
wood's  intended  treaty  with  our  In- 
dians. The  result  was  that  the  Gov- 
ernor sent  Spotswood  a  communica- 
tion saying  that  he  himself  approved 
of  the  treaty  and  wanted  the  intimacy 
between   the    Five    Nations    and    the 


Susquehannas  made  stronger  but  that 

the  Council  opposed.       The  Governor 

then  suggested  that  the  best  thing  to 

be    done    would    be     that     Governor 

Keith  would  either  wait  on  Governor 

|  Spotswood   at  Conestoga,  where   Gov- 

|  ernor  had  appointed  the  Chiefs  of  the 

I  Indians    to    meet    Spotswood,    or    that 

j  he,   Governor  Keith,   would  communi- 

l  cate   to   the    Indians   whatever   Spots- 

|  wood  wished   to    have    done,     (See    3 

|  Col.  Rec,  p.  207). 

Spotswood  replied  that  he  was  very 
much  surprised  at  the  decision  of  the 
Council  and  from  the  tone  of  the 
letter  he  was  very  much  disappointed. 
(See  3  Col.  Rec,  p.  208). 
1722— A  Message  to  the  Conestogas, 
Delawares,  Shawanese  and 
Ganawese. 
The  Governor  and  the  Council  after 
the  Albany  treaty  sent  to  the  above 
named  Indians  a  message  and  told 
them  that  a  more  firm  League  of 
Peace  was  now  made.  Keith  also 
told  them  that  he  hoped  that  he  and 
I  Spotswood  would  meet  them ;  and  that 
at  the  Albany  treaty  the  Five  Nations 
agreed  the  Conestogas,  Shawanese 
and  the  other  eight  tribes  under  them 
would  be  kept  from  harm;  and  the 
Five  Nations  also  agreed  that  neither 
they  or  the  Conestogas  shall  harbor 
any  negroes  and  that  all  negro  slaves 
found  in  the  woods  would  be  returned 
to  the  owners. 

1722 — The   Conestoga   and    Shawanese 
Indians  Send  an  Answer  to 
Council. 
In  Vol.   3   of  the  Col.   Rec,   p.   215, 
the     reply     of    the    Conestogas     and 
Shawanese  is  given  as  follows: 
"The  Governor  not  having  sufficient 
time,     at    the    last    meeting    of    the 
Council   to   lay   before   the   Board   the 
answer  he  had  received  from  the  In- 
dians   at    Conestogoe,    by    James     Le 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


280 


Tort,  to  the  message  sent  them  from 
himself  and  the  Board,  the  11th  of 
October  last,  now  orders  the  same  to 
be  read,  and  is  in  these  words. 

Conestogoe,  Oct.  18th,  1722. 

The  Indian  Speech  to  his  Excel- 
lency Sir  William  Keith,  Bart.,  Gov- 
ernour  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, and  his  Honorable  Council  at 
Philadelphia. 
Brethren : 

We  have  heard  a  relation  of  the 
Governour's  proceedings  at  Albany, 
interpreted  by  James  Le  Tort,  and 
are  very  glad  for  his  safe  return,  as 
also  of  the  Governour  of  Virginia  and 
his  proceedings,  from  which  we  have 
a  small  dread  upon  us,  but  we  being 
here  had  not  the  opportunity  to  know 
what  was  acted. 

The  last  time  the  Governour  was 
here,  we  were  in  hopes  he  would 
clear  all  misunderstanding. 

We  are  very  thankful  for  the 
Governour's  care  in  letting  us  know 
the  law  with  respect  to  Virginia, 
and  will  take  care  to  acquaint  the 
others  and  take  care  to  observe  as 
directed  by  the  Treaty,  which  is  en- 
gaged on  our  parts. 

We  are  thankful  for  the  Belt  of 
Wampum  sent  by  the  Governour  in 
confirming  the  law,  and  acquainting 
us  of  the  strictness  of  its  ties. 

We  are  troubled  in  mind  of  being 
stopped  for  fear  of  some  evil  conse- 
quences to  happen  thereby.  Notwith- 
standing, we  say,  as  the  three  Gov- 
ernours  agreeing  with  the  Five 
Nations  on  it,  we  are  satisfied. 

We  were  in  hopes  there  should 
have  been  free  liberty  to  pass  and 
repass,  but  as  it  is  agreed  otherwise, 
we  will  observe. 

We  likewise,  the  Chiefs  of  the 
Conestogoes,  Connays,  Delawares  and 
Shawannoes,  sent  this  belt  of  Wam- 
pum to  the  Governour  and  Council  to 


!  Confirm  our  speech,  consent  and  ap- 
|  probation,  and  thankfully  acknowl- 
;  edging  the  Governour's  care  for  and 
|  on  our  behalf  at  the  Treaty  at 
I  Albany,  and  in  the  Spring  our  chiefs 
J  will  pay  a  visit  to  your  Excellency 
I  and  Honorable  Council  at  Philadel- 
!  phia. 

An  answer  also  from  the  Shawana 
King  in  answer  to  that  part  of  the 
message  relating  to  the  fugitive 
Negroes  from  Virginia,  were  read  in 
these  words: 

Conestogoe,   Oct.    18th,    1722. 
Prom    the    Shawanna    King    to     his 
!  Excellency    Sir    William    Keith,    Bart, 
i  Governour  of   the   Province   of   Penn- 
sylvania, 

These  are  to  acquaint  your  brother 
concerning  these     Negro   Slaves     be- 
longing    to     Virginia,     now     at     or 
|  amongst   the    Shawannoes    at    Opper- 
I  tus.     I    will    go    myself    and   take    as- 
sistance where   they   are   not   exceed- 
ing the  number  10   as   directed.     And 
as    soon    in    the   Spring   as   the    Bark 
will  run,  we  will  lose  no  time  to  per- 
I  form    the    taking    of    them    according 
to  direction,  for  now  they  are  abroad 
I  a    hunting,    so    it    can    be    done    no 
i  sooner;   besides,  there  will  be  Hazard 
|  in    Seizing    them    for    they    are     well 
I  armed,    but    we    must    take    them    by 
guile. 

I  am  your  Excellency's  most 
humble  Servant, 

THE    SHAWANNA    KING. 

1722  — Chester       County      Complains 

Against  the  Rum  Selling  at 

Conestoga. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Votes  of  Assembly, 
p.  312,  it  is  set  forth  that  Chester 
County  filed  a  petition,  asking  that 
rum  selling  among  the  whites  and 
Conestoga   Indians   shall   be   stopped. 


281 


ANNALS  OF   THE  SU  SQUFHANNOCKS   AND 


r  722— The    Assembly    Take 
Interest  in  the  Cartlidge  Murder. 


Great  |  phia  treaty.     This  time  seemed  to  be 

i  a  season  of  hardships  much  of  which 

|  is     made     apparently     by     Governor 

In  Vol.   2  of  the  Votes  of  the   As-  j  Keith>s    treaty    at   Conestoga   of   June 

sembly,    p.    310,    the    Assembly    asked  ,15th  and  mh    1722?   (See  Co|    Rec  p 

the  Governor  to  find  out  all  the  facts  \  isiy 

concerning    this    killing    near    Cone- 1 17ffl^_TlM)     Shawanese    and     Connoys 


stoga,  and  on  p.  213  the  Assembly 
ordered  an  address  to  be  drawn  up 
and  sent  to  the  Governor  on  that 
same  affair.  This  address  is  found, 
p.  314,  and  is  very  strong,  setting 
forth  the  necessity  of  condemning  to 
condign  punishment  those  who  killed 
the  Indian  back  of  Conestoga.  This 
petition  is  signed  by  a  great  number 
of  inhabitants.  The  Assembly  also 
demands  the  re-arrest  of  the  Cart- 
lidges  for  the  killing  the  Seneca  In- 
dian near  Conestoga,  (See  p.  318) ; 
and  they  also  vote  50  Pounds  to  in- 
vestigate the  killing,  (See  p.  321) ; 
and  further  they  grant  100  Pounds  to 
Governor  Keith  to  go  to  Albany 
treaty  to  help  to  straighten  out  the 
affair  with  the  Five  Nations,   (See   p. 


Go  to  Philadelphia  to  Fay 
Tribute  to  the  Five 
Nations. 
In   Vol.   3   of  the   Col.   Rec,  p.  187, 
is  set  forth  that  the  Connoys  and  the 
Shawanese  are  going  from  Connoy  to 
the   Five   Nations  to   pay   tribute   and 
further  that  they  have  captured  some 
negro   slaves  from  Virginia   and   now 
keep   them     prisoners    among     them- 
selves,   (See  3  Col.   Rec,  p.  206).     At 
this  time  they  were  living  on  the  Po- 
i  tomac     and  had  negro  slaves     living 
!  among  them,  (See  3  Col.  Rec,  p.  211). 

1722 — Governor  Keith   Holds  a  Coun- 
cil With  the  Gauawese. 

In  Vol.   3   of   the  Col.  Rec,   p.   181. 


327);    so   that  the   whole   cost  of  the    it  is  set  forth  that  in  addition  to  the 
Governor's  party  going  to  Albany  and    other  tribes  of  Indians,  the  Ganawese 


all    the     costs    growing    out    of 
murder     at    Conestoga     reached 


the  j  were    living    about    Susquehanna    and 
UP"    Conestoga     and     that     they     made    a 


wards  of    300  Pounds,    a    very    large  j  treaty    with    the    rest    of  the  Indians 

and  Governor  Kieth. 
1772 — The     Warrant    for     Springets- 

bury  3Ianor  Signed  at  Conestoga. 

In  Vol.  4  of  Haz.  Reg.,  p254,  it  is 
stated  that  the  warrant  for  the 
Manor  of  Springetsburg,  which  we 
have  before  spoken  of  was  signed 
and  dated  at  Conestoga. 
1722— The  Old  Parchment  Treaty,  of 
1682  Shown  by  the  Conestoga 
Indians  to  Geoveror  Keith. 

Gordon  in  his  History  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, p.  603  says  that  in  1722  at  the 
Treaty  held  at  Conestoga  by  Gover- 
nor Keith,  that  the  Indians  there 
showed   him  the    original    parchment 


sum,  which  shows  the  great  import- 
ance that  the  Governor  attached  to 
the  unfortunate  killing.  We  must 
remember  that  the  sum  of  300  Pounds 
is  the  same  that  was  voted  to  Lan- 
caster County  afterwards  to  build  a 
Court  House  and  from  this  we  can 
judge  what  it  meant  to  vote  300 
Pounds  to  investigate  an  Indian  mur- 
der. 

1722 — Great  Hardships  Among  the 
Shawana  Indians. 
In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  164, 
we  are  told  that  there  was  a  great 
deal  of  hardship  and  suffering  among 
the  Shawanese  Indians,  so  much  so 
that  they  cannot  go  to  the  Philadel- 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


282 


and  treaty  which  William  Penn  had 
signed  and  delivered  to  them  forty 
years  before,  that  is  the  Great  Treaty 
of  1682. 

1723— The  Conestogas  Say  They  Will 
Never  Forget  William  Penn. 

In  one  of  the  articles  last  cited  we 
observed  that  the  Conestogas  and 
Shawanese  sent  messages  to  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  in  them  they  made  the 
statement  that  they  will  not  forget 
William  Penn,  since  he  held  the  great 
treaty  with  them.  I  cite  this  simply 
because  it  seems  to  prove  that  they 
were   present   at   the   great  traty. 

1723 — The    Siiquehanna    Indian  Tribes 

Send  a  Message  to  Philadelphia 

by  Delegates 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec ,  p.  216, 
the  Governor  makes  known  to  the 
Council  certain  communications  he 
has  had  from  the  Indians  on  the 
Susquehanna  and  Conestoga.  The 
account  is  set  forth  as  follows: 

"Then  he  communicated  to  the 
Board  the  speech  of  Whiwhinjac, 
King  of  the  Ganawese  Indians  deliv- 
ered to  the  Governor  (w*he:i  there 
was  not  a  sufficient  number  of  coun- 
sellors to  make  a  Quorum)  by  Civil- 
ity, in  the  name  of  the  said  Whiwhin- 
jac, and  of  his  and  all  the  other  three 
nations  of  Indians  upon  Susquehan- 
na, viz:  the  Conestogoes,  Delawares 
and  Shawanese,  at  the  Court  House, 
May  the  18th,  and  rendered  English 
by  Ezekiel  Harlan,  Interpreter,which 
was  read   and  is  as  follows: 

They  rejoice  that  there  is  a  Gov- 
ernor here  from  England  that  loves 
the  Indians  as  William  Penn  did. 

They  remembered  that  William 
Penn  did  not  approve  of  the  methods 
of  treating  the  Indians  as  Children, 
or  Brethren  by  joining  Hands,  for  in 
all  these  cases,  accidents  may  happen 
to  break  or  weaken  the  tyes  of 
Friendship.     But   William   Penn   said, 


we  must  all  be  one  half  Indian  and 
the  other  half  English,  being  as  one 
flesh  and  one  blood  under  one  Head. 
William  Penn  often  spoke  to  them 
and  desired  the  Indians  might  heark 
to  what  he  said,  and  after  three  gen- 
erations were  passed,  and  the  People 
gone  who  heard  these  words,  he  de- 
sired that  the  writing  which  he  left 
with  them  might  be  read  to  the 
fourth  generation  that  they  might 
know  it  was  the  sense  of  the  words 
of  their  grandfathers. 

William  Penn  knew  the  Indians  to 
be  a  discerning  people,  that  had 
eyes  to  see  afar  off,  and  ears  to 
hearken  unto  and  discover  any  ap- 
proaching danger,  and  he  ever  looked 
upon  them   as   his   brethren. 

William  Penn  told  them  that  he 
perceived  that  the  Indians  delighted 
coo  much  in  going  to  war,  but  he  ad- 
vised them  to  peace,  for  if  they  went 
abroad  to  war  they  thereby  provoke 
other  Nations  to  come  and  destroy 
them. 

We  would  not  in  that  case  give 
them  countenance  or  any  assistance, 
but  if  they  lived  at  home  in  peace 
and  minded  their  hunting  he  would 
not  only  take  care  of  their  goods  and 
families  to  protect  them  but  would 
also  furnish  them  with  powder  and 
lead  to  defend  themselves  against 
those  who  might  come  to  war  upon 
t*hem. 

It  was   agreed     both     by     William 
Penn  and  the  Indians,  that  if   \t  should 
happen    at    any    time    that    either    of 
them  did  forget  the  strict  League   of 
Friendship  then  made   between  them, 
the   party   who   faithfully     kept     and 
remembered     the       Covenant      chain 
should  take  the   other,   who   had   for- 
got,  gently   as   it  were  by  the   shoul- 
!  der  and  put  him  in  mind  of  it  again. 
As  the  Governor  went  last  year  to 
I  Albany  to  make  a  firm  peace  with  the 
'  Five  Nations,   and  to   bury   the   blood 


2S3 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU  SQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


of  an  Indian  that  had  been  spilt  by 
the  English,  Whiwhinjac,  the  Gana- 
wese  King,  here  present,  is  coming  in 
the  name  of  all  the  four  Nations  of 
Indians,  upon  Sasquehanna,  viz:  The 
Ganawese,  Shawannoes,  Conestogoes 
and  Delawares,  to  desire  that  the 
same  blood  may  not  be  buried  but 
washed  away  as  it  were  by  a  swift 
running  stream  of  water  never  more 
to  be  seen  or  heard  of  again,  and 
they  further  desire  the  Governor  to 
believe  that  as  they  are  one  flesh 
with  the  English,  they  look  upon 
themselves  to  be  equally  concerned 
with  them  in  accidents  of  that  Na- 
ture. 

They  desire  the  Government  may 
keep  this  treaty  in  remembrance,  so 
as  that  no  clouds  of  any  kind  may  a- 
rise  to  obscure  it,  but  that  it  may  re- 
main bright  and  lasting  as  the  Sun, 
and  they  desire  that  the  Settlers  and 
young  men  near  Conestogoe  snd  their 
other  towns,  may  be  directed  to  treat 
them  with  kindness  and  respect  like 
Brethren. 

They  also  .desire  that  the  English 
may  not  be  suffered  to  straiten  or 
pinch  the  Ganawese  or  Shawannoes 
to  make  them  remove  further  off,  but 
to  consider  them  as  Brethren,  for 
they  have  heard  some  words  to  this 
purpose  which  they  do  not  care  to 
mention. 

They  are  glad  to  find  the  English 
continue  to  send  their  young  men 
with  Goods  amongst  them,  and  they 
acknowledge  that  the  Traders  are 
now  very  civil  and  kind  to  them, 
whereby  they  eat  their  victuals  with- 
out fear  and  have  a  true  relish  of 
them. 

The  Shawannoes,  Ganawese,  Con- 
estogoes and  Delawares  shall  never 
forget  the  words  of  William  Penn, 
but  that  since  that  treaty  was  made 
between  them  and  him,  they  do  not 
find  that  we  have  been  so  careful  to 
come  as  often  to  renew  it  with  the 
Conestogoe,  as  they  have  been  to 
come  to  us  at  Philadelphia. 


They  then  said  Indians  both  old 
and  young  do  return  the  Governour 
their  hearty  thanks  for  his  care  last 
year  in  sending  Corn  and  Biscuit  to 
their  families  when  they  wanted  it 
very  much. 

Having  finished  what  they  had  to 
say,  Whiwhinjac,  in  the  name  and  on 
behalf  of  all  the  Indians  makes  a 
present  to  the  Governour  of  200 
Skins. 

The  young  men  of  the  Ganaway 
town,  in  behalf,  of  all  their  people 
say  by  way  of  complaint,  that  they 
have   suffered   many   grievances. 

Then  the  Governour's  answer  to 
the  Indians,  which  he  was  about  to 
deliver,  was  read  and  approved. 

It  was     then     considered     by     the 
Board   what  presents   should   be     re- 
turned  to   the   Indians,     and     agreed 
to  be   as  follows:    A  Barrel   of  Pow- 
i  der,  twelve  gallons  of  rum,  300  lb.  of 
!  Biscuit,  one  groce  of  pipes,  20   lb   of 
Tobacco,   15  Stroud  Match  Coats,     15 
j  Blankets,   5   pair   of  shoes   and   buck- 
I  les,   5    pair   of   stockings,    150    lb      of 
\  lead  and  meat  to  the  value  of  twenty 
shillings." 

1723 — Upper     Shawanese     Send     An- 
other Message  to  Phialdelphia 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  219, 
there  is  mentioned  a  letter  from  Jas. 
Mitchell,  Justice  of  the  Peac<3,  direct- 
ed to  the  Governor,  dated  Donegal, 
April  25th,  1723,  containing  an  ad- 
dress from  Ocowellos'  King  of  the 
|  Upper  Shawanese,  to  which  the 
Board  agreed  to  make  the  following 
answer: 

"In    answer   to   the   Message     from 

the  Upper  Shawanese  on  Sasquehan- 

nah,  mentioning  their  past  visits,and 

another  shortly  intended  to  the  Gov- 

i  ernor  of  Canada,  whom     they     think 

fitt  to  call  their  father.     The  Gover- 

j  nour  and  Council  say,  that     William 

;  Penn's  people  in   this  country,  are    by 

i  treaties  united  to  all   the   Indians  as 


OTHER   LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


284 


in  one  body;  but  the  French  and  Eng- 
lish are  two  distinct  people,  as  the 
long  wars  that  have  been  between 
the  English  and  them  fully  show. 
Now  no  Indians  that  are  united  with 
us  can  be  joined  to  them,  because 
that  would  divide  the  same  body  into 
two   parts    and   utterly   destroy    it. 

The  Governour  and  Council  there- 
fore, can  not  agree  that  any  of  our 
Brethren  should  be  joined  in  League 
to  any  other  Nation  or  People  than  to 
the  subjects  of  our  great  King  George 
who  is  the  head  of  all  the  English 
and  their  Brethren.  If  these  Indians 
are  united  to  us,  we  shall  desire  their 
company  and  that  they  may  live 
with  us  as  Brethren  in  peace  and 
love  as  all  our  other  Brethren  have 
hitherto  done  and  ever  must  do  with 
us. 

The  Governour  at  request  send 
them  Five  Gallons  of  Rum  to  clear 
their  hearts  at  hearing  of  these  his 
words,  and  one  Strowd  Match  Coat 
to  confirm  them. 

The  Board   agreed  to  meet  the   In- 
dians   at    the   Court   Hause   the    same 
afternoon   and  accordingly, 
P.   M.   PRESENT: 

The  Honourable  the  Governour  and 
same  members  as  in  the  afternoon, 
sundry  gentlemen  and  many  other 
people. 

Whiwhinjac,  Civility,  sundry  chiefs 
and  other   Indians. 

Ezekiel  Harlan  and  Indian  Smith, 
Interpreters. 

The  Governour  answered  Whihin- 
jac's  speech  of  the  18th  instant,  as 
follows: 

Brethren:  You  know  that  I  came 
from  William  Penn  to  fulfill  his  kind 
words  to  the  Indians,  and  to  be  as  a 
father  to  them  now,  since  he  is  gone. 

It  is  also  the  orders  and  Command 
of  the  Great  King  George  my  Mas- 
ter, that  the  English  and  the  Indians 
should  live  together  as  Brethren  in 
one  family. 


If   any    of    us    therefore    happen    to 

be  sick  or  in  want  of  food  the  other 

should  help  him,  and  when  any  loss 

or  misfortune  befalls  either  the  Eng- 

j  lish  or  the  Indians,  the  other  is  sorry 

i  and  in  grief  for  it. 

You  say  William  Penn  knew  you 
I  to  be  a  discerning  people  that 
;  could  hear  and  see  afar  off,  and  I 
|  say  you  know  the  English  to  be  a 
i  faithful  good  people  who  always 
I  keep  their  treaties  and  Leagues  pun- 
■  ctually  with  the  Indians  and  you  also 
j  know  that  our  laws  make  no  distinc- 
I  tion  between  our   people  and  yours. 

We  being  thus  linked  together  in 
one  Family  ,we  ought  always  but  to 
have  one  Council  and  so  be  of  one 
mind,  and  therefore  we  can  not  suf- 
fer one  half  to  go  to  War  while  the 
other   remains  at  home  in   Peace. 

When  any  people  are  divided  in 
their  Councils  and  opinions,  they 
grow  weak  and  soon  become  a  prey 
to  their  enemies. 

In  such  cases  you  know  it  is  the 
constant  practice  amongst  your 
people  to  consult  together  in  Coun- 
cil until  the  old  and  wise  men  over- 
come and  convince  the  weaker  heads 
of  the  young  and  foolish. 

Just  so  ought  you  to  do  with  us, 
because  we  are  altogether  one  people ; 
and  then  the  family  become  strong 
in  love,  Peace  and  Friendship  to  each 
other. 

Remember  that  this  is  the  bright 
chain  of  Love  and  Friendship  where- 
with William  Penn  bound  your 
people  and  his  together,  nevermore 
to  be  separated.  By  this  Chain 
Philadelphia  is  joined  to  Conestogoe. 
and  all  the  Indian  towns  upon  Sus- 
quehannah. 

By  laying  our  hands  as  it  were  on 
this  chain,  we  can  safely  travel  by 
night  or  by  day  through  all  your 
towns,  and  into  the  woods,  and  in 
like  manner  your  people  are  hereby 
conducted  safely  through  all  our 
settlements  back  again  to  us  at 
Philadelphia. 


285 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU  SQUEHANNOCKS  AND1 


You  must  know  and  remember  that 
it  is  my  proper  office  and  business 
as  Governour  of  the  whole  countrey 
to  keep  this  chain  perfectly  clean 
and  free  from  the  least  speck  of  rust. 

You  therefore  Whiwhinjac,  King  of 
the  Ganawese  who  have  now  spoke 
to  me  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of 
the  four  Nations  of  Indians  upon 
Susquehannah  must  remember  that 
I  am  now  going  to  say  and  tell  the 
other  chiefs  of  these  nations  that  I 
expect  you  and  they  being  frequently 
in  Council  together  with  your  old 
and  wise  men  will  be  exceedingly 
careful  to  keep  the  End  of  the  Chain 
towards  your  own  settlements  al- 
woys  bright  and  clean,  and  you  may 
assure  all  your  people  that  as  often 
as  any  of  them  have  occasion  to 
come  down  to  visit  their  Brethren 
the  English  here,  they  shall  not  find 
the  least  spot  on  this  end  of  the 
chain  fastened  here,  which  is  always 
in  my  view  and  shall  be  my  particu- 
lar care. 

The  dead  body  of  our  Indian  broth- 
er whom  you  mention  was  covered 
by  me  at  Albany  in  the  sight  of  all 
the  Chiefs  of  the  Five  Nations  and 
to  the  satisfaction  of  the  kindred; 
nevertheless  I  take  it  very  kindly 
that  you  now  desire  the  blood  may  be 
washed  away  under  the  ground  never 
more  to  be  seen  or  heard  of.  This 
shows  that  you  are  truly  onr  Breth- 
ren, and  hereupon  I  embrace  and  as 
it  were  take  into  my  arms  you  and 
all  your  people. 

I  will  take  care  that  no  English 
Settlements  shall  hereafter  be  made 
too  near  your  towns  to  disturb  you, 
so  that  the  Shawanoes  and  Ganawese, 
may  remain  in  peace  where  they  now 
are,  for  we  are  well  pleased  with 
them  as  neighbors  and  do  not  desire 
to  see  them  remove  further  from  us. 
But  as  I  have  always  been  ready  to 
hear  your   complaints    and   take   care 


of  you  as  my  own  children,  so  I  must 
also  do  by  the  English;  wherefore  I 
desire  you  will  be  mindful  to  treat 
them  like  Brethren  of  the  same 
Family  and  do  not  suffer  your  young 
people  with  their  dogs  and  arrows  to 
hunt  and  kill  their  Creatures. 

I  give  you  these  things  here  before 
you  to  confirm  what  I  have  said,  viz: 
the  presents  before  mentioned. 

I  have  also  ordered  some  piovisions 
and  gallons  of  rum  to  help  you  back 
to  your  families,  and  I  heartily  wish 
you  a  good  journey  home  to  Cone- 
stoga,  which  was  done: — 

Civility,  the  Intrepreter,  told  the 
Governour  he  had  something  to  say, 
which  was, — 

The  Indians  well  approve  of  all  the 
Governour  has  said  except  where  he 
told  them  that  the  English  Law  made 
no  difference  between  the  English 
and  the  Indians,  for  they  should  not 
like  upon  an  Indian  committing  a 
fault,  that  he  should  be  imprisoned, 
as  they  had  seen  some  Englishmen 
were. 

To  which  the  Governour  answered. 

That  they  misapprehended  the 
meaning,  which  was,  that  if  any  Eng- 
lishman did  injury  to  an  Indian  he 
should  suffer  the  same  punishment  as 
if  he  had  done  it  to  an  Englishman. 
But  if  an  Indian  committed  robbery 
or  such  like  crime  against  the  Eng- 
lish, he  would  acquaint  their  chief 
with  it  and  from  him  expect  ratisfac- 
tion. 

Then  Civility  told  the  Governour 
that*  they  looked  upon  it  as  a  great 
hardship  for  them  to  be  confined 
from  hunting  on  the  other  side  of 
Potowmick,  for  that  in  their  neigh- 
boring woods  was.  but  little  game. 
To  which  the  Governour  answered: 
That  the  Five  Nations  by  their 
treaty  with  the  Governour  of  Virgin- 
ia, had  agreed  not  only  to  forbear 
themselves    but    also    to    restrain    the 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


286 


Susquehanna  Indians  from  hunting 
there,  for  that  he  (Civility)  knew  that 
some  of  the  Five  Nations  under  pre- 
tence of  hunting  had  gone  there  for- 
merly and  murdered  and  plundered 
some  of  the  English,  which  was  the 
cause  of  making  that  severe  article 
in  the  treaty. 

Then  Civility  said,  that  Whihinjac 
and  the  rest  proposed  to  proceed  to 
Annapolis,  to  renew  their  League  of 
Friendship  with  the  G'overnour  there 
as  he  has  done  here,  and  they 
thought  proper  to  acquaint  him  there- 
of. 

To  which  the  Governour  answered: 
That  the  people  of  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania  were  very  good  friends 
and  he  was  contented  they  should  go, 
but  that  the  Indians  should  consider 
that  as  they  were  inhabitants  of 
Pennsylvania,  they  were  immediately 
subjects  of  the  Governour  and  none 
other." 

1723 —  First       Cause      Inducing      the 
Shawanese   to  Move  to   Ohio. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives,  p. 
329  there  is  a  message  dated  1732 
from  the  Shawanese  to  our  Gover- 
nor. In  it  they  say  that  "about  nine 
years  ago  (which  would  be  1723)  the 
Five  Nations  told  us  that  we  do  not 
well  to  settle  there  (at  Pequea)  for 
there  was  a  Great  noise  in  the  Great 
House  and  in  three  years  we  should 
know  what  they  had  to  say."  This 
message  further  says  that  the  Five 
Nations  threatened  the  Shawanese 
that  if  they  would  not  obey  they 
would  put  petticoats  upon  them.  So 
it  would  appear  from  this  lhat  the 
Five  Nations  first  frightened  the 
Shawanese  to  move  away  from  Lan- 
caster County. 

1723— The   Indians    On    the     Susque- 
hanna Agree  Not  to  Hurt  the 
Indians  in  the  South. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec.  p.  221,  it 
is  set  forth  that  Captain  Civility  told 
the  Governor  that  he  would  do  what 


he  could  to  restrain  the  Five  Nations 
from  going  South  under  the  pre- 
tenses of  hunting,  for  they  really  go 
South  to  murder. 

1723— The  Indian  Nations  Now  Living 
on  Susquehanna  River. 

in  Mombert's  History  of  Lancaster 
county,  p.  24,  he  refers  to  this  confer- 
ence held  in  1723,  in  which  Whiwhin- 
jac,  the  Ganawese  chief  made  the 
speech  and  he  calls  our  attention  to 
the  fact  that  this  Ganawese  chief 
mentions  the  four  Nations  living  on 
the  Susquehanna,  viz:  the  Cones- 
togas,  Shawanese,  Ganawese  and 
Delawares. 

1726 — The   Walking    Purchase    Again 
Causes  Trouble. 

In  Vol.  2  of  the  Votes  of  Assembly, 
p.  481,  under  the  date  of  1726,  it  is 
stated  the  Indians  claim  they  bought 
back  out  of  the  walking  purchases 
all  the  land  extending  one  mile  on 
each  side  of  the  West  Branch  of  the 
Brandywine  creek,  from  the  said 
branch  to  the  source  of  the  said 
creek.  I  put  this  in  under  Lancaster 
County  Indian  matter  because  the 
West  Branch  of  the  Brandywine 
practically  touches  Lancaster  county. 

1727— The  Conestoga  Chiefs  Come  to 
Philadelphia. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  ol.  Rec,  p.  271, 
a  very  interesting  visit  of  the  Chiefs 
of  the  Five  Nations  and  also  Indians 
from  Conestoga  to  the  Government  is 
given.     It  is  set  forth  as  follows: 

"At  a  Council  held  at  Philadelphia, 
July   3d,   1727. 

PRESENT: 

The    Honourable     PATRICK     GOR- 
DON,   Esqr.,    Lieut.     Governor. 
James    Logan,     Richard     Hill,     Isaac 
Norris,     William       Fishbourn,       Evan 
Owen,    Clement   Plumstead,    Esqrs. 

Present  also,  several  Chiefs  of  the 
Five  Nations,  but  most  of  them  of  the 
Nation  of  the  Cayoogoes,  viz: 


287 


ANNALS  OF  THE   SU  SQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Connosoora,  Cagongsaniyong,  Cant- ;  have  gained  the  victory;  you  have 
araghengrat,  Tannewhannegah.  Can-  j  overcome  the  People  and  their  lands 
nawtoe,  Seelowacks,  Achyiawanra,  !  are  yours.  We  shall  buy  them  of 
Onaquadeghoa,  etc.,  with  Civility  and  I  you.  How  many  commanders  are 
Satcheetchoe   of  Conestogoe   and   div-    there  amongst  you,   and     being     told 


ers   of  the   Ganawese,   etc. 

These,   with   divers     other     Indians, 
arriving    from    the    Five    Nations    and 


there  were  forty  he  said  then  if  you 
come  down  to  me  I  will  give  each  of 
these    Comanders    a    suit    of    Cloaths 


Sasquehannah  four  days  agoe,  desir-  |  such  as  I  wear.  They  say  that  a  for- 
ed  a  meeting  with  the  Governour  as  |  mer  GOvernour  proposed  to  some  of 
on  this  day.  The  Governour,  to  give  |  their  Nation,  as  they  were  passing 
them  an  opportunity  summoned  the  by  Conestogoe,  to  go  to  War  against 
Council  for  that  purpose,  who  being  I  their  enemies,  that  he  would  buy 
mett,   and   these   Indians   seated,  I  that  land  at  Tsanandowa,  for  that  he 

The  Governour  told  them  by  Mrs.  |  had  a  mind  to  settle  some  of  his 
M.  Montour,  a  French  woman,  who  !  people  there,  (as  being  in  his  road), 
had  lived  long  among  these  People,  j  who  would  supply  them  with  neces- 
and  is  now  interpretess,  that  he  was  <.  saries  in  their  Journey;  that  they  an- 
glad  to  see  them  all  well  after  so  I  swered  they  were  then  going  to  war 
long  a  journey,  and  was  now  ready  |  and  could  not  attend  affairs  of  land, 
with  his  council  to  receive  what  they  ,  but  at  their  return  they  would  lay 
have  to  say.  the    matter    before    their    chiefs,    who 

Tannewhannegah  spoke,  and  by  |  would  give  their  answer,  and  now 
Montour  the  Interpretess  said,  that  |  they  are  come  to  hear  what  the  Gov- 
the  Chiefs  of  all  their  Five  Nations  |  ernour  has  to  offer, 
being  mett  together  in  one  of  their  j  They  add  that  the  said  Governour, 
towns  they  held  a  great  Couucil,  and  I  when  he  was  at  Conestogoe,  desired 
that  these  who  are  now  present  came  I  those  warriors  to  speak  to  the  chiefs 


in  the  behalf  and  by  the  advice  of  all 
the  rest,  that  they  understood  the 
Governour  of  this  .province  had  div- 
ers times  sent  for  them  to  come 
hither,  and  that  they  were  now  ac- 
cordingly come  by  the  advice  of  all 
their  Brethren  to  know  the  Gover- 
nour's  pleasure. 

That  the   first   Governour     of     this 
place,      Onash.      (that      is      Goverour 


about  the  Purchase  of  that  land;  that 
having  no  Wampum  to  send  by  them 
as  a  token  of  the  Message,  he  gave 
the  Warriors  a  cask  of  powder  with 
some  shott,  a  piece  of  red  Strowds 
and  some  duffels,  that  the  Warriors 
delivered  their  message  to  the  Chiefs, 
who  have  now  sent  to  lett  the  Gover- 
nour know  they  are  willing  to  pro- 
ceed to  a  sale;    and  with  this  Speech 


Penn.)  when  he  first  arrived  here,  j  they  present  two  very  small  bundles 
sent  to  them  to  desire  them  to  sell  j  of  Deer  Skins  for  a  confirmation, 
land  to  him,  that  they  answered  they  |  The  Governour  told  them  that  he 
would  not  sell  it  them,  but  they  j  would  answer  them  in  the  morning  to 
might  do  it  in  time  to  come,  that  be-  [ a11  they  had  said,  and  they  departed, 
ing     several     times     sent     for,     they  j  JULY   4TH. 

were  now  come     to     hear     what     the  ■      Tne  Council  and  the  Indians  being 
Governour    had    to    offer.  I  mett    according    to    Appointment,    the 

That  when  the  Governour  was  at  ■ Governour  by  the  same  Interpretess. 
Albany  he  had  spoke  to  them  to  this  !"  .an*wer  towbat  the  Indians  said 
Purnose        Wpii      ,»v   V  ?,  !  yesterday    spoke    to    them    as    follows, 

rurnose.        well,     my      Brethren    you  |  viz: 


OTHER   LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN    TRIBES 


28S 


The  Governor! rs  of  the  Province, 
who  have  all  acted  here  in  the  Place 
of  William  Penn,  the  first  and  Great 
Governour  of  the  same,  have  always 
been  pleased  with  every  opportunity 
of  cultivating  and  improving  a 
friendship  with  the  Five  Nations, 
and  the  present  Governour  and  his 
Council  take  their  visit  very  kindly 
at  this  time,  but  they  have  been  mis- 
informed when  they  supposed  the 
Governour  had  sent  for  them;  the 
Journey  is  very  long  and  he  would 
not  have  putt  them  to  so  much  troub- 
le, or  if  he  had  seen  occasion  for  it, 
he  would  according  to  custom  have 
sent  some  Messenger  with  a  token, 
by  which  the  Five  Nations  might 
have  been  assured  of  the  truth  of 
the   Message. 

Governour  Penn,  (that  is  Onash,) 
when  he  first  came  into  this  Province 
took  all  the  Indians  of  it  by  the 
hand;  he  embraced  them  as  his 
friends  and  Brethren,  and  made  a 
firm  League  of  Friendship  with  them, 
he  bound  it  as  with  a  chain  that  was 
never  to  be  broken;  he  took  none  of 
their  lands  without  purchasing  and 
paying  for  them,  and  knowing  the 
Five  Nations  claimed  the  lands  on 
Sasquehannah,  he  engaged  Colonell 
Dungan,  Governour  of  New  York, 
about  forty  years  since  to  purchase 
their  right  in  his  behalf,  which  Col- 
onell Dungan  did,  and  we  have  deeds 
from  him  for  all  those  Lands. 

The  Five  Nations  were  so  sensible 
of  this  that  they  never  since  claimed 
these  Lands,  though  we  have  many 
visits  from  them  hither  for  brighten- 
the  chain  of  Friendship.  And  Five 
years  since,  when  Sir  William  Keith 
and  four  gentlemen  of  the  Council 
were  at  Albany,  at  a  general  meeting 
of  all  the  Five  Nations  their  Chiefs 
of  themselves  confirmed  the  former 
grant,  and  absolutely  released  all 
pretentions  to  these  Lands;  our  rec- 
ords shew  this,  and,  these  people 
who  are  now  here  cannot  but  be 
sensible  of  it. 


When  a  former  Governour  of  this 
place,  with  his  Council,  made  a  pres- 
ent at  Conestogoe  to  some  of  the 
Five  Nations  then  passing  that  way, 
it  was  net  with  any  view  to  purchase 
the  lands  at  Tsanandowa.  The  Gov- 
ernour thanks  them  very  heartily 
for  this  offer  to  sell  these  lands,  if 
they  are  not  yet  purchased,  but  he 
can  not  treat  about  them  at  present. 
William  Penn's  son,  who  was  born  in 
this  countrey  is  expected  over  here, 
and  then  he  may  treat  with  them  if 
he  think  it  proper.  In  the  mean  time, 
as  these  lands  lie  next  to  our  settle- 
ments, though  at  present  at  a  great 
distance,  we  shall  take  this  offer  as 
j  a  proof  of  their  resolution  to  keep 
|  them  for  him. 

This  is  what  the  Governour  has  to 
say  about  the  lands,  but  as  they  are 
I  come   a   long   journey   to   visit  us,   he 
I  gives  them  as  our  Friends  and  Breth- 
|  ren  these  goods  now  laid  before  them 
desiring  that  of  the   five     guns     one 
may  be  given  to  the  chief  of  each  of 
the   Five   Nations,   with   three   pounds 
]  of  powder  and  as  much  lead  and  the 
|  rest  may  be  divided     as     they     shall 
think  proper.     And  we  have  also  pro- 
vided Bread,  Cheese,  Rum,  Pipes  and 
Tobacco,  for  their  support     in     their 
return. 

The  Governour  doubts  not  but  that 
they  are  fully  convinced  of  our 
Friendship  and  regard  to  them,  and 
[  that  they  will  consider  their  recep- 
!  tion  here  as  a  proof  of  it.  The  Gov- 
ernour recommends  to  them  to  notify 
the  Chiefs  of  the  Five  Nations  what 
passes  between  us,  that  it  may  be 
kept    in    perpetual    remembrance. 

The    Goods    which    were    last    night 
ordered  for  them  are, 
5  fine  Guns, 

15    Strowd    Match    Coats, 
10  Blankets, 
10    Duffel   Matchcoats, 
12   Shirts, 
50  lbs.  of  Powder, 


289 


ANNALS   OF  THE   SU SQUEHANXOCKS    AND 


100  lbs.  of  Lead, 

2  dozen  Knives. 
Ordered    further: 

To  the  Intrepretess  1  Stroud,  1 
Shirt,  1  Matchcoat. 

To  her  husband,  Carondawana,  1 
Strowd  and   another  to  her  Niece. 

To  Civility,  1  Strowd,  1  fine  Shirt 
and  1  pair  of  Stockings. 

Also,  1  cwt.  of  Bisket,  10  Gallons 
of  Rum,  with  Cheese,  Tobacco  and 
Pipes,  for  their  journey. 

After  the  said  Indians  had  receiv- 
ed their  presents  and  were  parted, 
they  again  applied  desiring  an  oppor- 
tunity of  offering  something  further 
and  the  Governour  appointing  the 
same  afternoon,  they  mett  and  pre- 
senting six  very  small  bundles  of 
Deer  Skins,  proceeded  to  say: 

That  they  are  come  hither  to  see 
the  Governour  in  his  Government, 
and  are  very  well  pleased  with  the 
opportunity  given  them,  and  with  the 
Governour's  discourse  this  morning, 
concerning  the  covenant  chain  and  the 
Friendship  that  has  long  subsisted 
between  them,  and  it  is  this  they  de- 
sire may  be  kept  bright  and  shining 
to  the  Sun,  and  that  neither  rain  nor 
damps  nor  any  rust  may  effect  it  to 
deprive  it  of  its  lustre;  and  that  the 
Governour  and  his  people  and  they 
and  their  people,  their  children  and 
our  children  may  ever  continue  as 
they  have  hitherto  been,  one  Body, 
one  Heart  and  one  Blood  to  all  gen- 
erations. 

They  are,  (they  say)  but  of  one 
Xation,  but  they  speak  in  behalf  of 
all  the  Five  Nations  and  by  authority 
from  them  all.  All  humane  things 
are  uncertain,  and  they  know  not 
what  may  befall  them,  or  into  what 
misfortunes  they  may  be  involved,  if 
they  hear  any  news  relating  to  us 
like  Brethren  they  will  inform  us  of 
it:  and  if  we  hear  any  ill  news  relat- 
ing to  them  they  desire  also  to  be 
informed    of    it,    for  when  thev  meet 


with  any  misfortune  and  troubles 
they  will  apply  to  us  and  acquaint 
us  with  them,  as  their  Friends  and 
Brethren. 
They  say  that  there  are  come  many 
sorts  of  traders  among  them,  both  In- 
dians and  English,  who  all  cheat 
them,  and  though  they  get  their 
skins  they  give  them  very  little  in 
pay.  They  have  so  little  for  them, 
they  cannot  live,  and  can  scarce 
procure  Powder  and  Shott  to  hunt 
with  and  g«tt  more.  Those  traders 
bring  but  little  of  these,  but  instead 
of  them  they  bring  rum,  which  they 
sell  very  dear,  at  least  three  or  four 
I  times  what  it  is  worth,  and  of  this 
•  they  complain. 

They    take    notice    that      both      the 
|  French   and  English   are   raising  for- 
tifications   in    their     country     and     in 
their   neighborhood,   and     that     great 
numbers    of    people    are    sent    thither, 
the  meaning  of  which  they     do     not 
i  very    well    conceive;    but     they     fear 
]  some    ill    consequences    from    it,     and 
!  make  it  now  known  to  us     as     their 
Brethren. 

They   desire   there   may   be   no   set- 
j  tlements    made      upon     Sasquehannah 
:  higher  than  Pextan,  and  that  none  of 
Sthe    settlers    thereabouts   be    suffered 
I  to    sell    or    keep    any    rum  there,  for 
that   being     the      road     which     their 
people   go   out  to    war,    they    are    ap- 
prehensive  of   mischief   if   they   meet 
|  with  liquor  in  these  parts.    They  de- 
I  sire  also  for   the  same   reasons,  that 
none    of    the    traders    be    allowed    to 
carry  any   rum   to   the   remoter   parts 
where   James   LeTort  trades,    (that  is 
Allegheny   on   the  branches  of  Ohio). 
And    this    they    desire    may    be    taken 
notice  of,   as   the   mind   of  the  Chiefs 
of  all   the   Five  Nations  for  it  is   all 
those  Nations  that  now  spek  by  them 
to  all  our  People. 

The  Governour  received  their  pres- 
ent kindly  thanked  them  for  that  they 
had    said,   and    that   they   might   have 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


290 


something  in   return     for     their     last  |  having  been   at  Philadelphia  to  treat 
present,   it     was     ordered     that     the  |  with  the  Governour,   and   did   on   their 


Quantity  of  Powder  should  be  in- 
creased to  a  hundred  pounds,  and 
instead  of  100  lbs.  they  should  have 
a  hundred  Barrs  of  Lead. 

The  Governour  told  them  he  would 
answer  what  they  had  last  said  in 
the  morning,  upon  which  after  a 
Friendly  entertainment  by  the  Gov- 
erour  and  Council  they  parted." 

This  answer  which  the  Governor 
promised  to  give  them  he  gave  on 
the  5th  of  July  and  among  other 
things  he  told  them  that  everything 
is  peaceful  and  harmonious  now  and 
that  there  is  no  bad  news  and  no 
danger,  but  that  there  will  likely  be 
war  in  England;  that  the  Indian 
traders  must  be  watched  because 
they  try  to  sell  high  and  buy  cheap; 
that  we  are  trying  to  do  all  we  can 
to     stop     the     rum     trade    and    that 


return  with  his  Company  take  up 
their  lodging  near  to  his  house 
where  they  resided  about  four  days 
and  nights  together,  the  nearest 
neighbors  contributing  to  their  nec- 
essitys  what  they  could  ye  neigh- 
bors being  few  and  poor  could  not 
supply  them  to  ye  full,  at  which 
place  they  killed  one  of  his  cows, 
which  he  valued  at  four  pounds,  and 
desired  of  me  a  warrant  to  appre- 
hend ye  said  Indians,  but  I  being 
informed  that  they  had  a  letter  of 
credit  from  ye  Governour  to  all  per- 
sons to  supply  them  with  what  they 
wanted,  (and  they  being  gone  from 
the  said  Richard  Thomas'  two  days), 
I  thought  it  most  proper  not  to  send 
a  hue  and  cry  after  them;  but  to 
write  to  John  Wright  and  Tobias 
Hendricks   to   treat   with   them    about 


we  are  not  allowing  any   settlements  I u    in    an    amicable    way,    and    to    get 

I  satisfaction  for  the  party  injured; 
but  they  having  passed  down  Suske- 
hanna  before  my  letters  came  to 
hand,  they  missed  of  the  opportunity. 
However  about  3  days  since  ye  said 
Richard  Thomas  came  again  to  me 
and  informed  me  that  he  had  been 
with  the  Governour  to  lay  his  case 
before  him,  in  order  to  meet  with  re- 
lief, but  (as  he  says)  ye  Governour 
would  give  no  orders  about  it  until 
he  had  received  some  information 
from  me  to  set  ye  case  in  a  true 
light,  in  order  to  which  he  on  ye 
second  day  of  this  instant,  November, 
1727,  brought  two  of  his  near  neigh- 
bors, namely  John  Straightfellow  and 
Henry  Atherton,  who  according  to  ye 
laws  and  customs  of  this  province, 
did  attest,  and  solemnly  declare  by  ye 


to  be  made  above  Paxton,  (now 
Hains')  and  he  says  the  Indians 
ought  to  be  very  careful  not  to  go 
past  Susquehanna  above  the  moun- 
tains. He  then  told  them  as  they 
are  preparing  to  go  the  Govern- 
ment had  provided  them  powder  and 
lead  for  hunting  and  some  rum  and 
provisions. 

1727— The  Chiefs  of  the  Five  Nations 

Coming    from    Philadelphia    to 

Conestoga  Commit  Depre- 

ditions. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Pennsylvania  Ar- 
chives, p.  205  the  following  letter  is 
given : 

CALN,  ye  3d  of  ye  9ber,  1727. 
May  it  Please  ye  Governour, 


These  may  certify  that  on  the  16th  j  sai<*  cow  killed,  as  above  to  be  well 
day  of  July  last,  1727,  Richard  iSi^^JLPJS?*!.^? i?®?n?-!!? 
Thomas   of   the    Township    of   White- 


land,  came  before  me  and  did  declare 
on  his  sollem  affirmation,  that  ye 
King  of  ye  Five  Nations  of     Indians 


sible  of  the  truth  of  ye  above  narra- 
tion, shall  conclude,  who  am  ye 
Governour 's  most  hearty  friend  and 
servant.  To  Command, 

GEORGE     \STON." 


291 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


1727— The  Killing  of  Thomas  Wright 
Near  Conestoga. 

As  we  have  said  above  Wright  was 
killed  during  the  year  1727  and  the 
correct  report  of  it  is  found  in  Vol. 
3  of  the  Col.  Rec.  p.  285,  where  it  is 
stated,  "That  Mr.  Logan  acquainted 
the  Board,  that  last  night  he  receiv- 
ed a  letter  from  John  Wright,  Esqr., 
one  of  the  Justices  of  the  Peace  of 
Chester  Co.,  giving  an  account  that 
one  Thomas  Wright  was  killed  by 
some  Indians  at  §naketown,  forty 
miles  above  Conestogoe,  which  letter 
together  with  the  depositions  of 
John  Wilkins,  Esther  Burt  and  Mary 
Wright,  and  an  inquisition  taken  up- 
on the  dead  body  were  all  laid  before 
the  Board. 

The  said  Depositions  being  read, 
sett  forth,  that  on  Monday,  the  Elev- 
enth of  this  Instant,  September,  sev- 
eral Indians,  together  with  one  John 
an  Indian  Trader,  and  the  said 
Thomas  Wright,  were  drinking  near 
the  house  of  the  said  Burt,  who  was 
singing  and  dancing  with  the  Indians 
after  their  manner,  that  some  dispute 
arising  between  one  of  the  Indians, 
and  the  said  Wright,  Burt  bid 
Wright  knock  down  the  Indian, 
whereupon  Wright  laid  hold  of  the 
Indian  but  did  not  beat  him,  that  af- 
terwards Burt  struck  the  Indian  sev- 
eral blows  with  his  first,  that  the 
said  Wright  and  Burt  afterwards 
retired  into  the  house  where  the  In- 
dians followed  them  and  broke  open 
the  door,  that  while  Wright  was  en- 
deavoring to  pacify  them  Burt  call- 
ed out  for  his  Gun  and  continued  to 
provoke  them  more  and  more,  that 
hereupon  the  said  Wright  fled  to  the 
henhouse  to  hide  himself  whither 
the  Indians  pursued  him  and  the 
next  morning  he  was  found  there 
dead.  The  Inquisition  on  the  body 
setts  forth,  that  the  said  Wright 
came  to  his  death  by  several  blows 
on  his  head,  neck  and  temples,which 
the  Jurors  say,  they  believe,  were 
given  by  the  Indians. 


Jonas  Davenport,  who  brought 
this  account,  and  was  one  of  the  In- 
quest, being  called  in  and  examined 
says,  that  he  was  informed  by  credi- 
ble people  living  near  the  place 
where  the  murder  was  committed, 
that  John  Burt  sent  for  rum  to  the 
Indians  which  they  drank,  and  that 
he  afterwards  sent  for  more,  that  a 
dispute  arising  between  Burt  and  the 
Indians,  the  said  Burt  filled  his  fists 
with  his  own  Dung  and  threw  it 
among  the  Indians;  that  it  is  gener- 
ally believed  that  if  Burt  had  not 
provoked  and  abused  them  to  so  high 
a  degree  the  matter  might  be  made 
up  amicably,  and  that  though  it  is 
very  certain  the  Indians  killed  Thom- 
as Wright  yet  that  the  said  Burt  was 
the  principal  occasion  of  it.  Being 
likewise  examined  of  what  Nation 
these  Indians  are,  says  that  they  are 
of  the  Munscoes  Indians,  who  live  on 
an  eastern  branch  of  the  Susque- 
hannah. 

The  members  of  the  Board  observ- 
ed that  this  was  the  first  accident  of 
the  kind  they  had  ever  heard  of  in 
this  Province  since  its  first  settle- 
ment; and  that  though  the  Indians, 
who  committed  the  fact,  had  receiv- 
ed very  provocations,  yet  as  a  sub- 
ject had  lost  its  life,  it  is  absolutely 
necessary  the  Government  should 
take  Notice  of  and  move  in  it  for 
notwithstanding  it  will  be  difficult,  as 
the  fact  was  circumstanced  to  call 
these  Indians  regularly  to  an  ac- 
count, yet  some  proper  measures 
ought  to  be  taken  to  make  the  In- 
jdians  in  general  sensible  of  the  Out- 
j  rageousness  of  the  action,  and  to 
oblige  them  to  make  satisfaction  as  the 
nature  of  the  case  will  admit  of.  It 
was  hereupon  further  observed  that 
this  Government  had  been  formerly 
happy  above  most  of  our  neighbors, 
in  preserving  a  good  understanding 
and  an  uninterrupted  Friendship  with 


OTHER   LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


292 


all  our  Indians,  which  was  affected 
by  the  just  and  obliging  measures 
our  late  proprietor  first  took  with 
them,  by  which  he  had  greatly  en- 
deared them  to  himeslf  and  to  this 
Goverrment,  and  the  same  methods 
had  been  for  years  constantly  con- 
tinued by  treaties  with  them,  held  at 
a  small  expense,  for  that  the  whole 
charge,  one  year  with  another  had 
not  exceeded  the  allowance  of  Fifty 
Pounds  per  annum,  which  the  As- 
semblies from  time  to  time  had  for- 
merly granted,  but  that  now  for  six 
years  past,  viz:  the  five  last  years  of 
the  late  administration,  and  one  year 
since  the  present  Governour's  arrival 
we  have  had  no  manner  of  treaty 
with  our  own  Indians,  upon  which 
they  think  themselves  slighted  and 
have  complained  of  it  on  divers  oc- 
casions; that  the  late  Assembly  al- 
so, being  sensible  of  this,  by  their 
Speaker  accompanied  by  the  whole 
House,  when  the  last  bills  were  pass- 
ed, had  signified  to  the  Governour 
that  the  House  was  desirous  a  visit 
should  be  paid  to  the  Indians  as  us- 
ual, and  it  was  hoped  when  the  sea- 
son of  the  year  would  admit  of  it, 
care  would  be  taken  to  do  it,  for 
which  the  ensuing  House  would  un- 
doubtedly make  a  suitable  provision, 
since  the  late  one  of  their  own  mo- 
tion thought  fit  to  make  such  an  ap- 
plication." 

1727 — A    Treaty  With  the  Couestogas 

to  Be  Held;  No  Treaty  During 

Six  Years. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  286, 
it  will  be  noticed  that  the  account  of 
the  death  of  Thomas  Wright  sets 
forth  that  there  has  been  no  treaty 
with  the  Indians  for  over  six  years 
and  that  such  a  treaty  ought  now  to 
be  had,  because  the  troubles  would 
not  occur  so  frequently  if  there  were 
such   Treaties. 


1728 — A   Report  that    the    Delaware* 
are  Ordered  to  Fight  the  English. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  pp.  2$6 
and  296,  an  account  is  given,  in 
which  it  is  stated  that  James  Letort 
came  to  inform  the  Governor  that 
he  was  lately  come  from  a  town  on 
the  upper  parts  of  the  Susquehanna 
River  and  that  he  heard  while  there 
that  the  Five  Nations  had  ordered 
the  Delaware  Indians,  who  used  to 
live  in  what  is  now  Lancaster  Co., 
but  who  moved  west,  to  fall  upon  the 
English.  This  report  afterwards 
turned  out  to  be  untrue. 

1728— A  Council  Held  with  the  Dela- 
ware Indians. 

The  King  of  the  Delwares  and 
|  some  Shawanese  visited  the  Council 
|  on  the  4th  day  of  June  1728,  which 
may  be  seen  in  Vol.  3  of  the  Col. 
Rec,  p.  316.  The  Governor  told 
them  that  he  was  glad  to  see  them 
and  that  he  had  proposed  to  meet 
them  all  at  Conestoga,  last  Spring, 
but  he  heard  that  Civility  and  some 
other  Indians  had  gone  away  and 
then  he  postponed  the  visit.  He  told 
them  that  ten  days  ago  he  did  meet 
some  tribes  at  Conestoga.  He  put 
them  in  mind  of  the  fact  that  they 
had  likely  heard  that  some  Shawan- 
ese about  twenty  days  ago  came  into 
these  parts  of  the  State  and  fell  on 
some  of  our  inhabitants,  and  that  the 
matter  must  be  attended  to. 

1728 — The  Delaware  Indians   Say   the 

Whites  Are  Settled  on  Lands 

They  Never  Paid  For 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec  ,  p.  319, 
the  old  Delaware  King  Allummapees 
made  a  speech  to  James  Logan,  in 
which  he  said,  He  was  grown  old 
and  was  troubled  to  see  the  Chris- 
tians settle  on  lands  that  the  Indians 
had  never  been  paid  for,  they  had 
settled  on  his  land,  for  which  he  had 
never   received  anything. 


293 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


That  he  is  now  an  old  man  and 
must  soon  die,  that  his  children  may 
wonder  to  see  all  their  father's  lands 
gone  from  them,  without  his  receiv- 
ing anything  for  them  that  the 
Christians  now  make  their  settle- 
ments very  near  them,  and  they  shall 
have  no  place  of  their  own  left  to 
live  on. 

That  this  may  occasion  a  difference 
between  their  children  and  us  here- 
after, and  he  would  willingly  prevent 
any  misunderstanding  that  may  hap- 
pen. 

1728— James     Logan     Shows    the    In- 
dians  That  We  Do  Own  the 
Susquehanna  Lands 

In  the  same  book  last  cited,  at  p. 
320,  James  Logan  made  the  follow- 
ing reply  about  the  land  question  on 
the   Susquehanna: 

"That  he  had  not  otherwise  been 
concerned  to  the  lands  of  this  Prov- 
ince, than  as  he  was  intrusted  with 
other  Commissioners  by  the  Pro- 
prietor to  manage  his  affairs  of  prop- 
erty in  his  absence.  That  their  great 
Friend,  William  Penn,  had  made  it 
his  constant  rule  never  to  suffer  any 
lands  to  be  settled  by  any  of  his 
people,  until  they  were  first  duly 
purchased  by  the  Indians,  and  his 
Commissioners,  who  acted  for  him  in 
his  absence,  has  as  carefully  used 
the  same  method,  they  never  agreed 
to  the  settlement  of  any  lands  till  the 
Indians  were  duly  satisfied  for  them. 
But  he  said,  he  judged  it  proper  in 
his  audience  to  take  notice  of  our 
great  unhappiness,  in  having  too 
many  amongst  us  who  take  a  delight 
in  disturbing  the  Peace  of  the  Pub- 
lick  by  any  means  in  their  power, 
and  amongst  other  methods  they  had 
endeavored  even  to  beget  an  uneasi- 
ness in  the  Indians,  but  how  little 
reason  there  was  for  any  complaint 
against  him,  or  the  Commissioners, 
he  should  make  appear. 


He  said,  that  Sassoonan  now  pres- 
ent, with  divers  others  of  the  Indian 
Chiefs,  about  ten  years  since,  having 
a  notion  that  they  had  not  been  fully 
paid  for  their  Lands,  came  to  Phila- 
delphia to  demand  what  was  due  to 
them,  that  the  business  was  heard  in 
Council,  and  he  then  produced  to 
those  Indians  a  great  number  of 
deeds,  by  which  their  ancestors  had 
fully  conveyed,  and  were  as  fully 
paid  for  all  their  lands  from  Duck 
Creek  to  near  the  Forks  of  the  Dela- 
ware, and  that  the  Indians  were  then 
entirely  satisfied  with  what  had  been 
shewn  to  them  and  the  Commisioners 
to  put  an  end  to  all  further  claims, 
or  demands  of  that  kind,  in  consider- 
ation of  their  Journey  and  trouble, 
made  them  a  present  in  the  Proprie- 
tor's name  and  behalf,  upon  which 
they  agreed  to  sign  an  absolute  re- 
lease for  all  those  Lands,  and  of  all 
demands  whatsoever  upon  account  of 
the  said  purchase,  and  exhibiting  the 
said  instrument  of  release,  desired  it 
might  be  read,  which  was  done." 
He    then    shows    the      Indians    the 

!  very  deeds  they  had  signed  for  these 
lands,   viz:    all   the   land   between   the 

I  Delaware     and     Susquehanna    Rivers, 

|  dated    the    17th    of    September,    1718. 
This    tract    included  the  tracts  North 

!  of  Lancaster  County  or  what  is  now 

|  Lancaster  County. 

1 1728— The    Indians    Complain    of    the 
Germans  Settling  Among  Them. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  322, 
one  of  the  Indian  Chiefs  said  that  he 
could  not  believe  that  the  Christians 
t  had  settled  on  those  lands  until  he 
saw  it  with  his  own  eyes.  The  lands 
referrred  to  here  are  about  Tulpy- 
hocken  in  Montgomery  County,  which 
lands  were  taken  up  by  a  Colony  of 
Mennonites  who  came  over  from  New 
York;  and  James  Logan  gave  them 
the  following  explanation: 


OTHER   LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


294 


''That  he  was  sensible  the  Palatines 
were  settled  there,  but  as  he  had 
observed  before,  it  was  without  the 
consent  or  knowledge  of  any  of  the 
Commissioners,  and  how  they  came 
hither  he  should  now  make  this  audi- 
ence sensible.  He  said,  that  when  he 
left  his  house  this  morning  he  did  not 
expect  this  affair  would  be  now  men- 
tioned, but  hearing  after  he  came 
abroad  that  it  was  intended,  being 
unable  himself  to  walk,  he  had  sent 
for  one  paper,  which  he  could  easily 
direct  to,  that  if  he  could  have  gone 
himself  among  his  papers,  he  could 
have  produced  some  letters  und  affi- 
davits that  would  more  fully  explain 
the  matter,  but  he  hoped  that  what 
he  had  there  would  be  sufficient  to 
make  it  clearly  understood.  It  was 
a  petition  from  those  Palatines  them- 
selves, directed  to  the  late  Governour 
Sir  William  Keith  and  the  Council, 
all  wrote  in  the  hand  of  Patrick 
Baird,  who  was  then  the  Secretary 
to  the  Governour  and  Clerk  of  the 
Council,  and  who  it  was  that  drew 
it  would  appear  by  its  stile." 

1728— Captain    Civility    of    Conestoga 
Sends  a  Letter  to  Council. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec ,  p.  333, 
after  the  minutes  of  Council  were 
read  it  is  stated  that,  "The  Governor 
laid  before  the  Board  a  letter  he  had 
received  from  Captain  Civility,  ac- 
quainting him  that  several  of  the 
Delaware,  Shawanese  and  Ganawese 
Indians,  were  come  to  Conestogoe 
and  had  brought  many  skins  with 
them  for  a  present  to  the  Governour; 
that  they  proposed  to  fulfiU  their 
promise  of  coming  to  Philadelphia 
this  Fall,  but  the  death  of  his,  Civ- 
ility's child  had  so  much  afflicted 
him  that  he  could  not  come  with 
them,  and  therefore  they  had  all  re- 
solved to  defer  their  visit  til  next 
Spring,  at  which  time  they  would 
surely  come  to  the  Governour  at 
Philadelphia.'  ' 


1728— The   Shawanese  Kill  Two   Con- 
estogas   Near   Conestoga. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec ,  p.  302, 
"The  Governour  acquainted  the 
Board  that  a  letter  from  Mr.  Wright 
at  Conestogoe  was  lately  communica- 
ted to  him,  giving  an  account  of  a 
differences,  which  might  in  end  af- 
fect the  peace  of  the  Province.  His 
Honour  likewise  said  he  had  received 
a  petition,  signed  by  a  great  many 
of  the  inhabitants  in  the  back  parts  of 
quarrel  that  was  like  to  ensue  be- 
tween the  Indians  of  these  parts  and 
the  Shawanese,  these  last  having 
killed  two  of  the  Conestogoe  Indians, 
that  they  seemed  prepared  for  war, 
and  that  therefore  his  presence  was 
desired  as  necessary  to  settle  those 
difference,  which  might  in  end  affect 
the  peace  of  the  Province.  His  Hon- 
our likewise  said  he  had  received  a 
petition  signed  by  a  great  many  of 
the  inhabitants  in  the  back  parts  of 
this  country,  setting  forth  that  they 
are  under  some  apprehensions  of 
being  attacked  by  the  Indians,  that 
many  families  have  left  their  habita- 
tions through  fear  of  them,  and  pray- 
ing that  proper  measures  might  be 
taken   for   their   safety. 

And  therefore  the  Governour  now 
moved  to  the  Board  that  since  it  is 
of  great  importance  to  compose  those 
differences  speedily,  which  would 
oblige  him  to  take  a  journey  to  Con- 
estogoe, it  would  be  requisite  that 
the  Assembly  should  meet  as  soon  as 
possible,  which  the  Board  from  the 
consideration  of  what  the  G«>vernour 
had  said  readily  agreed  to,  and  the 
14th  Currt.  being  proposed  for  the 
time  of  their  meeting  was  approved, 
it  is  therefore  ORDERED  thU  writts 
be  forthwith  issued  for  that  purpose." 

1728  —  The      Shawanese     Have     Now 
Started  to  Move. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec  ,  p.  309, 
it   is    stated    that   the    Shawanese    are 


295 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


now  near  Durham's  Iron  Works  at 
Pechoquealin.  This  place  is  !n  Bucks 
county,  (See  3  Col.  Rec,  p.  329)  and 
from  this  place  the  Shawanese  came 
armed  and  painted  for  war,  but  not 
in  a  large  number  and  through  their 
foolishness  400  people  gathered  to- 
gether and  two  were  killed,  (See  3 
Col.  Rec,  p.  317). 

1728 — The  Conestogas    Now    Want  to 
Go  to  War  Against  the  Shawa- 
nese. 

The  Conestogas  and  Shawanese 
now  are  growing  to  be  enemies  of 
each  other  and  this  is  one  of  the 
causes  which  induced  the  Shawanese 
to  leave  for  the  West,  as  we  shall  see 
they  did  about  this  time.  The  situa- 
tion is  set  forth  by  John  Wright  of 
Hempfield  now  Columbia,  in  a  letter 
to  James  Logan,  found  in  Vol.  1  of 
the  Penna.  Archives,  p.  213.  The  let- 
ter is  as  follows: 

"Hempfield  2,  3  mo ,  1728. 
My  fd.  James  Logan: 

About  three  weeks  I  gave  thee  a 
few  lines  with  an  account  of  the  In- 
dians returned  from  Warr,  since 
which  time  there  has  happened  (as 
we  are  informed)  a  murder  to  be 
committeed  by  two  of  the  Shawny  In- 
dians, upon  a  man  and  a  woman  of 
the  Conestogoe  Indians  and  they  de- 
manding two  murderers  to  be  giv- 
en up;  the  Shawanys  sent  them  with 
some  of  their  own  people,  who  called 
at  Per  Shurtaes,  and  he  giving  them 
rum.  eather  by  persuasion  or  their 
own  inclination  let  the  murderers 
make  their  escape,  which  th»?  Cones- 
togoe Indians  resent  so  highly,  that 
(as  it  is  reported)  they  threaten  to 
cut  off  the  whole  nation  of  the  Shaw- 
nys.  ,  Yesterday  there  came  17  or  18 
of  the  young  men  commanded  by  Til- 
ehausey.  all  Conestogoe  Indians, 
painted  for  the  Warr.  all  armed;  we 
enquired  which  way  they  ware  going 


they  would  not  tell  us,  but  said,  they 
or  some  of  them  were  going  out  to 
Warr,  and  that  there  was  some  Can- 
!  oys  to  go  with  them.  But  we  hearing 
the  above  report  are  apt  to  think  that 
they  are  going  against  the  Shawnys. 
It  is  all  our  opinions  that  the  Gov- 
ernour's  presence  pretty  speedily  is 
absolutely  necessary  at  Conestogoe, 
to  settle  affairs  among  the  Indians, 
they  seeming  at  present  to  be  in  a 
distracted  manner  or  condition,  and 
the  hardness  of  the  winter  sweeping 
away  their  corne,  they  will  be  oblig- 
ed to  go  a  summer  hunting  sooner 
than  usual,  that  if  the  Governour 
come  not  soon  he  will  miss  of  them. 
If  you  please  acquaint  the  Governour 
with  the  above  contents,  with  my 
j  hearty  sarviss  to  him  and  kind  love 
to  theyself  and  family  from  thy  real 
friend  JNO.    WRTGHT." 

1728 — The    Shawanese   Now   Begin   to 
Annoy  the  Other  Indian  Tribes. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives,  p. 
216,  there  is  a  letter  set  forth  from 
James  Le  Tort,  stating  the  action  of 
the  Shawanese  as  follows: 

Catawasse,  May  ye  12,  1728. 

We  always  thought  that  the  Gover- 
nour knew  nothing  of  the  fight  be- 
tween the  Shawaynos  and  the  White 
People.  We  desire  the  Governour  to 
warn  the  back  inhabitants  not  to  be 
so  ready  to  attack  the  Indians,  as  we 
are  doubtful  they  were  in  that  un- 
happy accident  and  we  will  use  all 
endeavors  to  hinder  any  such  like 
proceeding  on  the  part  of  the  Indians. 
We  remember  very  well  the  League 
between  William  Penn  and  the  In- 
dians, which  was,  that  the  Indians  and 
white  people  were  one,  and  hopes 
that  his  brother,  the  present  Gover- 
nour, is  of  the  same  mind,  and  that 
the  Friendship  was  to  continue  for 
three  Generations;  and  if  the  Indians 
hurt  the  English  it  is  the  same  as  if 
they  hurt  themselves;  as  to  the  Gov- 
ernour's  desire  of  meeting     him,     we 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


296 


intend  as  soon  as  the  Chiefs  of  the 
Five  Nations  come  to  meet  the  Gov- 
ernour,  we  will  come  with  them,  but 
if  they  come  not  before  hereafter,  we 
will  go  to  Philadelphia  to  wait  on  the 
Governour.  We  have  heard  that  Wil- 
liam Penn's  son  has  come  to  Phila- 
delphia, which  we  are  very  glad  of. 
JAMES  LE  TORT." 

1728— A  New  Proof  That  the  Shawa- 
nese Reached  Pennsylvania  Af- 
ter the  Coining  of 
Penn. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  in  prior 
items  we  adopted  the  view  of  Conyng- 
ham,  who  says  the  Shawanese  came 
to  Pennsylvania  in  1678  and  in  1698, 
but  in  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives, 
p.  223  in  a  message  from  the  Council 
the  Shawanese  are  reminded  that. 
"William  Penn  made  a  firm  peace  and 
league  of  Friendship  with  all  the  In- 
dians, and  the  chain  from  time  to 
time  has  been  brightened.  The 
Shawanese  were  not  then  in  this 
Country;  they  came  long  afterwards 
and  desired  leave  of  the  Conestogoe 
Indians  and  William  Penn  to  settle  in 
this  Country.  Leave  was  granted 
them  and  they  promised  to  live 
peaceably."  The  letter  then  sets  forth 
that  the  Governour  is  now  about  to 
set  out  for  a  treaty.  One  page  224 
the  Shawanese  admit  that  they  were 
very  foolish  and  if  they  had  not  been, 
the  killing  which  is  above  referred  to 
would  not  have  happened. 

It  is  further  stated  at  p.  228  of  the 
same  book  that  the  Shawanese  came 
to  us  as  strangers  about  thirty  years 
ago. 

1728  —  Governour      Gordon       Places 

Guardians   Over  the   Shawanese. 

In  Vol.  1  of  th  Penna.  Archives,  p. 
228  it  is  found  necessary  to  give 
Henry  Smith  and  John  Petty  powder 
to  hold  the  Indians  somewhat  in 
check  about  the  Susquehanna  River. 
The   Governour    gives   them    their    in- 


structions as  follows: 

Messrs.  HENRY  SMITH,  JOHN 
PETTY. 

As  business  now  calls  you  towards 
Susquehannah,  I  desire  you,  without 
fail,  if  you  can,  to  see  my  friends, 
Allummapees,  Opekassed,  Shachalaw- 
lin,  and  Shakellamy,  give  my  kind 
love  to  them,  as  to  my  Brethren,  and 
let  them  know  that  I  designed  about 
this  time  to  make  a  visit  to  some  of 
our  neighboring  Governours,  if  ac- 
cording to  their  promise  they  had 
come  down  hither  last  month.  Lett 
them  know  I  wait  for  them  and  am 
concerned  I  hear  nothing  of  them. 
I  hope,  however,  I  shall  now  see 
them  in  a  few  days. 

Inquire  also  after  the  Siiawanah 
Indians,  and  if  you  can  see  Kahowa- 
tchy,  know  of  him,  why  his  friends 
left  Pechoquelin,  after  they  had  pro- 
mised to  meet  me  at  Durham  Iron- 
works. 

Tell  all  those  four  first  named  In- 
dians that  I  know  they  have  clean 
hearts  without  spott,  and  I  expect 
from  them,  when  they  come,  such  an 
account  of  all  their  affairs  as  one 
brother  gives  another,  they  see  we 
treat  them  as  we  do  one  amongst  our- 
selves, without  any  difference,  we 
are  one  people,  and  they  must  in  all 
respects  treat  us  with  the  Friend- 
ship, Truth  and  Justice  that  we  use 
to  them.  We  all  expect  this  of  them 
as  our  Brethren. 

Tell  Shalkallamy  particularly,  that 
as  he  is  set  over  the  Shawanah  In- 
dians, he  can  give  a  good  account  of 
them,  they  came  to  us  cnly  as 
strangers,  about  30  years  agoe,  they 
desired  leave  of  this  Government  to 
settle  amongst  us  as  strangers,  and 
the  Conestogoe  Indians  became  se- 
curity for  their  behavior.  They  are 
also  under  the  protection  of  the  Five 
Nations,  who  have  sett  Shakallamy 
over  them.  He  is  a  good  man,  and  I 
hope  will  give  a  good  account  of 
them. 


297 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Give  my  kind  love  also  to  Carun- 
downa  and  his  Wife,  and  speak  to 
them  to  the  same  purpose.  Lett  him 
know  I  expect  of  him,  that  as  he  is 
a  great  Captain,  he  will  take  care 
that  all  the  people  about  him  shall 
shew  themselves  good  men  and  true 
hearted,  as  he  is  himself,  and  that  I 
hope  to  see  him  at  the  Treaty.  Tell 
him  Jonah  Davenport  never  com- 
plained of  him,  and  therefore  there 
was  no  occasion  for  his  letter  on  that 
head. 

If  there  be  any  mischief  clone  in 
those  parts,  I  expect  they  will  seize 
the  persons  who  are  guilty  of  it,  that 
they  may  be  punished  and  Justice 
may  be  done  on  every  side,  for  our 
people  are  very  numerous  and  they 
will  not  be  abused.  I  wil  not  suffer 
any  injury  to  be  done  to  the  Indians 
without  punishing  the  offenders,  and 
they  must  do  the  same  Justice  on 
their  parts,  for  then  we  shall  truly 
be   as   one   People. 

These  are  my  words,  which  I  send 
thus  written,  sealed  with  a  Publick 
seal  and  signed  under  my  hand,  to 
which  my  friends  will  give  full  cre- 
dit. Dated  at  Philadelphia,  the  first 
day  of  September,  Anno  Dom,  1728." 

1728— The   Governor   Sends   Word   to 
Captain  Civility  at  Cones*  oga. 

Gordon       after      his      Conestoga 

arrangement    left    certain  work  to  be 

performed     by     Captain     Civility,    to 

whom    he    sends    a    letter  dated  Sept. 

2,  1728,  found  in  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna. 

Archives,  p  329,  which  is  as  follows: 

"My  very  good  friend  Captain  Civil- 
ity: 

When  I  left  Conesstoga  I  was  in 
hopes  of  seeing  you  before  this  time, 
but  I  suppose  you  waited  for  the 
chiefs  of  tire  Five  Nations. 

I  hear  some  of  these  have  been  at 
Conestoga  since  I  was  there,  and  that 
they  were  gone  down  to  Maryland. 


If  you  can  by  any  means  meet  with 
them,  whether  at  Conestoga  or  else- 
where, I  desire  you  to  present  them 
with  this  Belt  of  Wampum  from  me, 
and  tell  them  that  I  desire  earnestly 
to  speak  with  them  about  some  busi- 
ness that  may  concern  them. 

Therefore,  if  they  will  come  to  me 
at  Philladelphia,  they  shall  be  satis- 
fied, and  I  hope  will  be  pleased  with 
their  Journey. 

This  being  a  matter  of  importance 
at  this  time,  1  request  your  Friend- 
ship herein,  and  desire  that  you 
would  come  along  with  them,  as  you 
are  our  brother  on  whom  we  very 
much  depend." 

1728 — The    Governor    Sends  Instruct- 
ions    to     Wright    and    Blunston.,    At 
Conestoga 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives, 
p  229,  the  following  instructions  were 
sent  by  Governor  Gordon  to  John 
Wright  and  Samuel  Blumston,  two 
Justices  of  the  Peace  on  the  Susque- 
hanna River: — 

"Philadelphia,    2nd    September,  1728. 
John  Wright  &  Samuel  Blunston, 
RESPECTED   FRIENDS 
Much  contrary  to  our  expectations, 
we    find    there  are  still  some  Commo- 
tions   amongst    the    Indians,    that  re- 
;  quire    to   be    looked    into,  and  we  are 
;  now    apprehensive    that  the  Story  we 
I  first  had  in  the  Spring  of  the  Tweek- 
twese     or    naked    Indians    or    Miamis 
j  (for  they  go  by  all  these  names  ,  who 
:  live    to    the    Southwest    of  Lake  Erie 
j  being    invited    to  attack  this  Country, 
|  is  not  altogether  without  a  foundation, 
'  very    few    of    our    Indians    have    been 
j  privy   of  it,  if  there  be  anything  in  it, 
j  one   Manawkyhickon,    a   near   relation 
of     Oquaala's    who    was    hanged    last 
I  year  in  Jersey  with  one  Coll. ipny  one 
of    the    Five    Nations,    but   French  by 
birth,    who    both  live  near  Shamokin 
I  or  Susquehannah,  are  the  Chiefs  who 


OTHER .  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


298 


have  been  laboring  mischief.  Our 
Lennappys  or  Delaware  Indians 
knew  nothing  of  it.  The  Shawanese 
we  know  are  ready  for  any  Mischief. 
How  far  the  Five  Nations  are  privy 
to  it  we  can  not  judge.  But  the  Gov- 
ernour  and  Council  who  met  yester- 
day upon  it,  are  of  opinion  that  it  is 
of  very  great  importance  to  us  to 
have  an  opportunity  of  speaking  with 
those  Chiefs  that  were  lately  at  Con- 
estogoe,  if.  they  are  not  yet  returned, 
for  which  purpose  this  with  the  en- 
closed is  now  sent  Exrpress  that  if 
possible  they  may  be  prevailed  on  to 
step  hither. 

You  are  therefore  requested  (if  I 
Wright  can  travel  so  far)  to  give 
Civility  the  enclosed  letter  to  him,  ex- 
plaining it  in  the  best  manner  it  can 
be  done,  delivering  him  also  the  Belt 
of  Wampum  for  the  Chiefs,  though  it 
is  desired,  when  he  speaks  to  them, 
if  they  are  to  be  mett  with  that  you 
or  some  of  you  could  be  present.  It 
were  to  be  wished  he  were  more  to 
be  depended  on,  he  can  not  but  think 
himself  but  under  some  obligations 
since  the  last  treaty,  but  these  work 
not  on  some  dispositions.  He  is  the 
best  however  that  at  present  is  to  be 
mett  with  to  undertake  it,  and  we 
must  endeavor  to  make  the  best  of 
him. 

If  those  Chiefs  are  not  come  back 
to  Conestogoe,  they  should  be  care- 
fully waited  on  and  enquired  after. 
Or  if  they  are  anywhere  on  the  Riv- 
er, and  not  far  above  Pextan,  they 
should  be  brought  back  if  possible. 
And  if  they  can  not  be  prevailed  on 
to  come  to  Philadelphia,  the-v  may  it 
is  possible  be  perswaded  to  stay  at 
Conestogoe  a  few  days,  for  to  wait 
for  one  who  may  come  up  to  them 
from  hence.  If  they  should  not  even 
agree  to  this  as  we  know  they  ac- 
count themselves   great  men  and  are 


stiff,  then  it  is  desired  that  they  may 
be  told  as  follows. 

That  from  the  first  settlement  of 
this  Country,  especially  of  late  years, 
there  has  been  always  a  firm  friend- 
ship between  us  and  the  Five  Nations. 
They  may  remember  a  firm  League 
was  made  with  their  Chiefs  at  Cones- 
togoe 18  years  agoe,  and  again  with 
Ghesaont  7  years  agoe  at  the  same 
j  place,  and  again  at  Albany  the  next 
|  year  or  1722,  between  all  their  Chiefs 

i  and  our  Governour  with  divers  of  our 
i 
Council,     who    went    thither    to    meet 

them,  and  that  at  all  these  times,  es- 
pecially the  last,  the  Chain  or  League 
of     Friendship     that     had      formerly 
been  made  with  them  was  brightened 
I  and  made  as   strong  as  it    was    pos- 
j  sible  to  be  made  by  Man.     The  same 
|  also  was  done  in  some  measures  last 
|  year     with    some     of    the    Cayoogoes 
!  though    that    is    not    the    nation    we 
i  have  generally  treated  with.  The  On- 
ondagoes   having   commonly   been   the 
people   that  have    been     sent    to    us, 
and  therefore  we   wondered   that  but 
nine   of  the   Cayoogoes   came   at   that 
time   to   visit   us.     That   if  they   have 
anything  to  say  to  us  on  any  account 
whatsoever,    we    should     be     glad     to 
hear   it  from   some   of     their     Chiefs, 
and   they  may   be   assured   they   shall 
meet    with    their    true    Friends      and 
Brethren  in  us. 

But  on  the  subject  of  the  Cayoo- 
goes, Caution  should  be  used  that 
these*  people  who  are  come  thither 
are  principally  of  that  Nation,  and 
therefore  their  Nation  should  be  first 
enquired  into,  and  no  distinctions  be 
used  that  can  give  any  offence.  They 
account  the  Onondagoes  their  best 
Gentlemen,  though  not  numerous. 

Then  if  there  be  room  for  it,  they 
might  be  asked,  whether  ever  they 
heard  that  any  of  the  French  Indians 
were  encouraged  to  attack  this  Coun- 


299 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


try,  upon  which  they  may  be  told, 
that  this  has  ever  been  a  peaceable 
country,  and  that  by  being  perfectly 
just  to  the  Indians  and  all  men,  by 
making  them  as  one  People  with  us, 
and  doing  them  all  the  Justice  in 
every  case  that  we  deal  to  one  an- 
other, we  laid  a  firm  foundation  for 
Peace,  that  we  would  have  Peace  with 
all  men,  but  if  any  shall  be  so  un- 
reasonable as  without  any  provoca- 
tion to  attack  us,  we  are  now  a  very 
great  people  and  very  numerous,  and 
do  not  want  means  to  defend  our- 
selves by  force,  but  like  good  men  we 
would  choose  to  be  defended  .rath- 
er by  our  Justice  and  Upright  deal- 
ings than  by  arms,  for  we  believe 
mankind  was  made  to  serve  God  and 
for  a  much  nobler  end  than  to  be 
knocked  on  the  Head. 

They  may  be  told  also,  that  they 
know  very  well  the  French  are  al- 
ways contriving  mischief  against  the 
English  to  trouble  them,  and  spare  no 
lies,  no  false  stories  and  endeavors 
to  seduce  and  deceive  the  Indians. 
But  were  it  in  the  power  of  the 
French  and  Indians  that  join  them  as 
it  is  not  at  all  in  their  power  to  de- 
story  the  English,  then  the  Five  Na- 
tions having  none  else  to  depend  on 
but  the  French  would  be  entirely 
ruined,  they  can  not  supply  goods  as 
the  English  can,  and  when  they  get 
the  Upperhand  and  have  nothing  to 
fear  they  are  proud  and  cruel  mas- 
ters. The  Indians  would  then  be 
slaves,  they  have  therefore  the  strong- 
est reasons  in  policy  and  on  their 
own  account,  to  be  hearty  friends 
and  adhere  closely  to  the  English  in- 
terest. It  is  their  own  interest  and 
that  will  not  deceive  them. 

These  things  ought  on  all  occasions 
to  be  inculcated  in  the  way  of  conver- 
sation, but  with  a  seeming  careless- 
ness, as  it  were  ridiculing  the  follies 
of  those  who  have  any  favorable  opin- 
ion   of   the    French    as  Friends  to  the 


i  Indians,  and  they  must  if  possible  be 
'talked  over  with  these  Chiefs.  Phila- 
idelphia  would  be  the  best  place,  but  if 
I  not  here,  then  there,  by  such  as  may 
|  go  from  hence,  or  by  any  others  that 
lean  do  it. 

If  I.     Wright's  health  will  not  suf- 
!  fer  him  to  travel  so  far,  for  which  I 
|  should  on  other   accounts   be   extreme- 
!  ly     troubled,     it    is    hoped     I     Bluns- 
j  ton  with  Adam  Cornish  may  manage 
this  affair,  and  it  might  be  advisable 
that    Eliz'r   Cornish,    who    speaks    the 
language     should     privately     between 
themselves  enter  into  as  close  a  dis- 
course     as      possible      with      Civility 
!  about  what  news  he    hears    or    what 
i  he  knows. 

This  affair  will  give  you  some 
trouble,  but  it  is  equally  every  man's 
concern  in  the  Government  who  has 
anything  in  it  that  he  values.  If  any 
charge  accrue  it  must  be  born  by  the 
Publick.  We  hear  by  an  Indian  that  at 
Shamokin  they  have  hanged  cne  Tim- 
othy Higgins,  a  servant  to  Henry 
Smith,  an  Indian  trader,  but  we  hope 
lit  is  not  true.  Said  Smith  and  John 
Petty  are  gone  up  today  to  know  how 
matters  are  in  those  parts. 

The  substance  of  this  you  will  easi- 
ly see  is  to  be  managed  with  as  little 
noise  as  possible,  that  no  alarm  may 
be  given  without  a  real  occasion.  We 
hope  there  will  be  none,  for  on  Indian 
Stories  there  is  very  little  dependence, 
but  prudence  will  advise  to  precau- 
tion wherever  it  can  be  used. 

Pray  dispatch  the  Messenger  as 
soon  as  possible  with  a  letter  to  ye 
Governour,  from  whom  this  should 
have  come,  but  time  would  not  so 
jwell  allow  it". 

I172&—  Captain    Civility's    Message  To 

The  Governor 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives,  p 
233,  Captain  Civility  sends  the  follow- 
ing letter  to  Governor  Gordon: — 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


300 


"Honarable    Gouvner:  — 

When  you  was  hear  in  the  spring 
Wee  had  a  Counsell  together  and  wee 
did  conclude  to  Come  doune  to  Phila- 
delphia in  about  two  months  after 
that  time,  but  wee  of  Conastogoe  hav- 
ing sent  so  sevarell    of    the    Indians 


luncapable  att  this  time  to  answer  ye 
words  of  my  old  good  friend  Wm. 
:Penn.  This  I  send  to  you  of  my  selfe 
without  consulttation  of  any,  for  my 
I  Eyes  are  full  of  tears  for  ye  sake  of 
jmy  child.  Here  are  severall  Shawa- 
I  ners    and    Conoys    come,   ye    rest  wee 


that  live  a  great  way  of,  who  are  now  |  expect    every    hour,  so  that  wee  have 

had  no  Councell  as  yett,  and  whether 
they  will  come  to  Philadelphia  or  not 
I  can  nott  tell  as  yett: 

My  trouble  is  so  greatt  at  this  time 
thatt  itt  so  putts  all  other  thoughtts 
outt  of  my  mind  thatt  I  do  nothing 
butt  crye  every  day,  and  con  not  bear 
to  come  intto  the  sight  of  my  friends, 
otherwise  would  have  come  down  with 
my  friend  Edmund  Cartlidge: 

When  my  grieff  and  sorrow  is  a 
little  over  and  we  have  had  our  Coun- 
cell here,  you  shall  hear  fron;  us  if  I 
doe  not  come  myselfe.  In  the  mean 
time  I  am  your  good  Friend, 

CIVILITY." 


on  thear  rode  coming  to  see  and 
speak  with  the  Gouvner,  and  the 
Shawnays,  Conoys,  and  Delawares 
have  brought  a  greatt  maney  skins  to 
Conastogoe  in  order  to  present  the 
Gouverner,  but  Captain  Civillity  hath 
his  own  child  dyed  lately  and  he  is  so 
mutch  troubled  that  he  can  not  come, 
therefore  the  ConestoToes,  Delawares, 
Shawnays  and  Conoys,  designes  to 
stay  till  next  Spring,  and  then  they 
will  come  to  see  and  treat  with  the 
Gouvner  att  Philadelphia. 

CAPTIN  SIVILITY,  X  his  mark. 
Conestogoe,     October     1st,     1728.       To 
William    Chetwode    at    Wm.    Murrays, 
To    the    Honorable    Patrick     Gordon, 
Esqr.,    Governour    of    Pennsylvania. 

1728 — Captain   Civility  Sends  Another 
Message  to  the  Government. 

In     the    same    book    and    page    last 
mentioned     Captain     Civility,    who    is 


1728 — Shawanese       Leave     Lancaster 
County 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives,  p 
329     as     we    have    noticed    before    the 
Shawanese  in  1723  were  told  to  leave 
Lancaster     County     and    about    three 
now  very  much  trusted  and  relied  up-  [years    later    they    were    frightened  by 


on  as  a  leading  figure  at  Conestoga 
among  the  Conestoga  Indians  and 
who  has  the  ancient  Susquehannock 
blood  in  him,  send  this  letter  to  Gov- 
ernor Gordon  and  the  Council. 
"My  Brethren: 


the  Five  Nations  about  their  lands  and 
about  a  year  after  that  the  Delawares 
commenced  to  trouble  them.  And 
about  the  same  time  1727  as  we  have 
already  seen  they  got  into  a  foolish 
fight  with  the  Conestogas  and  others 


The   late    death  of  my  Child  Causes   and  the  result  of  it  wag  that  1hey  left 


so  much  Trouble  and  sorrow  thatt  att 
this  time  It  putts  all  other  thoughts 
outt  of  my  mind.  Nevertheless,  I  still 
remember  and  retain  the  Governour's 
late  good  speeches  to  us  here  att 
Conestogoe,  and  am  very  glad  thatt  I 
once  more  heard  the  words  of  Will- 
iam Penn;  but  as  I  said  before,  my 
srrieffe  and  sorrow  so  overpowers  mee 
thatt  I  am  sorry  thatt  itt  makes  mee 


Lancaster  County.  They  were  asked 
in  1732  why  they  left  and  the  message 
which  the  Chiefs  gave  and  the  rea- 
sons for  leaving  are  set  forth  in  the 
book  and  at  the  page  last  mentioned, 
as  follows: — 

"The  Cheiffs  of  the  Shawinese  to 
The  Honourable  Governour  of  Penn- 
sylvania. 


aoi 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Wee  receive  your  message  by  our 
friend  Edmund  Cartlidge,  and  take 
itt  very  kindly  and  return  you  thanks 
for  ye  dram  given  us,  and  wee  hereby 
acquaintt  the  Govern'r  of  the  reason 
thatt  wee  are  come  to  settle  here  att 
Ohioh. 

About  nine  years  agoe  the  5  Nations 
told  us  att  Shallyschohking,  wee  did 
not  doe  well  to  setle  there,  for  there 
was  a  greatt  Noise  in  thl  greatt 
house  and  thatt  in  three  years  time, 
all  should  know  whatt  they  had  to 
say,  as  far  as  there  was  any  settle- 
ments or  the  Sun  Sett. 

About  ye  Expiration  of  three  years 
affore  S'd,  the  5  nations  came  and 
said  our  land  is  going  to  be  taken 
from  us.  Come  brothers  assist  us  lett 
fall  upon  and  fight  with  the  English, 
wee  answered  them  no,  wee  came 
here  for  peace  and  have  leave  to  set- 
tle here,  and  we  are  in  League  with 
them  and  can  not  break  itt. 

About  a  year  after  they,  ye  5  na- 
tions, Told  the  Delawares  and  us, 
since  you  have  nott  harkened  to  us 
nor  regarded  whatt  we  have  said,  now 
wee  will  put  pettycoatts  on  you,  and 
look  upon  you  as  women  for  the  fu- 
ture and  nott  as  men.  Therefore,  you 
Shawanese  Look  back  towards  Ohioh, 
the  place  from  whence  you  came,  and 
return  thitherward,  for  now  wee  shall 
take  pity  on  the  English  and  lett 
them  have  all  this  Land. 

And  further  Said  now  since  you  are 
become  women  He  take  Peahohque- 
lloman,  and  put  itt  on  Meheahoam- 
ing  and  He  Take  Meheahoaming  and 
putt  itt  on  Ohioh,  and  Ohioh  He  putt 
on  Woabach,  and  thatt  shall  bee  the 
Warriours   road  for  the  future. 

One  reason  of  our  leaving  our  for- 
mer settlements  and  comeing  here  is 
severall  negro  slaves  used  to  run 
away  and  come  amongst  us  and  wee 
thought  the  English  would  blame  us 
for  itt. 


The  Delaware  Indians  some  time 
agoe  bid  us  departt  for  they  was  dry 
and  wanted  to  drink  ye  land  away, 
whereupon  we  told  them  since  some 
of  you  are  gone  to  Ohioh,  we  will  go 
there  also,  we  hope  you  will  not 
drink  that  away  too. 

And     Whereas     the    Governour    de- 
sires  to    see    some    of  us  at  Philadel- 
phia we  shall  answer  his  requestt  for 
some    of   our    Chieffs,   will    come  this 
Summer     and    pay   him    a   visitt,    but 
how   many   of   us  and  exactt  the  time 
wee  know  nott  as  yett,  butt  when  wee 
are  gott  so  far   as    Peter    Charteries, 
wee  shall  send  word  how  many  of  us 
there  is  and  when  wee  shall  bee  there 
and  bring  our  friends  ye  Conestogoes 
]  allong   with    us  in  the  mean  time,  we 
|  remain  your  friends  and  Brethren. 
jPresentt:  NOOCHICKONER, 

James  Letort.  his  X  mark. 

Interpreter.  PAWQUAWISE. 

Peter  Chartire.  his  X  mark. 

his   X   mark  UPPOCKEATY, 

his  X  mark. 

QUEEQUEEPTOO, 

his  X  mark 

Taken  down  by  mee, 

EDM'D.  CARTLIDGE 

To  The  Honourable  Governour  of 
Pensilvania,  These  with  Care  and 
Speed. 

June  ye  7th,  1732  or  there  abouts." 

This  leaving  of  the  Shawanese  is 
also  referred  to  and  explained  in 
Vol.  15  of  Haz.  Reg.,  p.  82. 

1728— Gordon   Prepares   For   the  Con- 
estoga  Treaty 

In  Vol.   3   of  the  Votes  of  the  As- 
sembly,   p.    50    Gordon    tells    the    As- 
sembly that  he  has  arranged  to  meet 
the  Conestoga  Indians  in  May  and  al- 
so all  the  other  Indians  in  that  sec- 
i  tion.     Upon  his  return  the  Assembly 
|  want  a   copy  of  the  treaty   and  they 
I  are  not  satisfied  with  the  Governour 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


302 


simply  returning  the  treaty  but  they 
want  to  examine  it  themselves,  (See 
3  Votes  of  the  Assembly,  p.  52).  This 
request  of  the  Assembly  grew  out  of 
the  fact  that  the  presents  the  Gov- 
ernor made  at  the  treaty  amounted 
to  147  pounds  and  this  sum  was  very 
large,  and  for  that  reason  the  As- 
sembly want  to  inspect  the  Treaty 
carefully. 

1728— Letort   Sends    Word    That    the 

Five  Nations  are  About  to  Join 

the  French 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  295  it 
is  set  forth  that  James  Letort  from 
the  Susquehanna,  came  to  Philadel- 
phia and  reported  that  the  Five  Na- 
tions and  all  the  Indians  under  them 
were  about  to  leave  the  English  and 
join  the  French. 

1728 — The    Conestoga   Indians    Off   on 
Their  Hunt. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  297, 
at  a  Council  held  the  18th  of  April, 
1728,  the  habit  of  the  Conestoga  In- 
dians in  going  away  to  hunt  is  stat- 
ed. It  is  set  forth  by  the  Governor 
that  he  would  be  ready  to  undertake 
a  journey  to  Conestoga  whenever  he 
can  be  informed  by  John  Wright  that 
the  Indians  have  retured  from  hunt- 
ing; and  that  he  understood  that 
there  were  scarcely  any  Indians  at 
present  about  Conestoga,  and  as  soon 
as  it  was  practicable  nothing  would 
be  wanting  to  establish  a  good  under- 
standing with  them. 

1728 — A  Message  Sent  to  the  Cones- 
togas  To  Get  Ready  for  a 
Treaty. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  305, 
James  Logan  reports  to  the  Council 
on  May  15,  that  pursuant  to  their  or- 
der   a    message    was    sent    to    Cones- 


toga to  convene  the  Indians  to  the 
ensuing  treaty  and  that  the  Messeng- 
er was  now  returned  and  brought 
word  that  the  Indians  were  meeting 
at  Conestoga  and  expected  the  Gover- 
nor in  nine  or  ten  days 

1728— The    Goods   For    the    Presents 

at  the  Conestoga  Treaty 

are  Ordered. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  308, 
the  Council  entered  upon  considera- 
tion of  the  proper  presents  to  be 
made  to  the  Indians  and  ordered  that 
the  provincial  Treasurer  should  pro- 
vide and  send  up  to  Conestoga  at 
the  first  opportunity  25  Strowd 
Matchcoats,  twenty  blankets,  twenty 
duffels,  twenty-five  shirts,  one  hun- 
dred wt.  gunpowder,  two  hundred 
wt.  of  lead,  five  hundred  flints  and 
fifty  knives,  with  rum,  bread,  pipes, 
and  tobacco,  together  with  such  pro- 
visions as  may  be  necessary  for  the 
Governor   and   His   Company. 

1728 — Governor   Gordon   Goes   to    the 
Great  Treaty  at  Conestoga. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec...  p.  309, 
it  is  stated  in  a  memorandum  that, 
"Pursuant  to  an  appointment  with 
the  Indians  at  Conestogoe,  the  Gov- 
ernour  attended  with  some  members 
of  Council,  and  divers  other  gentle- 
men, to  the  number  of  aboui  thirty, 
who  voluntarily  offered  their  comapny 
thither,  sett  out  from  Philadelphia 
on  the  22nd  of  May,  and  on  the  23rd 
in  the  evening  came  to  the  House  of 
Mr.  Andrew  Cornish,  about  a  mile 
distant  from  the  Indian  Town.  The 
24th  ad  25th  days  were  spent  in 
waiting  for  some  other  persons  ex- 
pected at  the  treaty  and  in  mutual 
civilities,  and  on  the  26th  the  Treaty 
began  as  follows: 

At  a  Council  held  at  the  Indian 
Town  on  Conestogoe,  May  26th,  1728, 


303 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS    AND 


PRESENT: 
The    Honorable    PATRICK    GORDON, 

Esqr.,  Lieut.   Govr. 

Some  members  of  Council  and  divers 

other   Gentlemen. 

PRESENT  ALSO: 

Ganytataronga,  Tawenna,  Tamiatch- 
iaro,  Taquatarensaly,  alias  Capt. 
Civility— Chiefs  of  the  Conestogoe 
Indians. 

Oholykon,  Peyeashickon,  Wikimiky- 
ona — Chiefs  of  some  of  the  Dela- 
ware   Indians    on    Brandywine. 

Howickyoma,  Skayanannego,  Onney- 
gheat,  Nanamakamen,  Peyhiohinas, 
— Chiefs  of  the  Shawanese  Indians. 
Weyso  w-w  a  low,  Keyseykakalow, 
Nichtamskakow  —  Chiefs  of  the 
Shawanese. 
Shakawtawlin    or    Sam,    Interpreter 

from  the  English  into  the  Delaware. 
Captain   Civility,     Interpreter     from 

the     Delaware    into     the     Shawanese 

and  Mingoe   (alias  Conestogoe). 

Pomapechtoa,    Interpreter   from   the 

Delaware     into     the    Ganawese    Lan- 
guage. 
Mr.      Nicholas      Scull,      Mr.     John 

Scull,    and    Peter    Bizallion,   Assistant 

Interpreters. 

The   Governour   spoke   as   follows: 

My  Friends  and  Brethren:  You  are 
sensible  that  the  Great  William  Penn 
the  Father  of  this  Countrey,  when  he 
first  brought  his  people  with  him  over 
the  broad  Sea,  took  all  the  Indians 
and  the  old  Inhabitants  by  the  hand, 
and  because  he  found  them  to  be  a 
sincere,  honest  people,  he  took  them 
to  his  heart  and  loved  them  as  his 
own.  He  then  made  a  strong  League 
and  chain  of  Friendship  with  them, 
by  which  it  was  agreed  that  the  In- 
dians and  the  English,  with  all  the 
Christians,  should  be  as  one  people 
Your  friend  and  Father  William 
Penn  still  retained  a  warm  affection 
for  all  the  Indians,  and  strictly  com- 
maded  those  whom  he  sent  to  govern 
this    people    to    treat   the    Indians    as 


his  children,    and    continued    in    this 
kind  love  for  them  until  his  death. 

His  sons  have  now  sent  me  over  in 
their  stead,  and  they  gave  me  strict 
charge  to  love  all  the  Indians  as  their 
Brethren,  and  as  their  father  William 
Penn  loved  you.  I  would  have  seen 
you  before  this  time,  but  I  fell  sick 
soon  after  I  came  over,  and  con- 
tinued so  till  next  Spring.  I  then 
waited  to  receive  some  of  the  Five 
Nations  who  came  to  see  me  at 
Philadelphia,  and  last  fall  I  heard 
you   were   all   gone   out  a  hunting. 

I  am  now  come  to  see  you,  and  to 
renew  the  ancient  Friendship  which 
has  been  between  William  Penn's 
people  ad  you.  I  was  in  hopes  that 
Sassoonan  and  Opekasset,  with  their 
people,  would  have  been  likewise 
here,  they  have  sent  me  kind  mes- 
|  sages  and  have  a  warm  love  for  the 
Christians.  I  believe  they  will  come 
to  me  at  Philadelphia,  for  since  they 
could  not  get  thither  I  have  desired 
them  to  meet  me  there. 

I  am  now  to  discourse  with  my 
Brethren,  the  Conestogoes,  Delawares 
Ganawese  and  Shawanese  Indians 
upon  Susquehannah,  and  to  speak  in 
love  to  them. 
My  Brethren: 

You  have     been     faithful     to     your 

Leagues    with    us,    your    Hearts    have 

been    clean,    and   you    have    preserved 

the  Chain  from  Spotts  or  Rust,  or  if 

there  were  any  you   have   been    careful 

!  to  wipe   them   away ;      your     Leagues 

jwith   your   Father   William   Penn   and 

|  with  his   Governours    are    in    writing 

j  on  Record,  that  our  children  and  our 

children's   children  may  have  them  in 

|  everlasting    remembrance.       And    we 

know  that  you   preserve  the  memory 

iof  those  things  amongst  you  by  tell- 

;  ing  them  to  your   children,   and  they 

again  in  the  next  generation,  so  that 

|  they  remained  stamped  on  your  minds 

i  never  to  be  forgott. 


OTHER    LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


304 


The  Chief  Heads  or  Strongest 
Links  of  this  Chain  I  find  are  these 
nine,  viz: 

1st.  That  all  William  Penn's 
people  or  Christians,  and  all  the  In- 
dians should  be  Brethren,  as  the 
children  of  one  Father,  joined  to- 
gether as  with  one  Heart,  one  Head 
and  one  Body. 

2nd.  That  all  Paths  should  be  open 
and  free  to  both  Christians  and  In- 
dians. 

3d.  That  the  Doors  of  the  Chris- 
tian House  should  be  open  to  the 
Indians  and  the  Houses  of  the  In- 
dians open  to  the  Christians,  and 
they  should  make  each  other  wel- 
come  as   their  friends. 

4th.  That  the  Christians  should  not 
believe  any  false  rumors  or  Reports 
of  the  Indians,  nor  the  Indians  be- 
lieve any  such  Rumors  or  Reports 
of  the  Christians,  but  should  first 
come  as  brethren  to  enquire  of  each 
other;  and  that  both  Christians  and 
Indians,  when  they  hear  any  such 
false  reports  of  their  Brethren,  they 
should  bury  them  as  in  a  bottomless 
Pitt. 

5th.  That  if  the  Christians  hear 
any  ill  news  that  may  be  to  the  Hurt 
of  the  Indians,  or  the  Indians  hear 
any  such  ill  news  that  may  be  an  in- 
jury to  the  Christians,  they  shall 
acquaint  each  other  with  it  speedily 
as  true  friends  and  Brethren. 

6th.  That  the  Indians  should  do 
no  manner  of  Harm  to  the  Christians 
nor  their  creatures,  nor  the  Chris- 
tians do  any  hurt  to  any  Indians,  but 
each  treat  the  other  as  their  Breth- 
ren. 

7th.  But  as  there  are  wicket  People 
in  all  Nations,  if  either  Indians  or 
Christians  should  do  any  harm  to 
each  other,  Complaint  should  be 
made  of  it  by  the  Persons  suffering 
that  Right  may  be  done,     and     when 


I  Satisfaction    is    made,    the    Injury    or 

I  Wrong  should  be  forgott  and  be  bur- 

i  ied  as  in  a  bottomless  Pitt. 

8th. That  the  Indians  should  in  all 
things  assist  the  Christians,  and  the 
Christians  assist  the  Indian  against 
all  wicked  People  that  would  disturb 
them. 

9th.  And  lastly,  that  both  Chris- 
tians and  Indians  should  acquaint 
their  Children  with  this  League  and 
firm  Chain  of  Friendship  made  be- 
tween them,  and  that  it  should  al- 
ways be  made  stronger  and  stronger 
and  be  kept  bright  and  clean,  with- 
out Rust  or  Spott  between  our  Chil- 
dren and  Children's  children,  while 
the  Creeks  and  Rivers  run,  and  while 
the  Sun,  Moon  and  Stars  endure. 

And  for  a  confirmation  on  our 
Parts  of  all  these  Several  Articles,we 
bind  them  with  these  several  parcels 
of  goods,  viz: 

20    Strowd   Matchcoats,    20    Duffells, 

i  20  Blanketts,  20     Shirts,     1     Cwt.    of 

!  Gunpowder,     2     Cwt.     of     Lead,    500 

I  Flints,  50   Knives. 

|    After  which  the  Governour  proceed- 

jed  and  said, 
My  Brethren: 

I  have  now  spoke  to  you  on  the 
League    and     Chain,     of     Friendship, 

|  first  made  by  your     Father     William 

;Penn  with  your  Fathers,  which  is 
confirmed.  I  am  now  to  acquaint 
you  with  an  unhappy  accident  that 
has  afflicted  me  and  all  good  people 
amongst  us,  and  we  lament  and 
mourn  with  you  on  the  heavy  misfor- 
tne. 
About  forty   days   agoe     we     heard 

I  that  the  Twechtweys  were  coming  as 
Enemies   against  this  Countrey.  I  be- 

j  lieve  it  is  false,  for  we  never  hurt 
the  Twechtweys ;  and  about  eighteen 
days  since  I  received  an  Express 
from  the  Ironworks  at  Mahanatawny, 

,  acquainting    me    that    eleven    foreign 


305 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Indians,  painted  for  War,  and  armed 
with  Guns,  Pistoles  and  Swords,were 
come  amongst  our  Inhabitants,  plun- 
dering them  and  taking  away  their 
provisions  by  force,  whereupon  some 
of  our  People,  to  the  number  of 
twenty  men,  with  arms,  went  to  speak 
to  them  Civilly  but  the  Indians  fired 
upon  them  and  wounded  some  of 
them;  our  men  likewise  fired  on  the 
Indians  and  wounded  some  of  them 
also,  but  the  Indians  fired  first.  It 
was  very  ill  done  to  fire. 

As  soon  as  I  had  this  Account  I 
took  horse  and  went  to  Mahatawny 
with  several  gentlemen  of  Philadel- 
phia, but  the  Indians  were  gone  off. 
I  found  our  people  believed  there  I 
were  more  coming,  and  therefore 
Borne  hundred  mett  together  with 
their  Arms  to  defend  themselves  in 
case  the  Indians  should  attack  them. 

As  I  was  returning  home  I  heard 
news  that  grieved  me  exceedingly.  I 
was  told  that  two  or  three  furious 
men  amongst  us  had  killed  three  or 
four  Indians,  who  vrerp.  friends  and 
hurt  two  girls.  I  went  back  mourn- 
ing and  sent  out  men  to  take  the 
Murderers,  who  were  accordingly 
taken,  and  they  are  now  in  Irons  and 
Dungeon  to  be  tried  by  the  laws  of 
the  Great  King  of  the  English,  as  if 
they  had  killed  so  many  of  his  own 
Subjects.  I  have  likewise  caused 
search  to  be  made  for  the  dead 
bodies,  and  two  women  were  found 
murdered,  who  by  my  order  were 
laid  in  a  grave  and  covered  with 
Shirts  and  Strowds.  I  hear  likewise 
that  the  dead  body  of  an  Indian  man 
has  been  found  and  is  buried. 

You  know  there  are  wicked  people 
among  all  Nations;  there  are  ill 
People  amongst  you  a,nd  you  are 
sometimes  forced  to  put  them  to 
death.  The  English  are  a  Great 
People,  and  there  are  likewise  wick- 
ed men  amongst  them.     I  mourn  for 


this  misfortune,  and  will  do  all  I 
can  to  comfort  the  relations  of  the 
Dead  when  I  see  them,  which  I  hope 
willl  be  at  Philadelphia  with  Sasso- 
onan  and  Opekasset. 

About  eight  months  agoe  I  receiv- 
ed an  account  that  an  Englishman 
was  killed  by  some  Indians,  at  the 
House  of  John  Burt,  in  Snaketown,  I 
heard  John  Burt  was  very  abusive 
to  the  Indians,  and  I  sent  to  appre- 
hend him,  but  he  fled;  if  he  can  be 
taken  he  will  be  punished.  But 
since  there  was  a  Man  killed,  we 
expect  the  Indians  will  doe  us  Jus- 
tice by  apprehending  the  Murtherers 
that  they  may  be  punished,  for  we 
must  be  just  and  faithful  to  each 
other,  that  this  spot  may  be  wiped 
away  and  the  Chain  be  kept  bright 
and  clean. 

You  know,  my  Brethren,  that  one 
Link  of  the  Chain  is,  that  when  the 
Indians  are  uneasy  they  should  tell 
it  to  us,  ad  when  we  are  uneasy  we 
will  tell  it  to  them.  I  therefore  de- 
sire your  hearts,  may  be  open,  that 
I  may  know  if  you  have  any  cause 
of  Grief  which  I  will  endeavour  to 
remove,  for  I  am  your  Brother. 

I  have  issued  a  proclamation  re- 
quiring all  our  People  to  use  you 
well  which  shall  be  read  unto  you 
before  I  goe  away,  I  will  prevent  any 
Hurt  being  done  to  our  Friends  the 
Indians,  because  those  who  do  not 
behave  themeslves  agreeable  to  what 
is  therein  commanded,  will  be  severe- 
ly punished. 
At  a  Council  held  at  the  Indian  Town 

at   Conestogoe,   May   27th,   3  728 
PRESENT: 

The  Honorable  PATRICK  GOR- 
DO, Esqr.,  Lieut.   Governor. 

And  the  same  as  before. 

TAWENNA  in  the  name  and  on  the 
behalf  of  all  the  Indians  present 
spoek  to  the    Governour,    which    was 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN    TRIBES 


306 


rendered  into  English  by  John  Scull, 
Interpreter,  and  is  as  follows: 

Give  ear  my  Brethren  of  Philadel- 
phia, the  Conestogoe  Indians,  the 
Shawanese,  the  Ganawese  and  Dela- 
ware have  somewhat  to  say,  which, 
they  will  speak  presently. 

They  say  they  look  upon  the  Gov- 
ernour  as  if  William  Penn  himself 
were  present.  They  are  four  Nations 
and  among  them  there  are  several 
follish  people,  as  if  they  were  just 
sprung  from  the  earth;  but  that  since 
their  first  Friendship  with  William 
Penn,  they  never  have  received  any 
wrong  or  injury  from  him  or  any  of 
his  People. 

That  several  foolish  people  among 
them  committed  follies  and  indiscre- 
tions, but  they  hope  these  will  never 
interrupt  the  Friendship  which  is  be- 
tween their  People  and  us,  for  that 
they  and  William  Penn's  people  are 
as  one  People,  that  cat,  as  it  were, 
with  one  mouth  and  are  one  body 
and  one  Heart. 

Then  presenting  a  belt  of  Wam- 
pum of  eight  rows,  they  say:  That 
would  not  have  the  Governour 
grieve  too  much  the  rash  inconsid- 
erate actions  of  late  have  been  com- 
mitted; they  must  be  buried  and  for- 
gott,  for  that  what  has  happened  was 
done  by  their  Friends,  if  it  had  been 
done  by  their  enemies  they  would 
have  resented  it,  but  that  we  and 
they  are  one;  that  they  have  always 
mett  with  Justice  and  kindness  from 
William  Penn,  and*  from  the  Gover- 
nours  whom  he  has  sent  here,  and 
thus  do  all  the  Indians  of  Cones- 
togoe, Delaware,  the  Shawanese  and 
Ganawese  say. 

That  they  are  extremely  glad  and 
satisfied  with  what  the  Governour 
said  to  them  yesterday,  it  greatly  re- 
joiced their  Hearts,  that  they  have 
had    no    such    speech   made   to   them 


since  the  time  that  the  Great  William 
Penn  was  amongst  them,  that  all  was 
good   and   that   nothing  was   amiss. 

Then  presenting  four  Strings  of 
Wampum,  they  say:  they  will  visit 
the  Governour  at  Philadelphia  after 
the  harvest  is  over  and  then  they 
will  speak  fully  to  him  as  their 
Brother  and  Friend,  for  the  Cones- 
togoes  Delawares,  Shawanese  and 
Ganawese  will  then  come  to  him, 
and  he  may  look  up  the  Conestogoe 
road  and  expect  them;  that  what 
happened  at  John  Burt's  house  was 
not  done  by  them,  it  was  done  by  one 
of  the  Menysincks,  who  are  of  an- 
other Nation,  and  therefore  they  can 
say  nothing  to  it. 

After  the  Answer  of  the  Indians 
some  of  the  Gentlemen  present  mov- 
ed the  Governour,  that  seeing  now 
there  was  a  numerous  Company  of 
our  inhabitants  mett  together,  he 
would  be  pleased  to  press  the  In- 
dians to  declare  to  him  if  they  suf- 
fered any  Grievance  or  Hardship 
from  this  Government,  because  sev- 
eral reports  had  been  industriously 
spread  abroad  as  if  they  had  some 
just  cause  of  Complaint.  And  the 
Governour  having  ordered  the  Inter- 
preters to  acquaint  them  herewith; 
they  all  answered;  that  they  had  no 
cause  of  complaint,  that  William 
Penn  and  his  people  had  still  treated 
them  well,  and  they  had  no  uneasi- 
ness. 

The  Governour  then  told  them  that 
he  was  well  pleased  with  what  they 
had  said  unto  him,  and  that  since 
the  Indian,  who  killed  the  English- 
man at  Burt's  house  is  not  of  their 
nation,  he  would  demand  Justice 
from  the  Nation  to  which  he  belong- 
ed. 

The  Proclamation  was  then  inter- 
preted unto  them,  which  pleased 
them  very  much. 


307 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SU  SQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Then  the  Governour  having  ordered 
some  Rum,  Bread,  Tobacco  and 
Pipes  to  be  delivered  to  them,  and 
likewise  one  Strowd  Matchcoat  and 
one  Shirt  to  Civility  one  Strowd 
Matchcoat  and  Shirt  to  Shawatawlin, 
or  Sam,  and  one  Shirt  to  Pompa- 
pechtya,  the  three  Interpreters;  he 
took  all  the  Indian  Chiefs  by  the 
hand,  and  desired  them  thac  when 
they  returned  home  they  should  ac- 
quaint all  their  People  with  what  had 
now  passed  between  them  and  us, 
and  that  the  Remembrance  thereof 
might  endure  forever." 

1728  —  Philadelphia's      Reception      to 

Governor   Gordon   on   His   Ke- 

turn     from     the      Great 

Conestoga  Treaty 

It  is  evident  that  the  Province  of 
Pennsylvania  was  in  a  considerably 
excited  condition  at  this  time,  be- 
cause of  the  troubles  whch  the 
Shawanese  were  making  and  other 
Indian  dissatisfactions  arising  about 
Conestogoe  and  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Tulpyhocken.  The  Treaty  was 
therefore  a  great  event  and  upon  the 
Governor's  return  to  Philaedlphia, 
the  people  gave  him  a  hearty  wel- 
come. 

The  American  Weekly  Mercury  in 
its  issue  of  May  30,  1728,  gives  this 
account  of  the  Governor's  return 
and   reception,   as   follows: 

"Yesterday    the    Hon.    Patrick    Gor- 
don,   Esqr.,     our     Governor     returned 
from    Conestoga,    having   finished    the 
treaty     wtih     the     Indians     in     those 
parts  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  all 
that   were   present.     This   timely   and 
prudent    management    of    the    Gover-  ! 
nor's  has  made  everything  quiet  and  ! 
easy  and  the  Indians  were  so  pleased  [ 
that  they  said  they  never  had  such  a  I 
satisfactory     speech     made     to     them  ! 
since   the   great  William   Penn   spoke  i 


to  them  himself.  His  honor  was  met 
some  miles  from  this  City  by  Richard 
Hill  and  divers  gentlemen  and  wel- 
comed back  with  a  handsome  colla- 
tion in  the  woods:  at  the  City 
bounds  his  Honor  was  received  in  a 
very  genteel  manner  by  Thomas 
Lawrence,  Esq.,  our  Mayor  and  a 
very  great  number  of  gentlemen,  as 
well  as  strangers  as  city  inhabitants, 
who  with  several  ladies  with  coaches 
accompanied  his  Honor  to  his  house: 
it  is  reckoned  the  cavalcade  consist- 
ed of  near  200  people,  which  is  a  far 
greater  number  than  has  ever  been 
known  to  meet  together  on  such  an 
an  occasion  at  any  time  before  in  this 
Province. 

We  are  told  that  the  Country 
!  people  in  and  about  Conestoga  were 
so  highly  satisfied  with  the  Governor 
in  every  part  of  his  conduct  that 
notwithstanding  the  scarcity  occa- 
sioned by  the  late  hard  winter  they 
brought  in  of  their  own  good  will, 
large  quantities  of  provisions  of  all 
sorts  and  would  take  no  pay  for  them. 
About  250  men  on  horseback  accom- 
panied his  Honor  to  the  Indian  town 
when  the  treaty  was  held  and  great 
numbers  flocked  in  from  all  parts  to 
pay  their  compliments  to  him,  sa  it 
was  said  there  was  never  seen 
amongst  the  inhabitants  a  greater 
harmony  and  a  more  cheerful  readi- 
ness to  assist  with  what  was  in  their 
power,  than  appeared  on  this  occa- 
sion, which  is  cheerfully  owing  to 
the  affable,  courteous  behavior  of  the 
Governor." 

This  is  a  glowing  tribute  to  the 
Governor  and  we  can  imagine  the 
strange  scene  the  old  Indian  town  of- 
Conestoga,  with  its  few  scores  of 
white  man's  primitive  buildings  ap- 
pearing here  and  there  in  the  woods. 
From  this  article  several  hundred 
people    must   have   been    present    and 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


308 


considering  the  primitive  state  of 
Pennsylvania  at  that  time,  it  was  as 
big  an  event  as  when  several  thou- 
sand gather  together  in  these  days. 
A  little  contemplation  of  the  primi- 
tive scene  between  the  Conestoga 
and  Susquehanna,  in  what  is  now 
Manor  township,  not  far  from  the 
town  of  Rock  Hill,  ought  to  give  one 
a   great   deal    of   quiet   pleasure. 

1728— The  Dsturbed  Condition  of  the 
Indians    of   the    Susque- 
hanna River. 

There  was  such  uproar  through 
the  Indain  sections  of  Pennsylvania 
at  this  time  and  a  feeling  that  dan- 
ger and.  slaughter  were  about  to 
happen,  that  on  the  3rd  of  June  just 
a  week  after  the  Governor's  return, 
at  a  Court  of  Quarter  Sessions  held 
that  day,  a  charge  was  delivered 
from  the  Bench  to  the  Grand  Jury, 
of  which  the  following  is  the  close: 
"Gentlemen: 

You  with  all  other  inhabitants 
have  observed  the  emotion  and 
unreasonable  panic  which  lately  pos- 
sessed great  numbers  of  the  People, 
It  is  true  something  has  happened 
which  raised  the  notice  and  concern 
not  only  of  the  Government  but  of 
every  good  man;  but  it  is  really 
surprising  to  hear  of  the  many,  idle 
groundless  and  lying  stories  which 
have  been  bruited  and  thrown  out  to 
alarm  and  isturb  the  people,  some 
of  which  may  have  risen  from  ignor- 
ance and  fear;  but  we  wish  it  were 
less  obvious  that  much  more  have 
proceeded  from  a  wicked  design 
against  the  Peace  and  safety  of  the 
Country;  we  need  not  be  more  partic- 
ular but  hope  every  true  man  will  in 
his    mind,    mark    such    incendiaries. 

You  will  see  published  the  Gover- 
nor's treaty  with  the  Indians  on  Sus- 
quehanna and  some  of  the  Delawares 


about  Brandy  wine.  The  Chiefs  with 
others  of  the  Delawares  are  now 
here  at  the  Governor's  request.  You 
will  find  by  the  treaty  that  there 
never  was  a  more  amicable,  open 
and  hearty  freedom  between  us  than 
at  this  time,  which  appeared  as  well 
in  their  countenances  and  behavior 
as  in  words. 

This  is  noted  to  you.  That  as  you 
are  dispersed  in  several  parts  of  the 
country,  you  may  as  occasion  offers 
in  all  conversations  endeavor  to 
quiet  the  minds  of  the  people  and 
persuade  them,  for  the  future  not  to 
hearken  to,  much  less  assist  in 
spreading  lies  and  ridiculous  tales — 
and  we  heartily  wish  it  may  not 
hereafter  be  observed,  that  the  In- 
dians are  more  calm  and  prudent 
than   some   of  our   people. 

They  in  their  Councils  have  a  dis- 
creet and  just  way  of  thinking,  and 
although  they  can  not  but  be  touched 
with  grief,  as  is  every  honest  man 
among  us,  at  such  as  the  late  un- 
happy accidents  yet  they  wisely 
make  all  give  way  to  the  strict 
League  and  friendship  which  hath 
from  our  first  settlement  subsisted 
between  the  Christians  and  them, 
and  impute  crimes  to  madness,  folly 
and  wickedness  of  the  actors. 

We  shall  close  with  the  reasonable 
hope  or  assurance  that  if  we  do  not 
provoke  the  Almighty  God  by  our 
forgetfulness  of  him  and  by  our  in- 
numerable animosities  and  follies  to 
scourge  us  that  way,  there  appears 
no  danger  from  the   Indians. 

We  entreat  you  therefore  to  excite 
all  the  people  to  use  them  well  and 
to  give  no  offence  as  the  Governor 
by  his  late  proclamation  has  admon- 
ished and  commanded;  and  let  not 
that  be  done  indiscreetly — either  by 
tippling  with  them,  foolish  talking 
or   asking    childish    and    impertinent 


309 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


questions,  expressing  a  ridiculous 
bravery  on  one  hand  or  foolish  fears 
on  the  other;  but  let  it  be  with  all 
manliness,  gravity  and  sobriety  as 
well  as  strict  justice;  this  will  honor 
our  profession  as  Christians,  and 
draw  their  regard  and  love  to  us  as 
Englishmen." 

This  may  be  seen  in  the  American 
Weekly  Mercury  in  the  issue  of  June 
6,  1728. 

1728— Two  Chiefs  Who  Were  at  Con- 

estoga    Treaty    Come    to 

Philadelphia, 

In  the  issue  of  June  6,  1728  of  the 
American  Weekly  Mercury  it  is 
stated  that  two  chiefs,  who  were  at 
the  Conestoga  treaty  came  to  Phila- 
delphia and  a  treaty  was  made  with 
them,  which  pleased  them  very  much. 

1728— The  Five  Nation   Chiefs   at 
Conestoga. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  330,  it 
is  stated  that  the  Chiefs  of  the  Five 
Nations  are  now  at  Conestoga  and 
have  great  power  over  all  the  In- 
dians; that  the  Five  Nations  have  ab- 
solute authority  over  all  the  Indians 
and  have  them  do  whatever  they 
choose. 

1728— A    Great    Number    of    the    Five 

Nations  and  Some  other  Indians 

Will  Come  to  Philadelphia 

in  the  Spring. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  333,  it 
is  set  forth  that  a  great  number  of 
representatives  of  the  Five  Nations 
and  some  other  Indians  are  coming 
to  Philadelphia  in  the  Spring  to  treat 
with  the  Governor   and  the   Council. 

1728 — Samuel  Blunston  Sends  a  Let- 
ter to  the  Governor  About  In- 
dian Disorders. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives, 
p.  216,  a  letter  of  Samuel  Blunston 
is  set  forth  as  follows: 


"May  ye   12th,   1728. 
Friend  James  Logan: 

This       Morning       the        Messenger 
brought      the       Letter      to      Neighbor 
Wright,    who    being    very    ill    with    a 
Rheumatic   pain  in  his  thigh,  desired 
me  to  call  on  the  Indians  (in  my  way 
to   Pequea,   where   I   was   going),   and 
deliver  thy  message,  which  I  have  ac- 
cordingly  done,    and    they    say    they 
will    send   a  Messenger    to    Peshtank 
tomorrow,   but    Shamaken    is    too   far, 
and  they  have  not  provision  in  their 
Town  to  entertain  em.  But  the  Shaw- 
anas   and  Canawas,  with  all  of  them 
who  are   at  home,     will     expect     the 
Governour  in  their  Town,  in  nine  or 
ten   days:    here   is   an   old   Indian   re- 
turned   from    the   Five    Nations,    says 
some    of    their    Chiefs    are    coming   to 
Philadelphia  in  about  three  weeks  to 
renew    the    alienee,    that   they    are    of 
Opinion   the   Indians     who     were     at 
Manahalany  have  been  put  on  by  the 
French    to    Stir    up    mischief.        Last 
week    eight    of    this    town,    the    King 
one    of   them,    went   out   to   War,    the 
rest  are  home.       Provision     is     very 
scarce   this   way;    there   are   so  many 
wagons  going  down  this  week  that  it 
is    needless    to    engage    any,    for    you 
may  have  your  choice.  I  do  hope  this 
skirmish    will    not    come    to    an    open 
rupture   for  we   borderers   are   in  the 
most   danger.      I   am   with   respect  to 
self  and  wife,  Thy  Friend, 

SA.   BLUNSTON." 

1729 — The  County  of  Lancaster 
Organized. 

In  order  that  we  may  keep  our 
bearings  on  the  time  of  the  happen- 
ing of  the  events  we  are  speaking 
about,  I  make  note  here  that  in  the 
Spring  of  1729  Lancaster  County  was 
Organized  and  created  out  of  a  Part 
of  Chester  County. 


OTHER   LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN   TRIBES 


310 


1729— Conestoga     Indians     Again    in 

Philadelphia  at  a  Treaty. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  361,  it 
is  set  forth  that  at  a  Council  held 
May  26,  1729  at  Philadelphia. 

"PRESENT: 
The    Honorable    PATRICK    GORDON, 
Esqr.,      Lieut.      Governour;      James 
Logan,  Richard    Hill,    Ralph    Ashe- 
ton,  Samuel   Hazel,  Esqrs. 

PRESENT   ALSO: 
Tawenna,     Ganyatorouga,     Tacquatar- 

ensaly,   alias  Civility,  Chiefs  of  the 

Conestoga  Indians. 
Amawoolit,     Peyhiohinas,      Yaoehkon- 

guess,  Chiefs  of  the  G'anawese. 
Peyashickon,       Whawyaygamen,     Say- 

kalin,  Chiefs  of  the  Delawares. 

(With   several   other   Indians). 
Mr.    Peter   Bizallion     and     Mr.     John 

Scull,  Interpreters. 

The  Governour  told  the  Indians 
that  he  was  very  glad  to  see  them, 
and  that  accordingly  to  their  Desire 
he  had  called  his  Council  together  to 
hear  what  they  had  to  say. 

Civility  then  said  that  none  of  the 
Shawanese  are  now  come  because 
unhappily,  having  spent  ail  their 
provisions  on  rum,  they  are  obliged 
to  stay  at  home  to  provide  subsis- 
tence for  their  families  by  hunting, 
but  that  they  have  contributed 
equally  in  the  presents  now  to  be 
made,  and  desired  these  now  present 
to  speak  in  their  name. 

Then  directing  his  discourse  to  the 
Governour  he  said: 

That  the  Governour  did  not  come  to 
see  them  at  Conestoga  the  first  year 
after  his  arrival,  being  hindered  by 
sickness  and  business,  but  that  last 
year  he  came  to  see  them,  for  which 
they  were  very  glad,  and  then  spoke 
to  them  particularly  about  the  Death 
of  those  Indian  People  that  were 
then  killed.  That  the  Governour 
then  expressed  his  and  all  the  Eng- 
lish  people's   sorrow   for   their   death, 


and  they  were  afflicted  with  them, 
though  those  that  were  killed  were 
not  of  their  people,  but  that  they  are 
now  come  to  desire  the  Governour 
may  grieve  no  more,  but  that  the 
memory  of  the  whole  may  be  entirely 
buried  in  the  Ground  and  never  be 
remembered. 

That  the  Governour,  the  English 
and  the  Indians,  are  all  as  one  People 
and  one  body,  that  if  they  had  receiv- 
ed anything  on  their  stomach  that 
was  harsh  and  unpleasant,  they  must 
bring  it  all  up,  purge  it  out  and 
cleanse  their  Hearts,  that  they  all 
may  be  pure  and  clean  and  remain 
all  the  same  People  and  body  as  be- 
fore. 

That  if  there  has  been  any  uneasi- 
ness between  us,  or  any  cause  of 
Grief,  it  must  be  all  done  away;  they 
are  now  come  for  that  purpose;  they 
will  sweep  the  house  clean  and  make 
the  floors  all  white  so  that  there  shall 
not  the  least  Spott  of  Blackness  re- 
I  main. 

That  what  the  Governour  said  to 
them  at  Conestoga  pleased  them 
much;  it  was  all  right  and  good;  they 
had  never  any  speech  made  to  them 
since  William  Penn  was  here-  and  as 
the  Governour  then  spoke  they  desire 
it  may  so  continue  that  they  may  be 
ever  the  same;  and  that  the  Candle 
of  Love  should  always  burn,  and  that 
there  should  never  any  Uneasiness 
subsist  between  us. 

The  Conestogoe,  Delaware,  Shawa- 
nese and  Ganawese  Indians  all  agree 
in  what  he  has  said,  and  resolve  for- 
ever to  continue  in  the  Same  Love 
and  Friendship  with  the  English  as 
one  people,  and  as  they  all  joined 
together  in  what  was  said  last  Spring 
at  Conestogoe,  they  are  now  come 
hither   to  repeat  the   same. 

As  they  are  all  one  People  with  the 
Christians,  so  their  Children  must  be 
the  same  as  the  Children  of  the  same 
parents,  for  they  are  all  come  from 
the    same    father    and   mother. 


3il 


ANNALS   OF   THE   SU  SQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


That  as  the  Governour  desired  last 
year  at  Conestogoe,  that  the  roads 
between  Philadelphia,  Conestoga  and 
the  Five  Nations  should  be  clear  and 
open  and  free  from  all  Grubs  and 
Thorns  and  everything  that  can  give 
any  Offense,  they  find  it  is  truly  so, 
and  are  resolved  that  it  shall  so  re- 
main while  they  live. 

That  last  year  the  Governour  told 
them  that  the  English  and  the  In- 
dians must  help  each  other  as  Breth- 
ren whenever  they  meet,  that  their 
desire  it  may  be  always  so;  that  the 
English  may  help  them  in  their 
Wants  and  the  Indians  shall  always 
assist  the  English  when  they  meet 
^hem  in  the  woods;  they  will  treat 
them  with  clean  food,  and  in  pure 
vessels,  they  will  eat  together  out  ot 
one  clean,  and  white  dish  without  any 
Spot,  as  a  MARK  of  the  Cleanness  of 
their  Hearts. 

That  not  only  the  Indians  that 
were  at  Conestogoe  last  year,  but 
likewise  those  of  the  whole  Country, 
were  pleased  with  what  then  passed 
and  that  the  presents  then  delivered 
to  them  were  divided  into  the  small- 
est parts,  that  it  might  reach  all  the 
Indians  everywhere  and  be  read  as  a 
letter. 
Then  TAWENNA  stood  up  and  said: 

He  never  spoke  since  Wiliiam 
Penn  was  here  till  last  Spring,  and 
now  speaks  the  same  again  to  the 
Governor.  That  William  Penn  in  his 
house  in  his  Town,  told  them  they 
must  be  one  body  and  he  now  says 
the  same;  they  are  not  to  be  as  one 
people  bound  together  to  each  other, 
though  the  bonds  were  ever  so  strong, 
though  they  were  of  iron,  for  even  in 
that  case  the  one  may  suffer  and  the 
other  escape,  but  they  and  we  as 
William  Penn  said  must  be  as  the 
same  body,  half  the  one  and  half  the 
other,   that  cannot  be     divided,     that 


each  may  have,  both  Joy  and  Pain 
alike,  as  the  same  body  and  division. 

William  Penn  said  as  both  Nations 
were  to  be  the  same  Body,  so  that  if 
by  any  stroke  that  body  were  to  be 
divided  down  the  middle  into  two 
parts  so  that  they  fell  assunder, 
this  should  be  looked  upon  as  the 
Act  of  Providence,  which  neither 
could  help  or  be  blamed  for. 

William  Penn  further  said  that  if 
all  the  people  around  us  should  differ 
one  with  another,  yet  we  must  not 
differ  but  continue  the  same  in  love 
and  Peace;  that  the  Indians  ought 
not  hastily  to  go  out  to  war  but 
rather  should  study  peace,  and  that  if 
they  were  attacked  he  and  his  people 
would  be  ready  to  defend  them,  for 
that  we  art  all  as  one  people.  Wil- 
liam Penn  told  the  Indians  that  he 
loved  them  all;  their  Men,  Women 
and  Children,  and  that  he  held  Coun- 
cils with  them  to  perpetuate  the 
remembrance  and  affection  towards 
them,  that  the  Friendship  he  had  es- 
tablished with  them  was  to  last  for 
many  generations;  that  their  old  men 
die  and  others  come  in  their  room, 
who  likewise  die,  but  that  the  Love 
and  Friendship  between  the  Indians 
and  English  ought  to  remain  forever 

Tawenna  said,  he  hopes  the  Gover- 
nour will  continue  in  the  same  strong 
Friendship  and  Love  with  all  the  In- 
dians, for  their  hearts  are  sincere 
and  true,  and  they  all  desire  that  no 
unhappy  accident  may  ever  interrupt 
that  Peace  which  subsists  between 
che  English  and  them,  and  that  all 
these  things  which  Governour  Penn 
spoke  to  them  may  ever  be  remem- 
bered and  imprinted  on  our  and  their 
hearts,  so  as  to  be  observed  inviol- 
ably. 

That  he  is  well  pleased  with  all 
that  has  passed  between  us  and  them, 
but   is   apprehensive      some     mischief 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


312 


may  happen  through  the  great  quan- 
tities of  rum  which  are  daily  carried 
amongst  the  Indians,  who  being 
greedy  of  that  liquor  are  soon  de- 
bauched by  it,  and  may  then  easily 
be  stirred  up  to  some  unhappy  or  ill 
action. 

That  William  Penn  told  them  he 
would  not  suffer  any  larger  quanti- 
ties of  liquor  to  be  brought  among 
them,  and  that  they  might  stave  the 
casks  and  spill  it  if  they  found  any 
in  the  woods,  but  that  now  several 
hogsheads  of  rum  are  brought  to 
Conestogoes  and  to  several  other 
places  in  their  road  and  near  to  them 
by  which  the  Indians  are  tempted 
not  only  to  sell  their  peltry  but  like- 
wise their  clothing  for  that  Liquor, 
and  are  much  impoverished  thereby. 

That  William  Penn  often  told  them 
if  any  Christian  committ  any  foolish 
or  ill  action  amongst  them,  they 
should  seize  him  without  doing  him 
any  violence,  and  bring  such  person 
to  him,  that  the  matter  might  be  en- 
quired into,  for  that  he  had  made  a 
Boal  for  the  bad  and  wicked  amongst 
his  own  people. 

That  William  Penn  is  dead,  but  he 
now  repeats  all  these  things  to  the 
Governour  whom  he  looks  upon  as 
in  his  stead,  and  if  as  William  Penn 
himself  was  alive;  that  he  remem- 
bers all  these  things  which  were  then 
said  and  he  has  now  spoke  in  the 
name  of  the  Conestogoe,  Ganawese, 
Delaware   and   Shawanese   Indians. 

CIVILITY  added  that  he  was  very 
uneasy  lest  any  mischief  should 
happen  through  the  great  plenty  of 
rum  daily  brought  amongst  them. 
This  concern  he  said  was  not  so 
much  for  fear  of  any  accident  among 
the  Indians  themselves,  for  if  one  In- 
dian should  kill  another  they  have 
many  ways  of  making  up  such  an  af- 
fair,  but   this     uneasiness     proceeded 


from  an  apprehension  least  a  Chris- 
tian should  be  ill  used  by  any  Indian 
intoxicated  with  that  Liquor. 

In  confirmation  of  all  this,  and  of 
their  love  and  friendship  for  this 
Government,  they  now  present  a 
large   parcel  of  skins. 

The  Governour  thanked  them  for 
their  present  and  having  expressed 
his  satisfatcion  with  what  they  had 
said,  told  them  he  would  speak  to 
them  tomorrow. 

At  a  Council  held  at  Philadelphia, 
May  27,   1729. 

PRESENT: 

The     Honourable     PATRICK     GOR- 
DON, Esqr.,   Lieut.   Governour,   James 
Logan,    Richard    Hill,    William    Fish- 
bourn,   Clement  Plumsted,  Esqrs. 
And  the  same  Indians  as  before,  with 

Mr.    Bizallion    Interpreter. 
The   Governour   spoke   to   the   Indians 
in  these  words: 

My  Friends  and  Brethren: 

Seeing  your  affairs  would  not  suf- 
fer you  as  you  proposed  last  year,  to 
make  a  return  to  my  visit  to  you  at 
Conestogoe,  I  am  pleased  to  see  you 
now  here,  and  wish  that  some  of  the 
Shawanese  had  also  accompanied 
you;  but  since  you  speak  for  them 
by  their  direction,  and  they  join  in 
your  Present,  I  take  what  you  say  as 
if  it  were  truly  spoke  by  all  the  four 
Nations  and  as  an  answer  to  what  I 
then  spoke. 

I  am  glad  to  find  by  your  discourse 
that  you  not  only  remember  what  I 
said  to  you  last  Spring,  but  also 
there  are  some  yet  living  who  can 
remember  what  your  father  William 
Penn  said  to  your  people  when  he 
was  in  this  countrey,  from  thence 
you  see  that  his  words  and  mine  are 
the  same.  He  agreed  with  all  the 
Indians  whom  he  treated  with  in  the 
several  points  that  I  laid  before  you 
at  Conestogoe;    they   were  his  words, 


313 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


though  spoken  by  me,  and  as  I  ob- 
serve the  old  men  will  remember 
them,  so  now  I  desire  you  again  to 
repeat  them  over  to  your  children 
and  require  them  to  remember  them 
and  repeat  them  again  to  their  chil- 
dren, that  the  same  may  be  continued 
not  only  to  your  children  but, 
through  all  generations  and  all  ages. 

By  this  means  we  shall  truly  con- 
tinue not  only  as  Friends  and  Broth- 
ers, but  one  people,  of  one  Body,  one 
Mind  and  one  Heart.  We  shall  re- 
joice together  and  be  sorrowful  to- 
gether, and  we  shall  be  the  same. 

I  need  not  say  anything  further  to 
you  on  these  heads,  for  it  would  be 
only  to  repeat  the  same  things,  there- 
fore I  only  say:  let  us  remember  all 
the  good  words  that  have  been  spok- 
en. Your  words  have  been  good  and 
your  present  is  good.  I  take  it  kind- 
ly, and  I  return  you  some  goods 
proper  to  cloath  you,  with  some 
Powder  and  lead  and  Provisions  for 
your  journey,  that  you  may  go  from 
hence  cheerfully  and  make  all  the 
Indians  over  the  whole  cheerful  with 
the  words  that  have  been  spoken; 
that  you  and  they  and  all  of  us  may 
keep  the  chain  bright  and  clear  and 
without  spott  forever. 

I  must  add  that  you  complained 
much  of  your  suffering  by  rum; 
many  laws  you  know  have  been  made 
against  it;  but  your  people  make  all 
these  laws  of  no  effect;  they  will 
have  it;  they  send  their  women  for  it 
to  all  places  where  it  can  be  had; 
and  we  can  make  no  laws  against 
your  drinking  it;  you  must  make 
these  yourselves.  If  your  women 
would  carry  none  of  it  it  would  be 
more  easy;  I  shall  endeavor  how- 
ever, to  prevent  it  being  carried  in 
such  Quantities. 

Then  the  following  goods  which 
were  prepared  by  order  of  the  Board 


were  delivered  to  them,  viz:  20 
Stroud  Matchcoats,  8  Blanketts,  8 
Duffels,  20  Shirts,  Half  a  barrel  of 
Powder,  One  hundred  weight  of  lead, 

2  Dozen  Knives  &  1  Dozen  Looking 
Glasses;  with  Rum,  Bread,  Cheese, 
Bacon,  Tobacco  and  pipes.  A  gun 
was  likewise  ordered  to  be  given  to 
Civility.  The  Governour  then  took 
all  the  Indians  by  the  hand  and 
wished  them  a  safe  journey  home. 
The  Bundles  of  Skins  delivered  by 
the  Indians  being  examined  and 
weighed,  were  found  to  contain,  72 
fall  Derr  Skins,  weighing  287  pounds, 
79  Summer  Deer  Skins,  weighing  142 
pounds ;  108  Drest  Deer  Skins,  weigh- 
ing 119   pounds;    3  Beavers,  weighing 

3  pounds,  17  Racoons,  3  Foxes  and 
6  Catts. 

Which  were  ordered  to  be  sold  by 
the  Treasurer,  and  the  produce 
thereof  applied  towards  the  charge  of 
the  Present  Treaty." 

1729— The   Ganawese,   Delawares   and 

Several  Other  Tribes  of  Indians 

Present  at  the  Above 

Treaty  Also. 

I  here  merely  make  note  of  the  fact 
that  these  various  other  tribes  of  In- 
dians were  also  present  at  the  treaty, 
to  show  their  prominence.  What 
part  they  took  all  appears  in  the 
treaty  itself. 

1729— The   Damage   Done   by   the   In- 
dians Kear  the  Chester  County 
Line  Paid  for. 

We  remember  that  in  an  earlier 
item  we  spoke  of  the  complaint  of  a 
Lancaster  County  citizen  against  the 
Indians  who  killed  his  cow.  Provis- 
ion was  made  for  the  loss  of  the  cow 
and  the  destruction  of  the  property 
as  appears  in  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec, 
p.  366,  as  follows: 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


314 


"To  Richard  Thomas,  Four  Pounds 
as  the  price  of  a  cow  killed  and  eat 
up  by  the  Indians  of  the  Five  Na- 
tions, in  their  return  home  from 
Philadelphia,  after  the  treaty  with 
them  in  July,  1727,  certified  by  a 
Justice  of  Chester  County,  and  the 
value  of  the  Cow  ascertained  by  the 
affirmations  of  two  lawful  men  of 
that  County." 

1729— The    Southern    Indians   Kill 
Some   Conestogas. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives, 
p.  238  a  letter  written  by  Captain 
Civility  to  Governour  Gordon,  as  fol- 
lows: 

"CONESTOGOE,   June   10th,   1729. 

Sir:  Knowing  the  good  correspond- 
ence settled  betwixt  us,  am  willing 
to  acquaint  the  Governour,  having 
no  other  in  the  world  to  tell  my 
troubles  to  of  this  nature,  which  is  of 
the  Barbarous  Usage  of  the  Shorrey 
Indians  beolnging  to  South  Carolina 
which  was  about  4  days  ago,  they 
robbed  three  houses  upon  Pertomack 
belonging  to  us,  forty  of  our  men  is 
gone  after  them,  in  order  to  pursue 
them,  they  likewise  killed  fifty-nine 
men  belonging  to  us  at  the  Five  Na- 
tions town,  and  has  taken  two 
women  and  a  boy  prisoners,  first 
they  came  upon  them  and  killed 
eight  men,  then  they  came  to  a  par- 
ley to  make  peace,  but  could  not  pre- 
vail, the  Captain  that  went  out  was 
taken,  and  then  they  surrendered  the 
town,  this  is  a  true  relation  of  our 
unfortunate  brothers,  of  their  suffer- 
ings by  those  barbarous  Indians. 
So  concluding  with  my  humble  ser- 
vice to  your  Lady  and  pleace  to  ac- 
cept the  same  to  your  Honour  from 
your   most   humble,   obedient   servant. 

His 
CAPTN.    CIVILITY, 
mark. 


Direction:  * 

To   Patrick   Gordon,   Esq'r., 

Governour  of  Pennsilvania." 

11729  — Further  Light   on  the  Killing. 

In    Vol.    1    of   the    Penna.   Archives, 
p.    240,   Civility   writes    another   letter 
to  Gordon  in  which  he  says: 
"GOVERNOUR: 

I  received  your  answer  to  my  let- 
ter and  thank  you  for  your  love  and 
care  over  us. 

Wee  have  no  manner  of  hopes  or 
expectation  of  having  Currundaw- 
awnah  redeemed  if  hee  sbould  be 
still  alive,  which  wee  do  not  expect; 
if  any  of  us  should  go  there  on  that 
intent,  provided  he  was  stil  living  we 
should  be  liable  to  fall  into  the  same 
misfortune. 

I  impute  that  to  ye  Five  Nations 
own  fault  for  they  was  the  cause  of 
their  own  ruin,  had  they  stayed  at 
home  they  might  still  been  all  living. 

Wee  the  Conestogoes  are  fearful 
leastt  such  provocations  should  be 
ye  action  to  draw  ye  Southern  In- 
dians near,  if  not  as  far  as  this  place, 
we  have  heard  that  they  have  of  late 
been  about  Potomack;  and  we  have 
sent  all  our  young  brisk  men  accom- 
panied with  some  Delawares  and 
Conoys  in  all  near  thirty  men  in  or- 
der to  Look  outt  and  see  if  they  can 
find  any  of  the  Southern  Indians 
there;  the  .reason  of  our  so  doing  is 
because  our  time  of  hunting  Draws 
nigh,  and  our  people  being  fearful, 
and  if  they  find  the  Coastt  clear  they 
may  yet  better  hunt  with  Courage. 

About  two  months  ago  the  South- 
ern Indians  killed  and  took  nine  of 
the  Shawanese  living  on  a  branch  of 
Potomack  near  the  Greatt  Moun- 
tains; the  white  impute  to  their  own 
faults  for  settling  so  near  their  ene- 
mies. 

I   would   myself   go   to   warr   had   I 


311 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


butt  forty  men  at  my  command,  but 
our  number  is  so  small  we  are  nott 
Capable  of  making  such  attack;  if  I 
should  call  our  young  men  together 
on  such  an  ocation  they  have  several 
excuses,  one  wanting  shoes,  another 
Powder  and  Lead;  and  tell  them  to 
provide  for  the  same  as  fast  as  they 
get  anything  away  itt  goes  for  Rum, 
such  is  the  Folly  of  our  People. 

So  much  for  ye  present.  In  time 
perhaps  I  may  have  more  to  say. 

CIVILITY." 

Edward  Cartlidge  also  adds  a  note 
to  this  letter  and  says  that  a  certain 
Indian  with  two  others  met  him  and 
said  they  knew  nothing  of  the  South- 
ern Indians  being  about. 
1730 — Mingo  Indians  Commit  Depre- 
dations. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Coloniel  Rec,  p. 
382,  testimony  was  taken  about  some 
depredations  of  the  Indians  against 
the  whites  in  Lancaster  county  as 
follows: 

"The  examination  of  Samuel 
Hornyhook  and  John  Wilson,  taken 
before  one  of  the  Justices  of  the 
Peace  for  the  County  of  Lancaster, 
touching  the  loss  sustained  by  them 
by  Depredations  of  the  Mingoe  In- 
dians and  the  reference  of  the  house 
thereon  being  likewise  read,  the 
Board  in  Compassion  of  the  low  cir- 
cumstances of  the  said  Sufferers,  are 
of  Opinion  that  they  be  allowed  the 
amount  of  their  loss,  as  set  forth 
upon  oath  in  their  rexive  Examina- 
tions, vizt:  to  the  said  Hornyhook 
Five  Pounds  and  to  the  said  Wilson 
Three  Pounds  ten  shillings." 
1730 — James  Mitchell  of  Lancaster 
County  Wants  Pay  for  the  Ser- 
vices to  the  Indians. 

In  the  same  book  and  at  the  same 
page  last  mentioned,  the  following 
appears: 


"An  account  was  then  exhibited  by 
James  Mitchell,  of  the  County  of 
Lancaster,  for  charges  by  him  ex- 
pended on  a  message  to  and  from  the 
Indians,  in  the  year  1722,  and  for  his 
trouble  of  explaining  to  them  the 
Treaty  of  Albany,  by  order  of  the 
Government,  (he  being  then  the  only 
acting  Magistrate  in  those  parts  of 
the  Country),  and  it  appearing  that 
the  said  services  were  performed, 
and"  that  no  allowance  had  hitherto 
been  made  to  the  said  James 
Mitchell  for  the  same,  it  is  the  opin- 
ion of  the  Board  that  the  sum  of  six 
pounds  and  ten  shillings  and  six 
pence  be  paid  to  him,  in  full  for  his 
trouble  and  expense   aforesaid." 

1730— The   Indians   Complain   Against 

Isaac  Miranda,  An  Indian  Trader 

on   Susquehanna   River. 

The  Indians  of  Lancaster  county 
in  a  petition  found  in  Vol.  1  of  the 
Penna.  Archives,  p.  266  make  the  fol- 
lowing complaint: 

"To  the  Justices  of  the  County  of 
Lancaster. 
Gentlemen: 

I  have  recived  a  petition  of  Coch- 
uscunt  and  Memocollen,  two  Indians, 
seting  forth  a  great  abuse  and  impo- 
1  sition  they  have   suffered  from   Isaac 
Miranda,      which      being      committed 
within      your     jurisdiction       properly 
comes   under   your     Cognizance     and 
therefore    I    have    herewith    transmit- 
ted to  you  the  said  petition,  that  you 
make    a   full   and    particular    enquiry 
!  into  the  Truth  of  the  facts  sett  forth 
thereof,  and  if  you     find     allegations 
:  therein  contained  to  be  true,  I  desire 
you  will   order  Mr.  Miranda  to  make 
retribution    of    the    goods    which    he 
has  taken  away  and  likewise  to  enter 
into   recognizance   for  his     good     be- 
jhavior    and    appearance    at   your    en- 
suing Court,  I  am 
August  21,  1720." 

P.  GORDON. 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN  TRIBES 


316 


1730— Inquest  Into   the  Death   of  In- 
dians in  Lancaster  County. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Pena.  Archives,  p. 
267,  the  following  inquisition  is  sett 
forth  about  Indian  slaughter: 

"August  28,   1730. 
Lancaster  County,  ss.: 

THIS  INQUISITION,  Indented  and 
taken  in  the  Township  of  Dorsey,  in 
ye  County  aforesaid  and  ye  province 
of  Pennsylvania,  before  Joshua  Lowe, 
Coroner  for  our  Sovereign  Lord  ye 
King,  and  for  ye  said  County  in  ye 
view  of  the  bodies  of  three  Indians, 
two  men  and  one  woman,  there  at  a 
certain  run  lying  dead,  by  ye  oaths  of 
John  Postlethwait,  Jonas  Davenport, 
Patrick  Campble,  John  Williams,Rice 
Price,  John  McCurry,  John  Gal- 
breth,  David  Campbell,  John  Taylor, 
William  Hays,  Patrick  Hays,  Chris- 
topher Vanlaer,  John  Carr,  Thomas 
Hill,  William  White  and  Alexander 
E.  Hutchinson,  good  and  lawful  men 
of  the  said  County,  who  being 
charged  on  their  said  qualification  to 
enquire  how  the  said  Indians  came  to 
their  end,  to  say  that  according  to 
several  circumstances  there  being  no 
evidence  the  said  Indians  were  fel- 
loniously  killed  and  murdered,  there 
appearing  in  every  one  of  their 
heads,  One  mortal  wound  (to  Viz:)  in 
the  woman  one  mortall  wound  in  the 
left  side  of  her  head  like  a  cut  with 
a  small  ax  or  Tom  Hock,  and  one  of 
ye  men  a  cut  or  great  bruise  in  ye 
left  side  of  ye  head  on  his  temple, 
and  the  other  man  a  briuse  in  the 
skul  in  ye  fore  part  of  his  head,  and 
a  large  cut  in  ye  left  side  of  his 
head  near  ye  eye;  and  they  wrapped 
up  in  their  shrouds  or  blankets,  and 
buried  in  the  said  run  and  covered 
with  some  logs  earth  and  stones, 
and  by  ye  bodies  being  so  putrified 
and  decayed  ye     suppose     they     may 


have  been  murdered  as  aforesaid  for 
the  space  of  three  months,  but  who 
they  were  or  what  Nation  they  were 
this  inquisition  finds  not,  nor  can  we 
find  any  reason  or  grounds  to  charge 
any  Christians  or  white  people  with 
the  said  murder,  nor  can  we  find  any 
to  affix  the  said  murde.r  on.  In  testi- 
mony whereof  the  said  Coroner  as 
well  as  ye  said  jury  have  hereunto 
set  their  hands  and  seals  this  Twenty 
Eighth  day  of  August  in  ye  fourth 
year  of  ye  Reign  of  our  Souvereign 
Lord  George  ye  Second  King  Over 
Great  Britain,  etc.,  and  ye  year  of 
our  Lord  Christ  One  Thousand  Seven 
Hundred  and  Thirty. 

Joshua  Lowe,  Cor'er.    (L.   S.) 
Jno.  Taylor,   (L.  S.) 
Jno.    Postlethwait,    (L.   S.) 
Wm.  Hays,  (L.  S.) 
Jonah    Davenport,    (L.    S.) 
Patric'k   Hays,    (L.    S.) 
Patrick  Campbell,    (L.   S.)  ■ 
Christ.  Vanlear,   (L.  S.) 
John  Williams,    (L.   S.) 
Jno.  Carr,    (L.   S.) 
Rice   Price,    (L.   S.) 
Thomas    Hill,    (L.    S.) 
Jno.  MakCurry,    (L.   S.) 
Wm.  White,   (L.  S.) 
Jno.    Galbreth,    (L.   S.) 
Alexander  Hutchinson,    (L.   S.) 
David  Campbell,    (L.  S.) 
We  Ye    Chiefs    of    ye    Conestouges 
and  Conoys  Indians,,  having  been  al- 
ong   with    the    Christians      or     White 
People,  Do  say  we  are  of     ye     same 
mind  as  above  said  and  well  are  sat- 
isfied  with  what     is     Done     By       ye 
Christians,    on   this   Account   As   Wit- 
ness   our    hands    ye    29th    of    August, 
Annoq'e    Dominy,    1730. 

CAPT'N    CIVILITY, 
his  X  mark. 
TAYSHAH. 
his   X   mark. 
ALLOWAY, 
his  X  mark. 
POWAY   BAYTO, 
his   X   mark. 
JOSHUA  LOWE,  Coroner." 


317 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


1730— The   Coroner's   Report  to   the     arme   bellts   &  a  large   neck  Belt   of 
Governor.  I  wampum,    Pettar   Basalion   &     Pettar 

In    the   book   last   mentioned,    at   p 


|  Sherfe  being  present  when  Boyd 
gave  me  the  above  account,  Sherfe 
|  said  that  about  ye  midle  of  May  Last 
i  thear  Came  to  his  house  the  above 
|  named  Indian  his  Squaw  &  Chil- 
I  dren,   with   said   furr   &   a   sadle,   but 


268,  the  following  report  appears  to 
be  made  by  Coroner  Lowe  to  the 
Governor: 

"5th  of  September,  1730. 
Sir:  The  Day  after  the  Date  of  my  j  no  horse,  they  went  ovar  the  Rivar 
last  To  the  Governor,  I  heard  a  |  toward  the  2rd  Day  affter  the 
f  reash  Reportt  of  the  Indians  being  I  Squaw  came  back  with  The  same 
found  dead,  on  which  I  went  up  to-  I  bundeli  of  furr,  &  Pettar  asked 
wards  the  head  of  Swartarro,  where  j  whear  her  husband  was,  she  answer- 
I  had  a  full  account  of  the  afare,  ed  he  was  gone>  but  he  charged  her 
though  they  wear  5  or  6  miles  fromithat  she  had  killed  him,  whjch  she 
whear  ye  Indians  Tould  us,  I  there-  j  very  fantly  denied,  so  he  bought  the 
fore  Came  Down  &  gott  sevarell  In-  |  furr  f rom  herj  and  she  Returned  to- 
dians  &  Christians  along  and  went  |  wards  home,  so  that  we  are  now  all 
to  the  Place  and  Thear  found  the  satisfyed  that  the  ould  man,  his 
bodeys  of  three  Indians,  one  young  sone  and  Daughter  was  murdered  by 
woman  as  apeared  by  her  hand,  one  his  squaw>  that  you  may  see  by  the 
of  which  was  whole,  &  2  men  as  Copy  of  the  Inquisition  what  Care 
planely  apeared  were  found  a  saddle,  was  taken,  the  Indians  generally 
a  pistell,  a  knife,  some  beads  and  Expressed  very  great  satisfaction 
shells,  with  some  small  things,  by  ,  with  what  was  Done,  and  wear  will- 
all  which  the  Indians  said  they  wear  ing  and  forward  to  joyne  in  signeing 
Delawares,  wee  also  had  acc'tt  that  !  with  us  a  plan.  It  was  carefully  In- 
Thear  wos  none  wanting  of  ye  Five  i  trepreted  to  them,  I  would  have  sent 
Nations,  however  I  and  some  others  !  to  ouar  Governor  but  have  had  a  n 
was  very  Desirous  To  Discover  who  j  account  that  he  is  gone  to  New  York, 
they  wear  &  from  whence  they  came,  I  &  will  not  return  in  Less  than  3 
And  who  had  Done  murder,  I  heard  j  weeks,  so  I  Thought  it  my  duty  to 
thear  was  3  Tuskarorows  wanting,  so  Acquaint   Thee   how   far    I    have    act- 


I  went  up  to  Pechston  To  Enquire 
whear  I  had  the  opartunety  To  hear 
by  Patrick  Boyd  who  was  Coming 
Doune  from  Opessa  Town,  That  an 
ould  Delawar  man  Caled  Oppenella, 
belonging  to  Augaluta  a  toune  near 
Opessa,  &  his  Squaws  &  his  sone  a 
young  man  and  his  Daughter,  a  girl 


ed,  which  I  hope  will  be  content.  I 
am  they  Reall  well  wishar  &  Ready 
to  Serve  my  Countarey  in  aney 
Thing  in  my  power. 

JOSHUA   LOWE. 
Lon'd,  5,  7  mo.,  1730. 
P.   S.   If  I  hear  aney  more   shall   ac- 
quaint thee  of  it,     but     P.     Basalion 


.hath  promised  to  Come  and  give  thee 
about  14  years  ould,  Came  doune  with   a   full   ac(J,tt  he   hath   been  yery   ser_ 


a  Larg  bundell  of  fine  furr,  and  some 
time  after  ye  Squaw  came  home  and 
Tould  a  man  that  she  had  a  mind  for 
that  he  might  marey  her,  for  she  had 
Dispatched  her  ould  husband,  &  to 
prove    it    shewed    him    her    husband's 


visable  in  This  Affare.  Their  just 
now  came  an  Indian  to  see  the  pistell 
yet  that  wee  found,  &  Immediately 
sd  it  was  Oppanella's  pistell,  all 
which  Confermeth  me  in  may  said 
opinion. 

J.  L." 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


318 


1730  — The     Conestogas     Much     Dis- 
turbed by  the  Settling  of  the 
Germans  Among  Them. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives, 
p.  271,  appears  the  following  com- 
munication from  Captain  Cicility  to 
Governor   Gordon: 

"May  it  please  ye  Honorable  Gover- 
ner, 
Some  time  since  I  was  out  at  our 
County  town  of  Lancaster,  where  I 
heard  much  talk  that  both  Dutch  and 
English  was  agoing  to  settle  on  ye 
other  side  of  Susquehannah,  like- 
wise Mr.  Wright,  and  Mr.  Blunston, 
hath  surveyed  a  great  deal  of  land 
and  designs  to  dispose  of  it  to  others 
which  giveth  me  and  my  brethren  a 
great  deal  of  trouble,  itt  being  in  our 
road  in  our  hunting,  least  our 
young  men  should  break  the  chain 
of  friendship  which  hath  long  been 
between   us. 

Wee  are  grieved  that  Mr.  Wright 
should  not  mind  his  word,  for  when 
he  first  came  to  our  parts  he  often 
said  that  no  person  should  settle  on 
that  side  of  ye  river  without  our 
Consent,  but  now  wee  find  he  to  be 
the  first  and  to  encourage  others. 

When  your  honor  was  with  us  at 
Conestogoe  your  desire  was  that  wee 
should  not  hurt  any  of  your  people, 
which  we  carefully  have  observed, 
and  likewise  that  Ed.  Parnell  who 
was  settled  there  should  go  off 
which  he  did,  which  now  grieves  our 
hearts  to  see  how  little  our  Counsels 
is  minded.  We  hear  that  one  of 
William  Penn's  family  is  coming  in 
this  country  but  the  truth  of  it  wee 
know  not,  we  long  to  hear  the  truth 
of  it  for  wee  should  be  glad  to  see 
any  of  William  Penn's  family. 

Wee  are  now  agoing  out  to  hunt, 
so  desire  you  to  suppress  your 
people  from  settling  there  until  wee 
return    from    our    hunting,    and    then 


'some  of  our  Chiefs  will  come  down 
I  to  you  and  have  some  Further  treaty 
[about  ye  matter. 

From  y'r   Loving  Brother,     in     the 
behalf  of  ye  rest  of  my  Brethren, 
DECATTELEES, 
alias   CAPT.    CIVILITY. 
Conestogoe,    September   28th,    1730. 
Directed — To    the     Hon'ble     Patrick 
Gordon,   in   Philadelphia,  these. 

Indorsed— Cap't  Civility's  Letter. 
September  28th,  1730." 

1731— Indians   Remind    the    Governor 
That     Penn     Promised     They 
Would   Never   Be   Disturb- 
ed at  Susquehanna. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives, 
p.  295,  Samuel  Blunston  writes  a 
letter  to  Robert  Charles,  who  was  the 
Secretary  to  the  Governor  and  fin- 
ally became  his  son-in-law.  The  let- 
ter  is   as   follows: 

October  ye  3d,  1731. 
:  Friend   Robert  Charles: 

About  a  week  agoe,  when  Several  1 
of  the  Majestrates  Met  at  Lancaster 
to  Assist  at  Raising  ye  Court  House, 
Capt.  Civility  Came  there,  and  by  an 
Interpreter  which  he  brought  with 
him,  (In  behalf  of  ye  Rest  of  ye  In- 
dians,) Laying  down  the  Enclosed 
String  of  Wampum,  Desired  the  fol- 
lowing Message  might  be  therewith 
Communicated  to  ye  Governour,  viz: 
J  That  the  Conestogoe  Indians  have  al- 
jways  lived  in  Good  Friendship  with 
I  the  Christian  Inhabitants  of  Penn- 
sylvania, And  have  behaved  them- 
selves agreeable  to  their  Treatys 
with  them.  That  William  Penn  had 
promised  them  they  should  not  be 
Disturbed  by  any  Settlers  on  the 
west  side  of  Sasquehannah,  but  now, 
Contrary  thereto,  Several  Maryland- 
ers  are  settled  by  the  river,  on  that 
side,  at  Conejohela;  And  one  Cres- 
sop,    particularly,    is   very    abusive    to 


319 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


them  when  they  pass  that  way,  And 
has  beat  and  wounded  one  of  their 
women  who  went  to  Get  Apples  from 
their  own  Trees  and  took  Away  her 
apples.  And  further  Says,  that,  as 
they  shall  Always  take  Care  their 
people  Do  us  no  hurt,  So  they  also 
expect  we  shall  protect  them. 

We  then  Told  him  that  the  Gover- 
nor had  wrote  to  the  Gbveruour  of 
Maryland  on  that  Subject,  and  that  it 
was  Contrary  to  his  will  they  should 
be  Disturbed  by  ye  Marylanders,  & 
would  gladly  do  all  that  Lay  in  his 
power  to   prevent  it. 

I  have  further  to  add  on  the  Indian 
Subject,  That  being  informed  the 
Governour  Expected  Some  of  ye 
Chiefs  of  ye  Five  Nations  Down  in  a 
little  time,  it  might  be  of  service  to 
acquaint  him,  that  a  few  days  agoe, 
about  twenty  of  ye  Five  Nation  war- 
riors Returning  this  way  from  the  S. 
ward,  brought  with  them  three  Ne- 
gros  and  a  Mulatto.  One  of  the  Ne- 
groes, being  lame  with  travelling 
they  sold  to  a  Cannoi  Indian  for 
about  20  Pounds;  the  Rest  they  took 
off.  This  being  Contrary  to  the  Last 
Treaty  at  Albany,  &  and  if  not  Dis- 
couraged, Like  to  be  of  Dangerous 
Consequence,  I  thought  fit  to  Com- 
municate, and  am,  with  my  best 
Service  to  ye  Governour,  they  Assur- 
ed friend." 

An  interesting  thing  appears  here 
and  that  is  that  Blunston  says  a 
week  before  writing  the  letter,  he, 
with  several  other  Magistrates  of  the 
County  were  in  Lancaster  helping  to 
raise  the  Court  House.  This  speak- 
ing of  "raising"  the  Court  House  al- 
most leads  us  to  infer  that  our  first 
Court  House  was  frame  and  not 
brick,  as  was   supposed. 

1 73 1— The   Conoys   Have   a  Mulatto 

Captive. 

The  item  last  above  mentioned  sets 
ofrth  that  the  Conoys  bought  a  mul- 
atto  from    the    Five    Nations,    which 


they  had  captured  on  a  Southern 
jtrip.  I  merely  mention  this  to  give 
it  prominence. 

j  1731— An  Accident  to  the  Delawares 
Because  of  Rum. 
In  Vol.  3  of  the  Votes  of  Assembly, 
p.  156,  a  sad  accident,  through  rum, 
befell  the  Chief  of  the  Delawares  and 
it  is  stated  there  that  it  may  likely 
bring  on  war. 

1731— Investigation  on  the  Death  of 
an  Indian. 
In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives,  p. 
299,  is  given  the  deposition  of  Jonah 
Davenport,  in  which  he  speaks 
of  the  killing  of  a  couple  of  In- 
dians nea"r  Allegheny;  and  says  that 
the  Indian  settlement  there  con- 
sisted of  300  Delawares,  260  Shawa- 
nese  and  many  others.  He  says  also 
on  p.  301  in  the  same  book  that  the 
number  of  Indians  in  that  part  of 
Pennsylvania  were  60  Delawares, 
mostly  men,  50  on  Kythenning  river 
and  that  the  whole  lot  consists  of 
250  men  and  that  there  are  also 
three  Shawanese  towns  with  over  200 
inhabitants  and  that  about  60  miles 
from  Susquehanna  there  are  60  more, 
and  various  others. 

1731 — Edmund    Cartiledge?s  Letter  to 
Governor  Gordon,  and  His  In- 
dian Trade. 

In  this  letter  Cartlidge  says  that 
he  can  not  now  come  to  Philadelphia 
to  look  after  the  affairs  of  the  Gov- 
ernment on  account  of  his  Indian 
trade.  As  this  letter  gives  us  a  good 
light  on  the  extent  of  his  Indian 
trade,  and  the  treaty  covered  by  it, 
I  will  set  it  forth.  It  is  as  follows: 
"Lancaster,  ye  5th  of  December  1731. 
Sir:    May    Itt   Please    Honour, 

I  Rec'd  yours,  dated  ye  23rd  of  ye 
last  month,  my  man,  Butt  being  In- 
disposed   both    in    Body    and    in    mind 


OTHER  LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


320 


could  not  answer  your  exepctation, 
and  Justt  have  received  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Charles  and  Justice  Galbreth 
which  puts  mee  to  such  a  stand  I 
know  not  whatt  to  do,  for  my  Affairs 
so  pressingly  call  me  Back  into  ye 
woods,  and  my  People  and  goods  are 
already  over  Sasquehannah,  thattmy 
coming  all  this  distance  to  Philadel- 
phia will  prove  of  fatall  Consequence 
to  mee.  I  have  a  large  Intriestt  in 
ye  woods  and  if  I  should  lose  my 
winter's  Trade,  which  may  be  done 
for  not  being  up  in  time,  would  en- 
tirely ruin  the  whole  and  quite  dis- 
able me  from  making  returns  to  my 
Creditors  to  whom  I  am  deeply  en- 
gaged, in  Consideration  of  which  I 
humbly  beg  that  your  Honor  will  not 
take  it  amiss  if  I  do  not  come.  I  can 
not  tell  what  may  just  happen  Butt 
itt  does  not  appear  to  me  at  ye  pres- 
ent that  there  is  such  an  apparent 
danger  as  some  makes  it  to  bee.  Itt  is 
not  long  since  I  came  from  Allee- 
geening  and  all  was  quiet  and  well 
then,  and  if  there  be  not  any  likely- 
hood  of  a  Rupture  at  Home  between 
England  and  France,  I  hope  we  are 
safe  for  the  present,  however,  as  to 
whatt  Davenport  and  Le  Tortt  has 
declared  in  relation  to  a  French  gentt 
comeing  for  three  years  as  a  spy,  I 
can  not  tell  whatt  to  say  as  to  thatt, 
I  always  looked  upon  itt  that  as  ye 
French  kept  a  Store  att  the  head  of 
ye  River  to  Deal,  he  came  down  to 
trade  for  fur  and  Bears,  Being  Com- 
odity  Very  Scarce  to  ye  Northward, 
hee  and  all  along  with  him  always 
behaved  themselves  very  Civily,  how- 
ever, I  shall  not  say  much  least  I 
should  be  mistaken.  I  would  willing- 
ly serve  your  honor  and  ye  Publick 
as  far  as  lyes  in  my  power,  butt 
pray  excuse  at  this  time. 

Your  mostt  Humble   Servant, 


Indorsed—Ed.   Cartlidge,   December  1, 
1731." 

For  the  above  see  Vol.  1  of  the 
Penna.  Archives,  p.  304. 

1731— Cartlidge's    Testimony    Taken  at 

Peqnea,  Lancaster  County,  about 

the  Migration  of  Our 

Indians. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives, 
p.  305  the  following  testimony  of 
Edmond  Cartlidge  is  given. 

"The  Examination  of  Edmund  Cart- 
lidge, Indian  Trader,  taken  on  his 
Affirmation,  at  Pequea,  in  ye  County 
of  Lancaster,  ye  7th  day  of  Decem- 
ber, 1731,  before  Jno.  Wright,  Esq., 
one  of  his  Majesty's  Justices  of  the 
Peace  for  ye  said  County. 

This  Examinant  says,  that  about 
two  months  since  he  left  Allegeny, 
where  there  are  settlements  of  Dela- 
wares,  Shawanah,  Asseekales  & 
Mingoe  Indians  to  the  number  of 
about  five  hundred.  That  for  these 
five  years  past  except  that  of  1729  a 
French  Gentleman  who  calls  him- 
self Cavalier  has  made  it  his  prac- 
tice to  come  every  Spring  amongst 
the  Indians  settled  there,  and  brings 
with  him  a  small  quantity  of  goods 
with  which  he  deals  for  furs,  that  he 
keeps  a  store  as  this  Examinant  is 
well  informed  at  the  head  of  the 
Ohio  River,  and  every  year  goes  to 
Montreal,  that  he  appears  to  be  a 
man  of  sense  and  good  understanding 
and  that  it  is  generally  believed  by 
all  the  traders  at  Allegheny  as  well 
as  this  Examinant  that  this  cavalier  is 
the  Bearer  of  the  Governor  of  Mon- 
treal's Messages  to  the  Indians  in 
these  parts  and  is  entrusted  with  ne- 
gotiating several  affairs  between  the 
Governor  and  them.  That  after  the 
treaty  held  at  Conestogoe  in  the  year 
1728  between  the  Governor  of  Penn- 
sylvania  and    the    Delaware     Indians, 


321 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


several    Shawanese    who     are     settled 
near  Allegheny  went  to  the   Governor  j 
of  Montreal    as    this    Examinant    be-  | 
lieves,   to   seek    protection    from    the  j 
French   against  the  Five  Nations,who  | 
they     suspected    would    hinder    their 
settling  at  Allegheny,  that  ever  since 
that  time  there  has  been  a  great  ap- 
pearance  of   Friendship   and   goodwill 
between  the  French  and  them.     That 
Mr.  Cavalier  frequently  holds  consul- 
tations with  the  Shawanese,  and  this 
Spring  when  he  was  among  them  he 
delivered   a  message  to  them   as  this 
examinant  is  well  informed  from  the 
Governor  of  Montreal  with  a  present 
of  some  powder,  That  the  Shawannah 
king  or  chief  Paguasse  with  seven  or 
eight  more  of  the  Shawanese  went  to 
Montreal    to    answer     the     Governor's 
message  and  carried  with  them  some 
bundles   of   skins   for    a   present,   but 
were  not  returned  when  this  Exami- 
nant left  Allegheney.  That  this  Exam- 
inant has  since  heard  from  a  Servant 
of  an     Indian    Trader     lately     come 
from    thence   that   they    are    returned 
and  have  set  up  a  white  Flag  which 
is  is  said  the  French    Governor    has 
given  them,  denoting  thereby  as  this 
Examinent  verily  believes    that    they 
united  with  the  French  and  are  come 
under  that  protection. 

EDMD.   CARTLIDGE. 
Coram  Jno.  Wright. 
Indorsed  —  Examinant     Edmd.     Cart- 
lidge,  Dec.  7th,  1731." 

1731 — The  Governor  Wants  the  Shaw- 
anese to  Come  Back. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the 
Shawanese  used  to  live  on  Pequea 
Creek  but  suddenly  they  move  in  1729 
out  near  Allegheny.  This  disturbed 
the  Governor  very  much  and  he  wrote 
them  a  pressing  letter  in  1731  to  come 
back.  The  letter  is  found  in  Vol.  I 
of  the  Penna.  Archives  and  is  as  fol- 
lows : 


On  p.  302  Ollepoonoe,  Achquaill- 
emoe,  etc.,  Chiefs  of  the  Shawanese 
and  Assekelaes,  at  or  near  Alleghen- 
ing,  To  the  Chiefs  of  the  Shawanese 
Indians  at  Allegheny. 
My   friends   and    Brethren: 

I  find  by  our  records  that  about 
Thirty-four  years  since,  some  num- 
bers of  your  Nation  came  to  Susque- 
hannah  and  desired  leave  first  of  our 
Brethren  the  Conestogoe  Indians,  and 
then  of  Coll.  Markham,  who  at  that 
time  was  Governour  under  William 
Penn,  at  Philadelphia,  that  they  might 
have  leave  to  settle  on  Pequea 
Creek,  which  was  granted.  About 
three  years  after,  William  Penn,  the 
father  of  this  Countrey,  who  was  as 
father  also  to  the  Indians,  for  he  lov- 
ed them  as  his  own  Children,  came 
from  England  to  Philadelphia  with 
his  wife  and  family,  which  when  our 
Brethren  of  Conestogoe  heard,  Conn- 
edechtoe,  their  King,  Oretyah,  Anda- 
ggyjunquah,  and  others  of  our  good 
friends,  came  with  Opessa,  and  many 
more  of  the  Shawanese  desiring 
leave  for  the  Shawanese  to  live  in 
this  Countrey,  to  enter  into  a  League 
with  our  Indians  and  with  us,  and  to 
be  accounted  as  our  people,  which,  as 
they  requested,  our  father  William 
Penn  readily  granted,  he  then  took 
the  Shawanese  by  the  hand,  and  ad- 
mitted them  as  friends;  they  promised 
to  be  his  children,  and  from  that  time 
to  this,  in  all  the  treatys  held  with 
our  Indians,  the  Shawanese  were  al- 
ways included  as  our  friends  and 
brethren,  and  so  we  hope  that  still 
continue  mindful  with  their  engage- 
ments and  of  the  friendship,  Civility 
and  brotherly  that  has  always  been 
shown  them.  Yet  we  now  hear  that 
others  have  taken  you  by  the  hand,  in 
which  if  you  mean  to  be  friends  with 
them  who,  they  say,  were  formerly 
your  enemies,  we  do  not  blame  you, 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


322 


for  you  should  live  in  peace  with  all; 
but  if  through  a  lightness  of  temper 
you  would  throw  off  old  friends,  for- 
get, all  the  former  treaties  made  with 
us  by  your  people,  all  their  promises 
and  the  Friendship  that  has  been  be- 
tween us,  You  are  then  unkind  and  I 
must  blame  you,  but  I  shall  not  be- 
lieve this.  I  will  still  believe  you 
true  men,  and  in  order  to  Confirm 
amongst  your  old  friends  at  Cones- 
togoe.  I  have  sent  messages  to  the 
Five  Nations  or  Mingoes,  who  I  heard 
this,  I  desire  to  speak  with  some  of 
your  old  wise  men  at  Philadelphia  or 
were  angry  with  you,  to  make  them 
your  friends,  and  it  is  our  desire  that 
we  may  all  be  friends,  and  all  live  in 
Peace  as  brethren.  In  the  meantime, 
I  exepct  of  you  that  you  will  in  all 
respects  shew  yourselves  true  and 
good  men  to  all  our  people  who  come 
on  account  of  Trade,  but  next  Spring 
William  Penn's  son  is  to  be  here 
from  England,  and  then  he  will  renew 
his  father's  Leagues  and  Covenants 
with  your  Ancients,  and  will  expect 
your  visit  to  him  as  the  son  of  a  true 
friend  and  father,  who  was  a  true 
father  to  all  the  Indians.  In  confir- 
mation hereof,  I  send  you  a  token 
and  some  Liquor  that  you  may  re- 
member us  with  Cheerfulness  and 
particularly  me, 

Who  am  your  friend  and  brother, 

P.  G. 
Indorsed — Copy    of   the   Message   to 
the  Shawanese  Chiefs  at  Allegheny. — 
December,  1731." 

1731— The  Governor  Writes  a  Similar 
Letter  to  the  Delawares. 

We  remember  that  the  Delawares 
moved  from  the  Schuylkill  to  the 
Susquehanna  early  in  the  Eighteenth 
Century.  They  also  went  West  and 
became  enemies  of  the  English.  Gov- 
ernor Gordon  desires  them  to  come 
back  and  he  writes  a  letter  pressing 


them  to  do  so,  which  may  be  found  in 
Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives,  p.  303. 
The  letter  is  general  in  character  and 
therefore  I  will  not  quote  it. 

1731— Letort's   Cabin  Burned 

In  Vol.  15  of  Haz.  Reg.,  p.  82  it  is 
stated  that  James  Letort  seems  to 
have  penetrated  to  Cumberland  Valley 
as  early  as  1731.  His  first  Cabin  was 
burned  by  the  Indians  and  it  stood  at 
the  head  of  the  Spring.  He  received 
for  his  services  twelve  pounds  an- 
nually. 

1732— The    Shawanese    Hold  a  Treaty 
at  Philadelphia. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  349 
appears  a  treaty  under  the  date  of 
1732  between  the  Shawanese  and  the 
Government  but  as  it  dos  not  relate 
to  Lancaster  County  and  is  entirely 
devoted  to  an  effort  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  get  them  back  to  Lancaster 
County,  we  will  say  nothing  more 
about  it.  In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna. 
Archives,  p.  325  the  speech  of  the 
French  to  the   Shawanese  is  given. 

1782 — The  Location  of  the  Indian 
Town. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives, 
p.  331,  it  is  stated  that  the  Northern 
boundary  of  Maryland  is  now  fixed  as 
being  16  miles  below  the  Indian  town 
on  Susquehanna  River. 

1732 — The    Conestogas    Complain  that 

They  are  Wrongly  Blamed  for 

Killing  the  Whites. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  500,  a 
treaty  was  held  at  Philadelphia  by 
Shekellamy  on  the  part  of  several  In- 
dian tribes.  He  said  one  reason  why 
they  came  at  this  time  was  that  "two 
days  before  he  left  home,  which  is 
now  seven  days  since,  a  Messenger 
came  to  him  from  the  Ganawese  In- 
dians,  who   live   between    Pextan   and 


323 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Conestogoe,  with  an  account  that 
they  Understood  the  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia was  about  to  send  a  party  of 
armed  men  amongst  them  to  cut  them 
off,  for  a  Murder  committed  in  Vir- 
ginia; and  therefore,  requesting  the 
assistance  of  all  the  other  Indians  to 
defend  them  against  the  enemies.  But 
as  he  can  not  believe  that  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Virginia  would  make  war  on 
these  Indians  without  acquainting 
this  Government  with  it,  he  is  now 
come  here  to  inform  his  Brethren  of 
this  matter  and  to  know  of  them  what 
they  have  heard  of  it." 

On  page  504  of  the  same  book  the 
Ganawese  Chief  makes  a  speech  at 
the    said   treaty. 

1733 — The   Ganawese  Above   Conesto- 
goe and  Their  Complaints. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  504,  it 
is  set  forth  that  the  Ganawese  live 
between  Pextan  and  Conestoga  at  this 
date,  therefore,  they  are  still  in  the 
County  of  Lancaster.  Their  Chief 
and  four  of  the  Warriors  were  pres- 
ent at  the  treaty  held  on  the  6th  of 
August,  1733.  In  the  treaty  these 
Ganawese  complained  as  follows: 

"Ullaloes,  a  Chief  of  the  Ganawese 
Indians,  with  four  others  of  that  Na- 
tion viz.:  Menahachtay,  Peyohinas, 
Waapen  &  Naiemot. 

Ullaloes  produced  a  letter  wrote  at 
the  desire  of  all  of  their  Nations,  by 
James  Mitchell  of  Donnegal,  signify- 
ing the  concern  they  are  under  that 
any  of  their  Nations  should  be  charg- 
ed with  killing  any  white  people  and 
declaring  their  ignorance  of  the  mat- 
ter. 

And  then  by  the  Interpreter  said: 
That  a  few  months  since  a  report 
was  spread  among  them,  that  the 
white  people  had  charged  some  of 
theirs  with  the  killing  of  two  English 
men;  that  they  are  sorry  and  asham- 


ed that  such  a  report  should  be 
spread,  for  none  of  their  people  have 
done  any  such  thing;  that  whenever 
their  young  men  go  to  war  they  are 
very  careful  to  give  them  the  strict- 
est caution  not  to  hurt  the  English. 

That  last  winter  when  their  young 
men  returned  from  War  they  brought 
with  them  the  scalps  of  two  Indians 
they  had  killed,  and  gave  an  account 
that  they  had  killed  a  third,  but  this 
I  body  was  taken  away  by  his  friends 
I  so  they  could  not  get  his  scalp. 

That  the  white  people  who  ljve  in 
|  their  Neighborhood  have  told  them 
!  that  the  Governour  of  Virginia  in- 
j  tends  to  come  against  them,  with  a 
j  hundred  men  to  revenge  the  Death  of 
i  those  who  are  killed  and  supposed  to 
j  be  white  people,  and  that  two  young 
men  of  their  Nation  must  be  delivered 
up. 

They  were  asked  where  their  young 
men  had  killed  those  Indians,  and  of 
what  Nation  they  were? 

They  answered  that  it  was  on  the 
forks  of  a  River  lying  to  the  South- 
ward of  James  River,  in  Virginia, 
and  that  the  Indians  were  of  the 
Tootelaes;  that  they  have  seen  the 
scalps  and  know  them  to  be  of  In- 
dians and  are  now  to  be  seen  in  their 
Indian  town. 

The  delivering  some  strings  of 
wampum. 

They  add  that  they  are  extremely 
concerned  that  any  Suspicion  should 
be  entertained  of  them  as  if  they  had 
done  any  injury  to  the  white  people 
whom  they  look  upon  as  themselves ; 
that  they  and  the  English  are  as  one 
Heart,  one  Body,  and  one  Person, 
therefore  to  do  hurt  to  the  white 
People  would  be  doing  hurt  to  them- 
selves. 

They  were  told  that  it  could  not 
but  give  us  a  great  concern  to  hear 
such  reports;  that  they  were  extreme- 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


324 


ly  careful  to  do  them  Justice  and  to 
preserve  a  good  understanding  with 
them,  and  we  hope  they  will  be  equal- 
ly careful  on  their  parts,  that  we  are 
well  pleased  with  their  coming  here 
to  satisfy  us,  and  if  they  are  innocent 
as  by  what  they  Lave  said  we  hope 
they  are,  they  have  no  need  to  feel  any 
resentment  or  to  be  under  the  least 
Apprehension,  but  if  it  should  prove 
otherwise,  Justice  must  be  done  upon 
the  guilty  persons. 
That  these  People  who  live  near  and 
give  them  so  much  Uneasiness  by  the 
reports  they  have  spread  of  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Virginia  coming  against  them 
have  no  foundation  of  what  they  say; 
they  know  nothing  of  the  matter,  and 
are  not  to  be  credited.  If  the  Indians 
have  not  done  anything  amiss  they 
have  nothing  to  fear. 

They  said  that  what  they  told  was 
spoken  sincerely — their  tongues  and 
Hearts  go  together;  That  they  have 
nothing  further  to  add,  but  having 
been  at  some  expense  at  their  Jour- 
ney here  they  hope  their  Brethren 
will  consider  it.  They  were  told  care 
should  be  taken  of  them,  and  some- 
what given  them  before  their  depar- 
ture. 

It  was  ordered  that  Thirty  shillings 
be  given  them  to  defray  their  charges 
on  the  road,  and  that  their  entertain- 
ment in  Town  be  paid  for." 
1733— The  Governor's  Private  Secre- 
tary Visits  Conestoga. 

In  Vol,  3  of  the  Colonial  Rec,  p. 
506  the  expenses  connected  with  the 
Indian  treaty  are  set  out  and  among 
them  may  be  found  the  following. 

"Deer. — To  Robert  Charles  fo.r  the 
Expenses  by  him  disbursed  in  a 
Journey  to  Conestogoe,  by  order 
of  the  Governor  and  Council,  to 
forward  to  the  Indians  of  Alle- 
gheny several  Messages  of  im- 
portance,    touching     the    reports 


spread  of  their  going  over  to  the 
French,  and  inviting  them  to 
come  to  Philadelphia  to  treat 
with  this  Government,  and  for 
an  Express  sent  ,  to  Sasquehan- 
nah  for  Edmund  Cartldge,  who 
was  the  bearer  of  Messages,  4£ 
17s. — And  we  are  of  opinion  that 
5  Pounds  be  allowed  to  the  said 
Robert  Charles  for  his  trouble  in 
the  said  Journey,  for 

9  Pounds  &  17   Shillings. 

1733. — The      Government     Bears     the 

Expenses  of  Shawanese  Indian 

Funerals. 

In  the  Book  last  mentioned,  p.  507 
is  set  forth  the  following  charge: 

"March — To  the  Charges  of  Attend- 
ance, nursing  and  funerals  of  two 
Shawanese  Indians,  p.  Account, 
28  Pounds  14s.  5,  &  to  Dr. 
Thomas  Gaerme,  their  Physician, 
for  his  medicines  Advice  and 
care,  P.  his  Bill  15  Pounds. 

43  Pounds,  14s.  5." 

1733 — Peter    Chartier    Brings     Much 
Rum  to  Conestoga. 

We  remember  that  Peter  Chartier 
was  a  son  of  Martin  Chartier  and 
that  his  mother  was  a  Shawanese  In- 
dian. In  an  item  found  in  Vol.  3  of 
the  Col.  Rec,  p.  501,  it  is  complained 
that  Chartier,  whose  name  is  here 
spelled  Cheavier,  brings  rum  to  the 
Indians  and  does  not  obey  the  laws  at 
all.  The  Indians  ask  that  this  bring- 
ing of  rum  be  stopped. 

1733— The  Walking  Purchase  Is 
Again  Mentioned 

In  Vol.  6  of  Haz.  Reg.,  p.  212,  men- 
tion is  again  made  to  the  walking 
purchase  of  1686  and  it  seems  that 
there  is  still  some  dissatisfaction 
connected  with  it. 

1734— Captain  Civility  Sent  for  By  the 
Government. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  570,  it 
is   set   forth   that   several   Oneida   In- 


126 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


dians  came  to  Philadelphia  but  before 
they  could  talk  they  desired  to  see 
their  friend  and  brother  Captain  Civ- 
ility and  desired  that  he  might  be 
sent  for  to  come  from  Conestoga, 
which  was  done.  Civility  and  some 
other  Indians  came  down  from  Con- 
estoga and  the  treaty  was  held.  There 
was  also  present  the  Chief  of  the 
Ganawese  Indians  and  John  and 
Thomas  Penn.  Most  of  the  business 
of  this  Council  or  treaty  concerned 
sections  of  Pennsylvania  outside  of 
Lancaster  County  and  therefore  we 
will  not  set  forth  the  proceedings. 

1734— The  Indians  at  Conestoga  Com- 
plain   of   the    Traders. 

In  Vol.  I  of  the  Penna.  Archives, 
p.  425,  the  following  complaint  is 
made  by  the  Indians  against  the 
Traders:  "May  1st,   1734. 

My  Brethren: 

Some  time  ago  Edmund  (Probably 
Edmund  Cartlidge)  brought  a  Letter 
amongst  us,  and  withall  advised  me 
to  mind  to  be  careful  of  my  people, 
not  in  ye  least  to  hurt  them,  and  if 
we  wanted  any  Assistance  we  might 
expect  it  from  You,  which  we  are 
very  glad  to  hear.  As  for  ye  belt  of 
Wampum  you  sent  by  ye  Five  Nations, 
we  have  not  yet  had,  though  so  often 
mentioned.  Edward  Kenny,  Jacob 
Ryatt,  Tim'y  Fitzpatrick,  Wm.  Dew- 
lap &  Jno.  Kelly,  of  Donegall,  come 
trading  with  us  without  a  License, 
which  is  a  hindrance  to  the  Lincensed 
Trades.  Charles  Poke  and  Thomas 
Hill  are  very  pernicious  for  they  have 
abused  us,  and  we  gave  them  a  fath- 
om of  white  wampum,  desiring  them 
by  that  token  to  acquaint  you  how  they 
had  served  us,  and  att  a  Drinking 
Boutt,  Henry  Baley,  Olliver  Wallis 
and  Jno.  Young,  took  one  of  our  old 
men,  and  after  having  tied  him  abus- 
ed him  very    much,     James    Denning 


was  among  them  and  abused  us  like- 
wise, such  pople  we  think  are  not 
proper  to  deal  with  us.  Jno.  Kelly,  of 
Pextan  has  made  a  great  disturb- 
ance by  raising  false  reports  among 
us,  and  Tim'y  Fitzpatrick,  Thomas 
Moren  and  Jno.  Palmer  quarrel  often 
with  us,  therefore,,  we  desire  those 
four  may  be  kept  particularly  from 
us.  Jonas  Davenport,  Laz.  Lowry, 
Jmes  Letort,  Fran's  Stevens,  James 
Patterson,  Ed.  Cartlidge,  we  desire 
may  have  license  to  come  and  trade 
with  us,  as  also  Peter  Cheartier,  who 
we  reckon  one  of  us,  and  he  is  wel- 
come to  come  as  long  as  he  pleases 
likewise  we  begg  att  our  Councill 
that  no  trader  abovementioned  may 
be  allowed  to  bring  more  than  30 
Galons  of  Rum,  twice  in  a  year  and 
no  more,  for  by  that  means  we  shall 
be  capable  of  paying  our  debts  and 
making  our  creditors  easy,  which  we 
can  not  do  otherwise,  and  that  every 
trader  may  be  obliged  to  bring  his 
rum  in  ye  Cabin  where  he  lives  dir- 
ectly, and  not  to  hide  in  ye  woods, 
but  for  P.  Cheatier  to  bring  what 
quantities  he  pleases,  for  he  trades 
further  than  the  rest,  and  that  every 
trader  bring  his  license  with  him, 
and  for  our  parts  if  we  see  any  other 
traders  than  those  we  desire  amongst 
us,  we  will  staves  their  Cags  and 
seize  their  goods  likewise,  we  also 
beg  every  trader  may  be  obliged  to 
bring  good  Powder,  and  if  we  are 
indebted  to  any  of  those  we  desire 
may  not  be  admitted  to  trade  with 
us,  if  they  Will  come  without  goods 
or  Rum,  if  we  have  it  by  us  we  will 
pay  them  their  Due,  we  also  hope  no 
hired  man  will  have  liberty  to  bring 
any  rum  with  him. 
We  are  Your  Friends  and  Brethren, 

NECHIKONNER,    (L.    S.) 
OPOCKRETOR,    (L.   S.) 
CAWKECAWLEN?    (L.    S.) 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


326 


OLANAWKANOR,    L.    S.) 
MEELATAINEN,    (L.    S.) 

Testes ; 

JONAH  DAVENPORT, 

JAMES  LETORT, 

LAREY  LOWREY, 

PETER   P.    CHEARTIER, 
Indorsed  1st  May,  1734.  A  letter  from 
the  Indians  ab't  Licenc'd  Traders." 

1735— The    Conestoga     Indians     Show 

the    Written    Penu    Treaty. 

In  Vol.  3  of  the  Col.  Rec.,  p.  597, 
there  are  set  forth  the  proceedings 
of  a  treaty  of  the  29th  of  July,  1735, 
as   follows:  — 

"Several  Indians  of  Conestogoe 
and  Sasquehannah  to  the  number  of 
thirty  in  all,  Men,  Women  and  Child- 
ren coming  to  town  on  a  friendly 
visit,  and  their  Chiefs  applying  to 
the  Proprietaries  and  Governour  to 
be  heard  in  Council. 

A  Council  was  held  at  Philadel- 
phia, August  1st,  1735. 

PRESENT: 

The  Honourable  THOMAS  PENN, 
Esqr.,   Proprietary. 

The  Lieutenant  Governor, 
Samuel   Preston, 
Clement  Plumsted, 
Ralph  Assheton, 

Thomas    Griffitts, 
Charles    Read, 

Esquires. 

PRESENT   ALSO: 

• 

Tioquataraghse  or  Civility,  Oni- 
chsulyiena,  Canasquagenerat,  Tatier- 
nughti,  with  several  other  Conesto- 
goe  Indians  of  less  Note. 

Ullaloes,  Chief  of  the  Ganawese, 
with  Peyhiohinas,  Joaasha,  and  some 
other  of  that  Nations. 

Gannauwantagerah,  Waiabiessanagh 
and  others  of  the  Shawanese. 

Conrad    Weyser,    Interpreter. 

The  Proprietor  told  the  Indians 
that  as  soon  as  heard  of  their  Arri- 
val he  sent  a  Message  to  his  brother, 
at       Pennsbury,       acquainting        him 


therewith,  but  he  is  so  much  in- 
disposed as  not  to  be  able  to  come 
down,  and  that  the  Council  are  now 
met  to  hear  what  they  have  to  offer. 
Civility,  by  the  Interpreter  said: 
That  there  are  now  present  three 
different  Nations  of  the  Indians,  to 
witt:  the  Conestogoes,  Ganawese  and 
Shawanese,  who  are  come  down  to 
visit  the  Proprietors,  and  to  renew 
with  them  the  League  and  Chain  of 
Friendship. 

That  when  William  Penn  first  came 
into  this  Country,  he  called  many  of 
the  Indians  together  and  told  them 
that  the  Great  King  of  England  had 
given  unto  him  a  large  tract  of  land, 
on  which  several  nations  of  Indians 
were  settled;  that  it  was  his  desire 
to  live  in  Peace  and  good  friendship 
with  all  those  Indians,  and  therefore 
he  would  make  purchases  from  them 
of  those  lands,  before  they  should  be 
possessed  by  the  white  people. 

That  the  Indians  told  William  Penn 
he  and  they  should  live  on  those 
lands  like  Brethren,  in  Love  and 
and  Friendship;  whereupon  William 
Penn  and  the  Indians  entered  upon  a 
League  of  Friendship  together, 
whereby  they  became  all  as  one 
people  and  one  Nation,  joined  to- 
gether so  strongly  that  nothing 
should  ever  disunite  them,  but  that 
they  should  continue  one  people  for- 
ever. 

That  if  one  Chief  article  then 
agreed  on  between  William  Penn  and 
the  Indians  was  that  if  any  mischief 
or  hurt  should  befall  either,  they 
should  assist  one  another,  and  con- 
stantly have  their  eyes  open  to  watch 
for  each  other's  safety,  and  their 
ears  open  if  any  news  were  brought 
from  any  Country  that  might  give 
uneasiness  to  either,  they  should 
carefully  inform  each  other  of  what 
they  heard. 


327 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


That  it  was  further  agreed  be- 
tween William  Penn  and  the  Indians, 
that  each  should  bear  a  share  in  the 
others  misfortunes.  That  this  Coun- 
try, though  it  might  be  filled  with 
people  of  different  Nations,  yet  care 
should  be  taken  that  Justice  should 
be  done  to  every  person,  and  no 
mischief  happen  without  satisfaction 
being  given  when   it  was  necessary. 

That  William  Penn  and  the  Indians 
agreed  on  other  articles,  of  all  which 
two  papers  were  written;  one  of 
them  their  brother  William  Penn  had 
and  the  other  they  have  brought  with 
them,  to  show  that  they  preserve  all 
these  things  carefully. 

That  their  Brother  William  Penn 
told  the  Indians  this  agreement  was 
to  continue  for  three  Generations. 

Then  laying  down  three  Bundles  of 
skins, 

He  said: 

That  they  were  now  come  hither 
to  see  William  Penn's  sons,  to  take 
them  by  the  hand  and  renew  with 
them  the  League  of  Friendship  made 
with  their  father.  And  to  bind  their 
words,  they  now  presented,  in  the 
name  of  all  the  Conestooge,  Ganawese 
and  Shawanese  Indians,  three  bun- 
dles of  skins. 

Civility  laying  down  another  bundle 
of  skins  added: 

That  the    Shawanese    Indians    who 

live  upon  River,  lately  sent 

him  a  present  of  skins,  which  he  now 
gives  to  the  Proprietaries,  to  engage 
them  to  assist  in  composing  any  dif- 
ferences that  may  arise  between  the 
Irish  People,  woh  are  come  into  these 
parts  and  these  Indians  who  intend 
to  live  and  dye  where  they  are  now 
settled. 

That  he  had  now  finished  all  he 
had  to  say. 

The  proprietor  told  the  Indians  he 
would  speak  to  them  on  the  heads 
they   had   mentioned   very   soon;     and 


'  orders  being  given  for  their  good  ac- 
,  commodation  and  entertainment,  they 
I  were  at  present  dismissed. 

At   a   Council   held   at   Philadelphia, 
'  August   2d,   1735. 

PRESENT: 

The  Honourable  Thomas  Penn, 
Esquire, 

The  Lieutenant  Governour, 

Samuel   Preston, 

Ralph  Assheton, 

Thomas   Griffitts, 
Charles    Read, 

Esquires. 

And   the    Indians   mentioned   in   the 
preceeding  Minute. 
The  Proprietor  spoke  to  the  Indians 
by   the    Interpreter,    as    follows:  — 
Friends    and    Brethren: — 

I  told  you  yesterday,  that  on  the 
first  Notice  I  had  of  your  coming  to 
Town  I  had  sent  to  my  brother,  whom 
I  had  left  at  Pennsbury,  to  desire  his 
Company  here,  and  I  am  now  truly 
sorry  that  the  indisposition  he  lab- 
ours on  or  under,  which  till  is  over 
will  not  suffer  him  to  travel,  must 
deprive  him  of  the  pleasure  he  would 
have  taken  at  your  visit.  You  are 
sensible  he  is  your  Country  man, 
being  born  in  the  same  land  with  you, 
and  for  this  reason  he  would  have 
desired  to  see  you;  but  he  has  sent 
me  a  letter  by  which  I  know  his 
mind,  and  now  since  he  cam  not  be 
present  himself  I  shall  give  you  both 
his  and  my  own  sentiments,  which  I 
assure  you  are  exactly  the  same. 

We  need  not  tell  you,  who  formerly 
saw  our  father  William  Penn  here, 
that  he  loved  all  the  Indians  as  his 
own  People  and  Children,  he  shewed 
it  in  all  his  actions  and  conduct 
towards  them;  he  made  a  firm 
League  of  Friendship  with  all  the  In- 
dians, and  he  not  only  observed  them 
strictly  himself  but  he  gave  it  in 
charge  to  us  his  children  to  do  the 
same.     And  as  we  are  the  same  with 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


328 


our  father,  so  we  are  very  well  I 
pleased  to  find  by  this  visit,  and  what 
you  have  said,  that  you  are  the  very 
same  you  were  when  he  was  here, 
and  that  you  not  only  remember  the 
Substance  of  what  then  past,  but  also 
have  kept  one  of  the  instruments  of 
writings  that  he  gave  your  fathers 
under  his   hand." 

After  this  done  the  Governor 
showed  the  Indians  the  deed  which 
they  had  made  September  13,  1700, 
for  the  Susquehanna  lands  and  also 
the  treaty  by  which  they  confirmed 
the  deed  made  the  3rd.  of  April, 
1701,  which  we  have  before  set  out. 
This  seemed  to  satisfy  them.  On 
the  fourth  of  August  they  met  again 
and  after  they  had  some  rum,  pipes, 
tobacco  and  bread  they  were  given 
presents  and  the  Governor  made 
them  a  speech,  which  pleased  them 
very  much.  After  all  this  they  de- 
parted. 
1786— Lands  From  the  Mouth  of  the 

Susquehanna    River    to    be    Bought. 

In  Vol.  4  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  87, 
at  a  Council,  it  was  stated  that  it 
was  advised  the  Indians  and  whites 
ought  to  confer  and  treat  about  the 
purchase  of  lands  and  that  as  the 
Indians  signed  releases  to  Penn  for 
all  the  lands  lying  between  the 
Mouth  of  the  Susquehanna  and  Ke- 
kachtanium  Hills,  and  that  it  now 
remained  to  conclude  on  the  amount 
of  goods  to  be  delivered.  Here  we 
are  further  informed  that  the  Land 
purchasing  has  not  ceased  to  cause 
some   trouble. 

1736— A    Reference    to    the    Conquer- 
ing of  the  Susquehannocks  by 

the  Five   Nations. 
In  Vol.  4  of  the  Col.  Rec.  p.  93,  at 

a     treaty     held     at     Philadelphia,     at 
which  some  of  the  Five  Nations  were 

present    the    question    of    these    Sus- 


quehanna land  again  came  up  and 
the  Speaker  of  the  Five  Nations  said 
that  if  Captain  Civility  at  Conestoga 
should  attempt  to  make  a  sale  of 
any  lands  to  us  or  any  of  our  neigh- 
bors they  must  let  him  know  and 
that  he  had  no  power  to  do  so;  and 
if  he  does  anything  of  the  kind  the 
Indians    will    utterly    disown    him. 

The  subject  again  came  up  and 
on  p.  94  of  the  same  book,  the  Indian 
Speaker  of  the  Five  Nations  said, 
"We  have  indeed  heard  of  a  letter 
sent  up  to  Susquehanna  from  the 
Governor  of  Maryland.  If  he  men- 
tions anything  in  it  of  orders  from 
the  King  of  England  we  are  to  hear 
of  it.  The  land  on  Susquehanna  be- 
longs to  the  six  nations  by  the  con- 
quest of  the  Indians  of  that  river 
but  we  do  not  know  how  they  lay 
claim  to  the  Southern  lands." 

Here  we  again  see  that  subjuga- 
tion of  the  Susquehannocks  is  proved. 
1736— An  Indian  Deed  for  Lands  on 
Susquehanna. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penn.  Archives,  p. 
494  there  is  set  forth  under  the  date 
of  1736  a  deed  from  the  Sachems  of 
the  Onondagos,  Chiefs  of  the  Sene- 
cas,  Chiefs  of  the  Cayoogoes,  Chiefs 
of  the  Oneidas  and  chiefs  of  the  Tus- 
caroras,  which  sets  forth  as  follows: 

"Whereas,  the  late  Proprietary  of 
the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  Wm. 
Penn,  Esq.,  soon  after  arriving  in 
his  province,  took  measures  to  have 
the  River  Susquehannah,  with  all 
the  land  lying  on  both  sides  of  the 
same,  purchased  for  him  and  his 
heirs  of  those  Indians  of  the  Five 
Nations  Inhabiting  in  the  Province 
of  New  York,  who  claimed  the  p'p'y 
thereof  and  according  did  purchase 
them  from  Coll.  Thomas  Dungan  for- 
merly Governor  of  New  York,  and 
pay    for    the     same,     Notwithstanding 


329 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


which  the  Indians  of  the  Five  Nations 
aforesaid,  have  continued  to  claim  a  j 
right  in  and  to  the  said  River  and 
Lands;  nor  have  those  claims  been 
hitherto  adjusted,  whereupon,  the  said 
Sachems  or  Chiefs  having  with  all 
the  others  of  the  said  Nations  Met 
the  last  summer  at  their  great  Coun- 
cil, held  in  the  Countrey  of  the  said 
Onandagoes,  did  resolve  and  con- 
clude that  a  final  period  and  Con- 
clusion should  be  put  to  all  Disputes 
that  might  possibly  arise  on  that  oc- 
casion; and  have  appointed  the 
aforenamed  Sachems  or  Chiefs  as 
Plenepotentiaries  of  all  those  nations 
to  repair  to  Philadelphia  in  order  to 
confirm  the  Several  treaties  of  Peace 
which  have  hitherto  been  concluded 
between  them  and  the  said  Province; 
and  also,  to  Settle  and  Adjust  all 
Demands  and  Claims  that  have  been 
heretofore  made  ,  or  hereafter  may 
be  made,  touching  or  concerning  the 
aforesaid  river  Susquehannah,  and 
the  lands  lying  on  both  sides  there- 
of; and  ye  said  Sachems  or  Chiefs 
of  the  Five  Nations  aforesaid,  having 
for  themselves  and  on  behalf  of  the 
said  Nations,  renewed  and  ratified 
the  said  treaties  of  Friendship  and 
Peace  substituting  between  them  and 
the  said  Province,  did  afterwards 
proced  to  treat  and  agree  with  the 
Honorable  the  Proprietors  thereof, 
about  the  said  river  and  lands.  Now 
know  ye,  that  in  consideration  of, 
the  premises  aforesaid  and  of  the 
several  quantities  of  goods  herein 
mentioned,  viz:  500  pounds  of  pow- 
der, 600  pounds  of  lead,  45  Guns,  60 
Strowd  water  match  Coats,  100 
Blankets,  100  duffle  match  coats,  200 
yards  of  half-thick,  100  shirts,  40 
hatts,  40  pairs  of  Shoes  and  Byckles, 
40  pair  of  stockings,  100  hatchets, 
500  knives,  100  houghs,  60  kettles, 
100    tobacco    tongs,    100    Scissors,    500 


awl  blades,  120  Combs,  2000  needles, 
1000  flints,  24  looking  glasses ,  2 
pounds  of  vermillion,  and  100  Tin 
pots  besides  25  Gallons  of  Rum,  200 
pounds  of  Tobacco,  1000  pipes,  and 
24  dozen  of  Gartering,  by  the  said 
Proprietairies,  John  Penn,  Thomas 
Penn  and  Richard  Penn,  well  and 
truly  paid  and  delivered  unto  the 
said"  chiefs  aforesaid  before  the  de- 
livery of  these  presents,  they  acknowl- 
edge themselves  to  be  satisfied  and 
they,  for  themselves,  and  all  the  Five 
Nations,  the  Tyannuntasacta  Hills,  or 
confirm  unto  the  said  John,  Thomas 
and  Richard  Penn  the  following 
lands,  to  wit: —  "All  the  said  River 
Susquehannah,  with  the  lands  lying 
on  both  sides  thereof,  to  extend 
Eastward  as  far  as  the  heads  of  the 
Branches  or  Springs  which  run  into 
the  said  Susquehannah  and  all  the 
lands  lying  on  the  West  side  of  the 
Susquehanna  river  to  the  Setting  of 
the  Sun  and  to  extend  from  the 
mouth  of  the  said  River  Northward, 
up  the  same  to  the  hills  or  mountains 
called  in  the  language  of  the  said 
Nations,  the  Kekkachtananin  Hills, 
or  Endless  Hills,  and  by  the  Delaware 
Indians,  the  Kekkachtananin  Hills, 
together,  also,  the  Islands  in  the  said 
River,  Ways,  Waters,  Watercourses, 
Woods,  Underwoods,  Timeber  and 
Trees,  Mountains,  Hills,  Mines,  Val- 
leys, Minerals,  Quarries,  Rights, 
Liberties,  Privileges,  Advantages, 
Hereditaments  and  Appurtenances 
thereunto  belonging,  or  in  any  wise 
appertaining;"  and  then  they  further 
say  if  the  Indians  any  time  hereafter 
demand  any  property,  "to  the  said 
River  Sasquehannah,  lands  on  both 
sides  of  the  same,  Islands  contained 
therein,  Hereditaments  and  premises 
hereby  granted  and  released,  nor  any 
part  or  parcel  thereof,  but  of  and 
from    the    same    shall    be   barred    and 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY   INDIAN    TRIBES 


330 


forever   Excluded   by    these    Presents; 
and  that  the  said  Proprietaries,  John 
Penn,    Thomas     Penn,     and     Richard 
Penn,    their     heirs,     successors     and 
assigns,   shall,     and      rightfully    may, 
from   time   to   time,   and   at  all   times 
and    seasons,   forever   hereafter,  quiet- 
ly and  peaceably,  have,  hold,  occupy, 
possess   and  Enjoy,   all   and   singular, 
the    Said    River    Susquehannah,    and 
the  lands  lying  on  both   sides  of  the 
same,   and    all     the     Islands    therein, 
with   the   Hereditaments   granted   and 
released,    with     their    and    every    of 
their  appurtenances,  Without  the  Let, 
Trouble,    Hinderance     or    Molestation 
of   the    said    Kakiskerowane;    Tayun- 
hunty,   Caxhaayn,   Kuchdachary,   Saw- 
ceyatecos,    Sachems    or    Chiefs   of   ye 
Nation   of  the    Onondagoes;     Kanich- 
hungo,    Tagachskaholoo,     Sagoayaton- 
dackquas,     Ashcoalaax,      Hetquantag- 
echta.  Sachems  or  Chiefs  of  the  Sene- 
kaes;       Saguehsanyunt,       Sunaratchy, 
Kanawatoe,        Tecochtseegherochogoo, 
Sachems  or  Chiefs  of  the  Cayoogoes; 
Saliscaquoh,    Shecalamy,    Tahashwan- 
garoras,    Sachems    or    Chiefs   o  f    the 
Oneydoes,  and   Sawantga  and  Tyeros, 
Sachems    or    Chiefs    of    the    Tuscaro- 
ras,  or  any  of  them,  or  any  others  of 
the  Indians  of  the  Five  Nations  afore- 
said, or  any  other  person  or  persons 
claiming    or    to    claim    the    same,     or 
any    part  thereof,  by,  from   or   under 
them,   or    any    of   them,    according   to 
the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  these 
Presents. 

In  Witness  whereof  the  before 
named  Sachems  or  Chiefs,  for  them- 
selves and  on  behalf  of  all  the  People 
of  the  Five  Nations  aforesaid,  have 
hereunto  set  their  Hands  and  Seals, 
the  Eleventh  day  of  October,  in  the 
year  of  Our  Lord  One  Thousand 
Seven  Hundred  and  Thirty  Six,  and 
in  the  Tenth  year  of  the  Reign  of  I 
King   George   the    Second,   over   Great  ! 


Britain,  etc."  The  deed  is  then 
signed  by  twenty-six  Chiefs  and  wit- 
nessed by  seventeen  witnesses.  This 
deed  is  recorded  in  the  Office  of  Re- 
cording Deeds  in  Book  G.,  Vol.  5,  p. 
277. 

1786 — A  Release  for  the  Same  Lands. 

On  the  12th  day  of  October,  1736, 
the  various  Indians  above  mentioned 
made  or  executed  a  release  in  addi- 
tion to  the  former  deed,  which  deed 
was  made  on  the  11th  of  October  and 
in  their  release  also  embodied  a 
treaty.  This  release  and  treaty  are 
as  follows:  4 

"We,  the  Chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations 
of   Indians,    the    Onadagoes,     Isanun- 
dowans       or      Sinnekas,      Cayoogoes, 
Oneydas,   Tuscaroras,    (in   behalf  also 
of  ye    Cayingoes    or    Mohacks),    who 
have    lately    at    Philadelphia     by    our 
Deed   in   writing   dated    the    eleventh 
day  of  this  instant,  October,  released 
to     John     Penn,     Thomas     Penn    and 
Richard    Penn,    Proprietors    of    Penn- 
j  sylvania,  and  to  their  Heirs  and  Suc- 
cessors,    ALL    our    Right,    Claim     and 
i  Pretentions     whatsoever,    to    all     and 
every  the  lands  on  both  side;?  of  the 
River    Sasquehannah,   from   ye   mouth 
thereof    as    far    Northward    Oi    up    the 
said     River    as    that    Ridge    of    Hills 
called  the    Tyoninhackta    or    Endless 
Mountains,    Westward    to    the    Setting 
of  the  Sun,  and  Eastward  to  the  fur- 
therest  Springs  of  the  Waters  running 
into    the    said    River,    Do   hereby    fur- 
ther   declare,    that    our    True    intent 
and  meaning  by  the  said  writing  was 
and  is  to   Release  and  we   do  hereby 
more    expressly    release,   to    the     said 
Proprietaries,    their    Heirs    and    Suc- 
cessors forever,  All  our  Rights,  Claim 
and    Pretensions    whatsoever,     to    all 
and  every  the  lands  lying  within  the 
bounds  and  limits  of  the  Government 
of   Pennsylvania,   Beginning  Eastward 
of  the  River  Delaware,  as  far  North- 


331 


ANNALS  OP  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


ward  as  the  said  Ridge  or  Chain  of 
Endless  Mountains  as  they  cross  the 
Country  of  Pennsylvania,  from  East- 
ward and  to  the  West. 

And  further  as  we  have  made  the 
firmest  League  of  Friendship  with 
our  Brethren  of  Pennsylvania  and 
are  become  .as  one  People  with  them, 
We  do  hereby  promise  and  engage 
for  ourselves  and  our  Children  and 
their  Children,  That  neither  we  nor 
they  nor  any  in  Authority  in  our  Na- 
tions, will  at  any  time  bargain,  sell, 
grant  or  by  any  means  make  over,  to 
any  person  or  persons  whatsoever, 
whether  White  men  or  Indians,  other 
than  by  the  said  Proprietors,  the 
Children  of  William  Penn,  or  to  Per- 
sons by  them  authorized  and  ap- 
pointed to  agree  for  and  receive  the 
same,  any  lands  within  the  limits  of 
the  Government  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
it  is  bounded  Northward  with  the 
Goverment  of  New  York  and  Albany, 
but  when  we  are  willing  to  dispose 
of  any  further  rights  to  land  within 
the  said  limits  of  Pennsylvania,  we 
will  dispose  of  them  to  the  said 
William  Penn's  Children  and  to  no 
other  persons  whatsoever. 

In  Witness  whereof  we  l^e  in  Be- 
half of  all  our  Nation,  signed  this 
further  writing,  being  distinctly  read 
and  interpreted  to  us  by  our  Friend 
Conrad  Wyser,  the  Twenty  Fifth  day 
of  October,  1736. 

Witness  (an  interlineation  of  seven- 
teen words  being  first  made  between 
the  8th  and  9th  lines.) 

ANYNSSQUASHUH,   his    mark 

ANYHARUNGQUAS, 

CANDACH, 

HAWYIENTA, 

JOSUNSUDAN, 

JOSUNLONSENET, 

HANUKHUNGO, 

HATQUANTAGUHTY, 

GAHISKEROWANO, 

GECHTACKHERY, 

TAHASHWANGAI, 


T.ACANNUNTY, 

CAXHAAYN, 

TOCANORUNGO, 

OSCOTAX, 

SAWUNTGA, 

CANAWATO, 

SAGUSKSONYUNT, 

TYIICHRYGERECHGO, 

SARISTORQUOH, 

SHYKELIMY, 

CONRAD  WEISER,  Interpreter." 
The  above  release  and  treaty  may 
be  found  in  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Ar- 
chives, p.  498;  and  it  may  also  be 
found  in  Vol.  5  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p. 
219. 

1737— Indian  Religion. 
Mombert  in  his  History  of  Lancas- 
ter County,  p.  19,  gives  us  a  good 
deal  of  interesting  information  about 
the  Indians  and  their  religion.  He 
tells  of  the  queer  customs  and  ways 
which  they  have  to  worship  their 
God. 

137 — Indian     Depredations     at     Cone- 
stoga. 

In  Vol.  1  of  the  Penn.  Archives,  p. 
547,    Samuel    Blunston   made   the    fol- 
lowing   statement    as    to    Indian    out- 
rages: 
"To    the    Honorable    the    Proprietor, 

the      President      and      Council     is 

humbly  Represented, 
That 

On  Sunday  night  last  an  accident 
happened  which  has  given  us  some 
trouble.  About  eleven  o'clock  at  night 
two  Indians  came  into  Samuel  Beth- 
el's house  and  asked  for  drink,  one 
of  them  having  a  naked  knife  in  his 
hand,  and  with  some  difficulty  Sam- 
uel's wife  (he  being  in  bed)  per- 
swaded  them  out  of  the  house  and 
fastened  the  Door,  when  immediately 
one  of  them  with  great  violence 
darted  a  Board  through  a  Glass  win- 
dow into  the  House,  which  as  it 
happened  did  no  other  damage  than 
breaking  the  window.  Samuel  Bethel 
was  asleep,  but  there  being  two  other 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


332 


men  in  the  House,  viz:  Daniel  Sou- 
therland  and  John  Judson,  they  went 
out  to  prevent  their  doing  further 
mischief,  whereupon  one  of  the  In- 
dians with  the  knife  wounded  Sou- 
therland  in  the  Belly  and  cut  the 
Caul  so  that  his  Bowels  came  out,  and 
immediately  turned  to  the  other  man 
and  stabbed  him  in  the  Breast,  which 
wound,  though  deep,  slanting  down- 
ward kept  on  the  outside  of  the 
Bone,  so  that  wee  hope  that  neither 
of  the  wounds  are  mortal,  though 
both  of  them,  especially  Southerland, 
are  yet  very  ill.  On  Monday  morning 
several  people  of  the  Town  went  af- 
ter the  Indians  and  brought  one  of 
them  back  and  some  of  their  people 
went  after  the  other  but  could  not 
find  him.  The  Indian  that  was  taken 
they  secured  in  our  Prison,  till  we 
could  know  whether  the  wounded 
men  would  recover,  and  yesterday  we 
sent  some  people  to  the  Indian  Town 
where  they  found  several  of  the  In- 
dians in  great  surprise,  our  people 
let  them  know  they  were  come  in  a 
friendly  manner  to  invite  them  to  a 
conference  about  the  matter,  and  they 
agreed  to  meet  me  here  today,  which 
they  have  accordingly  done.  What 
I  said  to  them  was  of  this  effect,  viz: 
That  I  was  come  to  meet  and  speak 
with  them  about  an  abuse  committed 
by  two  of  their  Young  men  on  some 
of  ours  without  any  provocation  given 
on  our  part,  that  when  first  our  men 
were  wounded  wee  thought  they 
would  have  died,  and  therefore  se- 
cured the  Indian  we  had  taken  untill 
we  could  speak  to  them  and  acquaint 
them  with  it,  but  that  now  we  were 
in  hopes  our  People  would  recover 
we  released  the  Prisoner  and  de- 
livered him  to  them,  for  that  we  did 
not  intend  to  punish  him  for  the 
offence  but  expected  they  would  make 
such  reparation  as  the  nature  of  the 


crime  would  require.  That  the 
Friendship  between  our  people  and 
theirs  might  remain  most  firm.  I 
also  informed  that  this  man  was  seen 
to  carry  a  naked  sharp  pointed  knife 
in  his  hand  before  he  did  the  Mis- 
chief, and  that  I  had  often  seen  their 
people  go  among  ours  with  sharp 
pointed  naked  knives,  which  practice 
I  thought  they  would  do  well  to  dis- 
courage. I  further  let  them  know 
that  I  would  write  an  account  of  the 
affair  to  the  Proprietor,  the  Presi- 
dent, and  Council,  and  desired  they 
should  let  me  know  what  I  should 
say  from  them,  to  which  after  a  short 
consultation  Sukaw  on  behalf  of 
himself  and  Weyewas,  their  King, 
;  (who  was  here)  made  answer,  that 
j  all  the  Indians  who  were  here  (ex- 
!  cept  themselves)  were  young  foolish 
j  men,  with  whom  they  could  hold  no 
Council,  therefore  desired  1  would 
write  an  account  of  the  affair  to  you, 
and  when  they  received  your  letter 
they  would  call  their  Old  People  to- 
gether and  take  Counsel  of  what  was 
proper  to  be  done,  and  having  before 
delivered  them  the  Prisoner,  when 
wee  had  done  they  asked  whether  he 
might  go  along  with  them,  io  which 
we  agreed,  and  they  departed.  It 
seems  unnecessary  for  me  to  observe 
anything  hereon,  except  that  the 
charge  which  will  arise  on  the  occa- 
j  sion,  for  nursing  the  man,  and  to  the 
Surgery  and  other  expenses  neces- 
sary, ought  in  due  time  to  be  de- 
frayed, but  we  know  not  without 
your  advice  where  properly  to  apply. 
I  am  with  Due  Respects, 
Your    assured    Friend, 

SA.   BLUNSTON. 
JLancast,  March  ye  8th,  1737-8." 
1 1737 — Shawanese   Excited  Because  the 
Senecas  Sell  Us  Land. 
In   Vol.    4   of   the   Col.    Rec,    p.    234, 
at    a    Council    held    in    Philadelphia, 


2:::j 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


"The  President  then  laid  before  the 
Board  a  Message  to  our  Proprietor 
from  the  Chiefs  of  the  Shawanese  at 
Allegheny,  accompanied  with  a  String 
of  Wampum,  which  being  read  is  in 
substance,  that  they  are  strongly 
solicited  by  the  French,  whom  they 
call  their  Fathers,  to  return  to  them; 
that  every  year  they  send  those  In- 
dians some  Powder,  Lead  and  To- 
bacco, to  enable  them  to  withstand 
their  enemies,  the  Southern  Indians, 
by  whom  they  have  often  suffered, 
and  were  last  year  attacked  in  one  of 
their  Towns;  that  they  are  gott  so 
far  back  that  they  can  go  no  further 
without  falling  into  their  enemies' 
hands  or  going  over  to  the  French, 
which  they  (the  Shawanese)  say  they 
would  willingly  avoid;  that  if  they 
should  return  to  Susquehanna,  as 
this  Government  has  often  pressed, 
they  must  starve,  little  or  no  game 
being  to  be  mett  with  in  those  parts; 
and  therefore  as  our  Brethren  and 
Allies,  with  whom  a  friendship  has 
ben  established  by  the  Treaty  held 
between  their  King  Opetha  alias 
Opessa,  and  our  first  Proprietor,  they 
request  that  we  will  furnish  them 
with  some  arms  and  ammunition  for 
their  defence  against  their  enemies, 
and  to  secure  their  continuance  at  Al- 
legheny. 

Upon  conisdering  what  the  Sachims 
of  the  Mohocks  had  represented  to 
Mr.  Clark,  it  was  observed  that  the 
claim  of  the  Shawanese  on  the  Sas- 
quehanna  to  those  lands  lately  re- 
leased to  our  Proprietors  is  entirely 
new  and  without  any  manner  of 
foundation,  those  Indians  having 
never  before  made  the  least  preten- 
sions of  the  kind;  that  they  were  at 
first  admitted  into  this  Province 
about  forty  years  since  at  the  Desire 
of  the  Conestogers,  they  were  suf- 
fered to  settle  amongst  them,  and  had 


so  contiued  until  of  late  years;  that 
for  the  benefit  of  hunting  they  had 
removed  to  a  greater  distance  and 
some  of  the  Nation  are  now  settled 
above  Shamokin  on  Sasquehannah 
and  the  Greater  Number  at  Allegheny 
who  are  those  from  whom  the  Propri- 
etor received  the  aforesaid  Letter,  on 
the  subject  of  whom  it  was  also  re- 
marked, that  for  these  several  years 
the  French  have  been  endeavouring 
to  gain  those  Indians  for  preventing 
which  they  are  invited,  by  Messages 
dispatched  to  them  in  the  winter  of 
1731,  to  return  to  Sasquehannah 
where  a  large  and  convenient  tract 
was  laid  out  for  their  accommoda- 
tion. Some  of  their  Chiefs  came  the 
year  after,  with  whom  the  Govern- 
ment renewed  their  treaty  of  Friend- 
ship and  they  returned  in  all  appear- 
ance highly  satisfied  which  their 
Messages  since  have  also  confirmed; 
that  it  might  be  very  improper,  on 
this  last  message  from  them  to  send 
powder  and  Lead  because  they  have 
thought  fitt  to  ask  them,  yet  as  the 
practices  of  the  French  on  those  In- 
dians, if  successful,  may  prove  ex- 
tremely prejudicial  in  a  case  of  a 
rupture  with  France,  all  possible 
means  ought  to  be  used  to  prevent 
their  defection  and  to  keep  them  at- 
tached to  the  British  Interests;  and 
as  they  appear  to  be  in  some  dread 
at  present  of  their  Enemies,  the 
Southeran  Indians,  between  whom 
and  all  those  to  the  Northward  a 
Peace  is  now  meditating  by  the  inter- 
cession of  the  Governour  of  Virginia, 
the  present  juncture  may  be  a  very 
proper  one  for  inviting  the  Chief  Men 
of  those  Shawanese  to  visit  us  and 
renew  their  Treaties  with  us,  and 
likewise  for  concerting  such  other 
measures  as  may  be  most  expedient. 
The  Board  are  therefore  of  Opinion 
that    a    proper    Message    accompanied 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


334 


with  a  Small  present  within  Ten 
pounds  Value,  should  for  this  end  be 
dispatched  by  the  first  convenient 
ipportunity  to  those  Chiefs,  and  it  is 
Recommended  to  the  President  to  or- 
der   the    same    accordingly." 

Here  we  see  that  not  only  were 
efforts  made  to  get  the  Shawanese 
back  to  Susquehanna  but  that  a  large 
tract  of  land  was  also  prepared  here 
for  them  to  settle  upon  again,  but 
they  would  not  do  so. 
1738— The  Indians  Protest  Against 
Hum. 

Our  Indians,  formerly  of  Lancas- 
ter County,  but  now  of  Allegheny, 
this  year  sent  a  protest  against  the 
use  of  Rum,  found  in  Vol.  1  of  the 
Penna.  Archives,  p.  §49,  as  follows: 

"This  day  we  held  a  Council,  and 
itt  is  agreed  by  the  Sheynees  in  Gen- 
eral, that  whatever  Rum  is  in  our 
Towns  shall  be  broak  and  spilt,  and 
nott  Drunk,  and  whoever  shall  bring 
any  rum  or  any  sort  of  strong  Liq-  | 
uor  into  our  Towns,  Indian  or  white  : 
man,  let  it  be  more  or  less,  itt  shall 
be  all  broak  and  spilt  in  the  presence 
of  the  whole  towns,  wheresoever  it 
is  brought,  and  four  men  is  appoint- 
ed for  every  town  to  see  that  there  is 
no  rum  or  strong  Liquor  brought  in- 
to our  Towns,  and  to  have  it  four 
years,  a  term  from  date." 

This  is  signed  by  one  hundred  In- 
dians and  among  Peter  Chartier,  a 
half  Indian,  and  several  others  whose 
names  we  have  met  from  time  to 
time. 

1738 — A  Message  Sent    to    Conestoga 

About  the   Murder   By  Indians 

There. 

In  Vol.  4  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  280, 
the  letter  from  Samuel  Blunston, 
which  we  have  cited  above  was  taken 
note  of  by  Council.  It  is  also  set 
forth   that  the   Indians    being     under 


great  surprise  about  to  leave  the 
County  becaus'e  of  their  men  was  put 
to  prison  on  account  of  this  killing 
and  it  was  therefore  decided  to  send 
a  letter  to  Blunston  to  be  laid  before 
the  Indians  and  their  Chiefs  at  Con- 
estoga.  The  letter  is  found  p.  281 
of  the  same  book  and  is  as  follows : 
"Philadelphia,  March  14th,  1737-8. 
Our  Friends  and  Brethren: 

On  receiving  an  account  of  the  late 
barbarous  action  committed  by  two 
of  your  young  Men  in  Lancaster  town 
upon  the  persons  of  two  of  our  People 
we  are  very  much  concerned  for  the 
folly  and  wickedness  of  it,  and  say 
thus  to  you  upon  that  Subject: 

You  are  fully  sensible  that  by  the 
many  past  treaties  between  you  and 
us  it  is  in  the  firmest  manner  estab- 
lished and  agreed  that  we  should  be 
all  as  one  people;  that  wrongs  done 
by  any  of  either  side  should  be  re- 
dressed and  the  offenders  punished 
without  any  distinction,  and  you  well 
know  that  when  any  of  our  people 
have  taken  the  life  of  an  Indian,  the 
guilty  persons  have  been  put  to  death 
for  it  as  if  the  injury  had  been  done 
to  one  of  ourselves  without  any  dif- 
ference; therefore,  when  any  of 
yours  are  guilty  of  any  such  crime, 
we  do  expect  they  shall  in  like  man- 
ner be  punished  for  it;  and  in  all 
cases  of  this  nature  we  consider  the 
guilty  person  only,  if  he  be  a  Chris- 
tian; no  other  Christian  or  white 
man  is  put  to  any  trouble;  and  in  the 
same  manner  if  he  be  an  Indian,  we 
do  not  account  any  other  Indian  an- 
swerable for  it  but  the  guilty  one 
only,  and  he  alone  is  to  be  punished; 
only  this  is  to  be  remembered,  that 
if  any  of  our  People  commit  a  crime 
and  fly  for  it,  our  Officers  and  people 
search  after  them  and  must  find 
them,  and  cause  them  to  be  kept  in 
prison    until    they    can    be    prosecuted 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


and  punished;  but  if  the  offence  is 
not  Murther  or  some  such  grievous 
crime,,  we  sometimes  let  them  have 
their  liberty  out  of  prison,  when  one 
or  more  good  men  will  become  bound 
for  their  appearance,  and  wil  produce 
or  bring  them  forth  when  called  by 
the  Government,  to  be  punished 
either  in  their  bodies  or  to  be  fined 
in  a  sum  of  money  to  make  satisfac- 
tion for  their  offence,  and  this  meth- 
od we  perceive  our  Officers  and  good 
friends,  Samuel  Blunston  and  the 
the  young  Man  whom  they  seized  for 
committing  that  cruel  act  on  persons 
who  had  done  him  and  his  compan- 
ion, who  had  fled,  no  manner  of  Harm 
but  were  endeavoring  only  to  re- 
strain their  violence  and  make  them 
quiet  after  they  had  broken  the  win- 
dow of  a  house  to  pieces,  without  any 
provocation. 

This  proceeding  of  Samuel  Blun- 
ston and  the  other  Magistrates  you 
must,  without  doubt  believe,  was  an 
act  of  great  Mildness  towards  you, 
and  such  as  would  scarce  have  been 
shewn  to  any  white  men  in  the  like 
case.  You  can  not  however,  but  well 
know  in  yourselves,  that  if  either  of 
our  wounded  men  should  die  of  their 
wounds  those  who  gave  the  wound 
should  suffer  for  it  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  if  a  white  man  had  done  the 
Act;  and  if  this  should  happen,  we 
shall  expect  that  not  only  the  Young 
man  whom  our  Officers  seized  and 
have  since  trusted  to  your  keeping, 
but  the  other  also  who  has  fled,  shall 
be  apprehended,  and  be  borh  deliv- 
ered up  to  be  punished;  but  if  the 
wounded  persons  recover,  as  we  hope 
they  will,  those  two  offenders  be-  j 
sides  making  satisfaction  to  the  suf-  \ 
ferers,  should  pay  all  the  charge  of  j 
their  cure  and  of  nursing  and  keep- 
ing; and  if  the  two  Indian  Young 
men  are  not  able  to  do  this  of  them- 


selves their  friends  should  help 
them  to  do  it.  for  tnem,  till  by  their 
own  diligence  in  hunting,  they  can 
make  Satisfaction;  they  must  like- 
wise faithfully  promise  to  behave 
themselves  well  and  peacefully  to- 
wards all  our  p-opie  foi  the  future, 
that  no  just  cause  of  further  com- 
plaint may  be  given  against  them. 
And  on  this  occasion  we  would  de- 
sire you  to  caution  all  your  young- 
men  .not  to  come  amongst  us  and  our 
people  with  any  dangerous  weapons, 
that  all  further  mischief  may  be 
avoided,  for  we  must  live  friendly 
and  peaceably  together;  we  are  to 
take  care  that  none  of  our  People 
shall  hurt  yours  and  you  must  take 
the  like  care  that  none  of  yours  be 
disorderly  or  hurt  you,  either  white 
men  or  Indians.  And  as  we  can  not 
doubt  but  in  this  and  all  other  cases 
you  will  shew  yourselves  true  and 
good  men,  by  faithfully  performing 
what  you  have  repeatedly  engaged  by 
your  treaties  with  us,  we  desire  that 
you  who  are  innocent  may  not  be  un- 
der any  fear  or  apprehension,  for  we 
should  not  think  you  accountable 
more  than  our  own  people,  the  white 
men  that  inhabit  there,  and  in  this  we 
desire  you  to  rest  satisfied,  and  are 
Your  true  friends  and  Brethren, 
In  behalf  of  the  Proprietor  and  the 
Council, 

JAMES  LOGAN." 

1739— Shawanese   Chiefs   at   Con 
estoga. 

In  Vol.  4  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  336  it 
is  stated  that  six  chiefs  of  the  Shaw- 
anese  Indians  with  twenty-one  others 
came  to  town  and  the  minutes  of 
their  Council  and  the  treaty  of  1732 
was  read  and  also  a  treaty  made  be- 
tween William  Penn  and  some  of  the 
Shawanese  Chiefs  in  1701;  and  Logan 
<vas  desired  to  prepare  a  speech  for 
them.     In  this  speech  he  said  among 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


336 


other  things  that  since  your  nation 
first  left  and  settled  near  Paxtang  on 
the  West  side  of  Susciuehanna  and 
went  so  far  away  to  Ohio  we  desired 
a  conference  with  you.  Logan  then 
went  on  to  speak  about  their  history 
and  about  their  coming  into  this 
Province  and  several  other  things, 
but  as  we  have  stated  it  all  hereto- 
fore we  will  not  repeat  it.  A  new 
treaty  however  was  made,  in  which 
the  treaty  of  the  23rd  of  April,  1701 
was  again  rehearsed  to  them  and  it 
is  set  out  in  full  in  this  book  but  as 
we  have  it  in  a  former  item  we  will 
not  repeat  it  either.  The  following 
note  however,  was  added  to  the  treaty 
by  Logan.  He  told  them  that  he 
could  see  here  what  engagements 
their  ancestors  had  made  and  that  we 
had  always  kept  ours  or  part  of  it 
but  that  they  had  not  kept  theirs. 
They  made  a  reply  the  next  day  and 
said  they  would  have  come  to  Phila- 
delphia before  but  that  they  were 
grieving  about  some  of  their  people 
that  had  been  killed  and  then  they 
gave  the  reasons  why  they  left  us 
and  went  out  West.  They  say  that 
they  remembered  that  they  were  in- 
vited to  come  back  two  years  ago  and 
they  were  very  thankful  for  the  invi- 
tation but  that  they  will  not  come 
back  again.  They  were  given  large 
presents,  however,  and  a  new  treaty 
was  made  with  them.  The  treaty  is 
found  p.  346  and  is  as  follows: 

"Be  it  at  all  time  to  come  remem- 
bered that  on  the  First  day  of  Aug- 
ust in  the  Year  of  our  Lord,  One 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  thirty 
nine,  and  the  Thirteenth  year  of  the 
reign  of  King  George  the  Second 
over  Great  Britain,  etc.,  at  the  City 
of  Philadelphia,  and  the  Province  of 
Pennsylvania,  it  was  concluded,  stip- 
ulated and  fully  agreed  upon  by  and 
between    the    Honorable    John    Penn, 


Thomas  Penn  and  Richard  Penn, 
Esqrs.,  true  and  absolute  Proprietar- 
ies of  the  said  Province  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  Counties  of  New  Castle, 
Kent,  and  Sussex,  on  Delaware,  sons 
of  the  Honorable  William  Penn,  Esq., 
first  grantee  and  Proprietor  of  the 
said  Province,  in  behalf  of  all  the 
English  and  other  Christian  of  the 
said  Province,  on  the  one  part,  and 
Kaycowwocker,  Newcheconer,  Tom- 
enebuck,  Meshemethequater,  Chiefs 
of  the  Nations  of  Shawanese  Indians, 
in  behalf  of  themselves  and  the  whole 
body  of  people  of  the  said  Nation 
dwelling  on  the  great  river  Sasque- 
hannah,  as  also  on  or  near  the  great 
river  called  Ohio,  otherwise  Alle- 
gheny river,  or  in  other  part  of 
America  within  the  claims  of  the 
king  of  Great  Britain,  on  the  other 
part  in  manner  following;  that  is  to 
say,  that  the  Union  and  Friendship 
now  so  happily  subsisting,  shall  be 
maintained,  cultivated  and  improved 
by  and  between  the  subjects  of  the 
said  King  of  Great  Britain  inhabiting 
America  and  all  the  people  of  the 
said  Shawanese  Nation,  in  all  times 
to  come,  and  that  the  same  shall  be 
inviolably  preserved  without  any  Let, 
obstruction  or  interruption  while  the 
Sun,  Moon  and  stars  endure.  That 
all  the  several  articles  agreed  upon 
in  Philadelphia  the  twenty-third  of 
April,  In  the  Year  One  thousand 
Seven  Hundred  and  one,  by  the  said 
William  Penn,  and  the  said  Nations 
then  dwelling  on  or  near  the  said 
River  Susquehannah,  of  whom  the 
said  Nation  of  the  Shawanese,  under 
their  King  Wopaththaw,  alias  Opes- 
sah,  was  one,  now  read  and  interpre- 
ted to  the  said  Shawanese  shall  be 
inviolably  observed  in  all  and  singu- 
lar the  parts  thereof  by  all  and  every 
the  Parties  to  these  Presents. 
And   whereas,    the   Shawonese   hav- 


337 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


ing  left  their  former  habitations,  are 
now  for  the  benefit  of  their  hunting 
removed  to  much  greater  distances 
from  the  Christian  Inhabitants  of  the 
said  Province  than  formerly  they 
were  at  the  time  of  entering  into  the 
said  agreement,  they,  the  said  Shaw- 
anese,  do  hereby,  for  themselves  and 
the  rest  of  their  Nations,  solemnly 
promise  and  engage,  that  always 
bearing  in  mind  the  said  Articles  and 
Covenants  entered  into  by  their  An- 
cestors they,  wherever  they  may  be 
settled,  shall  behave  on  their  parts 
as  true  friends  and  Brothers  to  the 
Christian  Inhabitants  of  the  said 
Province,  and  will  not  by  any  motives, 
or  persuasives  be  induced  to  join 
with  any  Nation  whatsoever  who 
shall  be  in  enmity  with  the  Subjects 
of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  in  any 
Acts  of  Hostility  against  them. 

In  witness  whereof,  the  said  Tho- 
mas Penn  and  the  Honorable  George 
Thomas,  Esquire,  Lieutenant  Gover- 
nor of  the  said  Province,  and  Kay- 
cowockecor,  Neweheoner,  Tomene- 
buck,  Meshemethequater,  the  Chiefs 
of  the  Indians  above  mentioned,  have 
hereunto  set  their  hands  and  seals 
the  day  and  year  first  above  written. 

Signed,  Sealed  and  Delivered  in  the 
Presence  of, 

JAMES  LOGAN, 
SAMUEL  PRESTON, 
CLEMENT  PLUMSTEAD, 
SAMUEL    HASELL, 

Counsellours. 
KAASHAWAGHQUILLAS, 
PALAKACOUTHATER, 
MARCOTTAWCOLLO, 

Indians. 
THOMAS   PENN, 
GEORGE  THOMAS, 
THOMAS   FREAME,  Jr., 
KAYCOWOCKEWR, 
NEWCHEIONER, 
TOMENEBUCK. 
THOMAS    LAWRIE,    Sect. 
GEORGE   MIRANDA, 

Interpreter. 


Then  being  told  that  having  now 
finished  what  we  had  to  say,  they  are 
at  liberty  to  return  home  when  they 
should  have  sufficiently  refreshed 
themselves,  and  that  a  wagon  should 
be  ready  to  carry  some  of  the  Old 
men  and  Baggage  a  part  of  the 
way,  some  liquor  being  likewise  call- 
ed for;  they  are  wished  a  good  Jour- 
ney, and  having  drank,  withdrew." 
1739 — Strange   Sliawanese    Customs. 

In  Vol.  4  of  the  Col.  Rec.  p.  342, 
the  Shawanese  say  that  it  is  their 
custom  to  put  deer  hair  on  the 
graves  of  their  dead.  They  made  the 
folowing  statement: 

"Being  come  where  our  Brothers 
died  we  have  taken  a  little  Deer's 
hair  to  put  on  their  graves,  and  mis- 
sing a  brother  (meaning  the  Gover- 
nor) we  take  a  little  more  Deer's 
Hair  to  cover  his  grave.  They  then 
present  three  bundles  of  Deerskins." 
1742— Another  Treaty  Held  With  the 
Five  Nations:  Conestoga  Indians 
Present. 

In  Vol.  4  of  the  Col.  Rec,  pp.  569 
to  586  a  long  treaty  with  the  Five  Na- 
tions was  held.  It  included  many 
items  but  on  p.  570  the  following 
proceedings  concerning  the  Susque- 
hanna Lands  came  up: 

"We  have  further  to  observe  with 
respect  to  the  lands  lying  on  the 
West  side  of  the  Susquehanna,  that 
though  Brother  Onas  (meaning  the 
Proprietor)  has  paid  us  for  what  his 
people  possess,  yet  some  part  of  that 
Country  have  been  taken  up  by  pers- 
ons whose  place  of  residence  is  to 
the  South  of  this  Province,  from 
whom  we  have  never  received  any 
consideration.  This  affair  was  rec- 
ommended to  you  by  our  Chiefs  at 
our  last  Treaty  and  you  then,  at  our 
earnest  desire,  promised  to  write  a 
letter   to   that    person    who    has    the 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


338 


auhority  over  those  people,  and  to 
procure  us  his  answer.  As  we  have 
never  heard  from  you  on  this  head, 
we  want  to  know  what  you  have  done 
in  it.  If  you  have  not  done  any- 
thing we  now  renew  our  Request,  and 
desire  you  will  inform  the  person 
whose  people  are  seated  on  our 
Lands,  that  the  Country  belongs  to  us 
in  right  of  conquest — We  have 
bought  it  with  our  blood;  and  taken 
it  from  our  enemies  in  fair  war;  and 
we  expect  as  owners  of  that  land  to 
receive  such  a  consideration  for  it  as 
the  land  is  worth.  We  desire  you 
will  press  him  to  send  us  a  positive 
answer;  Let  him  say  yes  or  No;  if  he 
says  Yes,  we  will  treat  with  him;  if 
No,  we  are  able  to  do  ourselves  Jus- 
tice, and  we  will  do  it  by  going  to 
take  payment  on  ourselves." 

This  treaty  was  held  in  July,  1742 
and  Conrad  Weiser  was  present  as 
the  Interpreter.  The  Indians  pres- 
ent consisted  of  thirteen  Onondagoes 
nineteen  Cayoogoes,  fourteen  Anay- 
its,  three  Senecas,  twenty-two  Tus- 
caroras,  five  Shawanese,  four  ancient 
Conestogas  and  four  modern  Cones- 
togoes,  also  set  forth  as  being  Nan- 
tikokes  or  Conoys  and  ten  Delawares. 

1742 — Names    of    the    Conestoga    In- 
dians at  the  Philadelphia   Treaty 
of  1742. 

In  Vol.  4  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  585, 
among  the  list  of  Indians  present  at 
the  great  treaty  there  are  given  the 
following  four  Conestogas  as  those 
that  speak  the  ancient  Language. 
Perhaps  they  are  the  old  Susquehan- 
nocks  or  their  Heirs  and  descendants. 
They  are  Dior-haasery,  Chif,  Thanigh- 
wageran,  Car-ha-cawy-int,  and  Caien- 
quily-quoh.  And  the  modern  Cones- 
togas, which  are  set  down  as  also 
being  both  Nantikokes  and  Conoys 
are  named,  Des-Scheg,  Igh-qua-que- 
heck,  Quesamaag,  and  Ayiok-his. 


1742 — The  Five  Nation  Speaker  at  the 

Above   Treaty   Threatens    the 

Delawares, 

At  the  above  treaty  a  speech  was 
given  by  Canassatego,  the  leader  of 
the  six  Nations,  which  may  be  found 
in  Vol.  4  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  578,  in 
which  he  says  that  he  has  heard  that 
the  Delaware  Indians  claim  some  land 
along  the  Susquehanna  which  the 
Five  Nations  sold  to  the  whites  and 
he  says  to  the  Delawares  who  are 
present,  that  they  know  their  ances- 
tors sold  that  land  fifty  years  ago  and 
that  some  years  ago  the  Delawares 
themselves  ratified  the  sale  and  their 
own  letters  have  been  laid  on  the  table 
before  us  now  and  we  know  that  it  is 
true.  They  have  examined  the  papers 
and  the  drafts  with  their  own  eyes, 
and  then  he  says  as  follows:  "We  see 
with  our  own  eyes  that  they  have  been 
very  unruly  people  and  are  altogether 
in  the  wrong  with  their  dealings  with 
you.  You  have  concluded  to  remove 
them  and  oblige  them  to  go  over  the 
River  Delaware,  and  to  quit  all  claim 
to  any  lands  on  this  side  for  the  fu- 
ture, since  they  have  received  pay  for 
them  and  it  is  gone  through  their  guts 
long  ago.  To  confirm  to  you  that  we 
will  see  your  request  executed,  we 
lay  down  this  string  of  wampum  in 
return  for  yours. 

Then  turning  to  the  Delawares, 
holding  a  belt  of  Wampum  in  his 
hand,  he  spoke  to  them  as  followeth: 

Let  this  belt  of  Wampum  serve  to 
chastize  you;  you  ought  to  be  taken 
by  the  hair  of  the  head  and  shaken 
severely  till  you  recover  your  senses 
and  become  sober.  You  do  not  know 
what  ground  you  stand  on,  nor  what 
you  are  doing.  Our  brother  Onas's 
case  is  very  just  and  plain,  and  his 
pretensions     to     preserve    friendship; 


339 


ANNALS   OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


on  the  other  hand  your  case  is  bad 
your  heart  far     from    being    upright 
and     vou     are     maliciously     bent     to 
break  the  chain    of    Friendship    with 
our   Brother   Onas.       We   have     seen 
with  our  eyes  a  deed  signed  by  nine 
of  your  ancestors    about    fifty    years 
ago  for  this  very  land,  and  a  release 
signed  not  many  years  since  by  some 
of  yourselves   and   Chiefs   now   living 
to  the  number  of  15  or  upwards.  But 
how   came  you   to  take   upon  you   to 
sell  Land  at  all?  We  conquered  you, 
we   made   women   of  you,   you   know 
you   are  women,  and    can    no    more 
sell  land  than   women.     Nor  is   it  fit 
you  should  have  the  power  of  selling 
lands  since  you  would  abuse  it.   This 
land  that  you  claim  if   gone  through 
y.uir  guts      You  h:we  been  furnished 
with  Cloatfc    Meat   and   drink  by  the 
Goods   i-hM   you  for  i%.   and  now  you 
want    it    again    like    children    as   you 
are.     But   what  mokes  you  sell   land 
in   the   Lark?     Did   you    ever   tell    us 
that  you    had   sold    this     land?     Did 
we  ever  receive  any    part,    even    the 
vaule  of   a    pipe    Shank    from     you? 
You  have  told  us  a  blind  story  that 


much  greediness  as  Lewd  women  re- 
ceive the  embraces  of  bad  men.  And 
for  all    these   reasons   we   charge  you 
to  remove  instantly.    We  do  not  give 
you  the  liberty   to     think     about     it. 
You   are   women;    take  the   advice   of 
a  wise  man  and  remove  immediately. 
You  may  return  to  the  other  side  of 
Delaware   where   you    came   from,  but 
we    do    not   know    whether,    consider- 
ing how   you     have    demean'd    your- 
selves, you   will   be   permitted   to  live 
there  or  whether  you  have  not  swal- 
lowed that  land  down  your  throats  as 
well  as  the  land  on  this  side.       We, 
therefore,  Assign  you  two    places    to 
go_either   to   Wyoming  or  Shamokin. 
You  may  go  to  either  of  these  places, 
and    then    we    shall    have    you     more 
under  our  eye,  and  shall  see  how  you 
behave.      Do   not   deliberate,    but    re- 
move  away    and    take    this    belt    of 
Wampum."       WTe     may     notice    here 
that    the    Delawares    were    forbid      to 
come  to  the  treaty    at    Lancaster    in 
|  1744,   See  Vol.   1   of  the   Penna.   Arch- 

ives   p.   657. 
!  1743— The  Shawanese  Break    One    of 
Their  Agreements 
In   Vol.   3   of  the  Votes   of  the  As- 


you  have  sent  a  messenger  to  us  to 

t  *  r  ^         i      i    ♦   un   ne»r^-n    sembly,    p.      517,     Governor     Thomas 

inform    us   of  the   sale   but  he   never  *»    *  . 

«     „„,r^  v,fl0^    says  the  Shawanese  in  spite  of  then- 
came  amongst  us,  nor  we  never  heard      "*  u.     .,  .    .n 

»  many   treaties   with   them   are   not   to 

be     trusted ,   they    are    beginning    to 

show   their     strong     liking     for     the 

French.     And  in  Vol.  4   of     the     Col. 

Rec.    p.    630,    their    depredations    are 

set   forth    in    an    affidavit    of    Thomas 

McKee  of  Lancaster  County,  in  which 

he    says    that    the      Indians      of      the 

Shawanese  from   an     island     in     the 

river   called   "Big   Island"   came  to  his 

store  on  the     South     branch    of    the 

Susquehanna   and  robbed   it  and  that 

part   of  them,     about     thirty       came 

down    to      Susquehanna      on      canoes 

to  John     Harris's     and     from     there 

travelled  on  foot  down  towards  Mary- 


anything  about  it.  This  is  acting  in 
the  dark;  and  very  different  from 
the  conduct  our  Six  Nations  observe 
in  their  sales  of  land.  On  such  Occa- 
sions they  give  publick  notice  and 
invite  all  the  Indians  of  their  united 
Nations,  and  give  them  a  share  of 
the  present  they  receive  for  the 
Lands.  This  is  the  behavior  of  the 
Wise  United  Nations,  but  we  find  you 
are  none  of  our  blood.  You  act  a 
dishonest  part  not  only  in  this  but 
in  other  matters.  Your  ears  are  ever 
open  to  slanderous  reports  about  our 
Brethren.     You   receive   them  with  as 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


340 


land.  He  says  they  stopped  and 
asked  John  Hogg,  one  of  the  Lan- 
caster County  Magistrates  and  asked 
him  for  a  pass  and  used  him  very 
badly. 

1743 — Indian   Excietment   About  Lan- 
caster  Town. 

In  the  American  Weekly  Mercury 
of  June  9,  1743,  the  following  item 
occurs: 

"The  beginning  of  this  week  a  re- 
port  came   to   town    that   the    Indians 
had  cut  off  most  «of  our  traders  and 
yesterday   we  had    an    account    from 
Lancaster  that  they  came  to  Skohoo- 
nioty  or  Jeniaty    (a  place  within  the 
limits    of   this   province    but    without 
the   Purchase)    and   destroyed   several 
white     families     that     were     settled 
there;    but    as    the    former    proves    to 
be  false,  it  is  hoped  the  latter  will  be 
found  to  be  so  likewise." 
1744— The     Great    Indian    Treaty    at 
Lancaster. 
In  Vol.  4  of  the  Col.   Rec,  pp.   698 
to  737,  the  minutes  of  the  great  Lan- 
caster    Treaty    are     set     out.       This 
treaty  was  with  the  six  Nations  and 
the  main  subjects  discussed   were  dis- 
putes   concerning    lands    in    the    back 
parts  of  the  Province  and  some  dis- 
putes  with     Maryland    and    Virginia. 
The    Governor     of     Pennsylvania     at- 
tended  the   treaty,    all    the    Commis- 
sioners  of   Maryland    and    the    Com- 
missioners  of  Virginia;     and    Conrad 
Weiser   was    the     Interpreter.     While 
this  treaty  was     held     in     Lancaster 
town,     none      of    which     proceedings 
concerned    Lancaster    County,     there- 
fore,  we   shall     not     give     it     much 
space  in  these  annals;  but  p.   704  the 
history  of  the  land  purchases  of  Lan- 
caster  County   from   the   Indians   and 
also  the  land  on  the  lower  part  of  the 
Susquehanna  came  up  and  the  Gover- 
nor told   the  Indians   that, 

"Our  Great  King    of    England    and 


his  subjects  have  alwise  possessed 
the  Province  of  Maryland  iree  and 
undisturbed  from  any  claims  of  the 
Six  Nations  for  about  One  Hundred 
Years  past,  and  your  not  saying  any- 
thing to  us  before  convinces  us  you 
thought  you  had  not  any  pretence  to 
any,  lands  in  Maryland,  nor  can  we 
yet  find  out  to  what  lands  or  under 
what  title  you  make  your  claim.  For 
the  Susquehanna  Indians  by  a  treaty 
about  Ninety  years  hence  (which  is 
on  the  table  and  will  be  interpreted 
to  you)  give  and  yield  to  the  English 
Nation,  their  heirs  and  assigns  fox- 
ever,  the  greatest  part  (if  not  all)  of 
the  Lands  we  possess  from  Patuxent 
River  on  the  Western,  as  well  as 
from  Choptank  River  on  the  Eastern 
side  of  the  great  Bay  Chesapeake, 
and  near  sixty  years  ago  you  ac- 
knowledged to  the  Governor  of  New 
York  at  Albany,  that  you  had  given 
your  lands  and  submitted  yourselves 
to  the  King  of  England. 

We  are  that  Great  King's  subjects, 
and  we  possess  and  enjoy  the  Pro- 
vince of  Maryland,  by  virtue  of  his 
right  and  sovereignty  thereto. 

Why,  then,  will  you  stir  up  and 
quarrel  between  you  and  ourselves, 
who  are  as  one  man  under  the  Pro- 
tection of  that  King? 

By  these  Treaties  we  become 
Brethren;  we  have  alwise  lived  as 
such,  and  hope  alwise  to  continue  so. 
We  need  not  put  you  in  mind  of  the 
Treaty  (which  we  suppose  you  have 
had  from  your  fathers)  made  with 
the  Province  of  Maryland  nearly 
Seventy  years  ago,  and  renewed  and 
confirmed  twice  since  that  time. 

We  have  this  further  to  c>ay,  that 
although  ye  are  not  satisfied  of  the 
Justice  of  your  Claim  to  any  lands 
in  Maryland,  yet  we  a.re  desirous  in 
shewing  our  Brothers  kindness  and 
affection,  and  to  prevent  (by  any 
reasonable      way)      every      misunder- 


341 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


standing  between  the  Province  of 
Maryland  and  you  our  Brethren  of 
the  Six  Nations. 

For  this  purpose  we  have  brought 
hither  a  quantity  of  goods  for  our 
Brethren  of  the  Six  Nations,  and 
which  will  be  delivered  you  as  soon 
as  we  shall  have  received  your  ^an- 
swer and  made  so  bright  and  large  a 
fixe  as  may  burn  pure  and  clear 
whilst  the  Sun  and  Moon  shall  shine. 
We  have  now  freely  and  openly  bid 
and  laid  our  bosoms  bare  to  you,  and 
that  you  may  be  the  better  confirmed  j 
of  the  truth  of  our  Hearts,  We  give  | 
you  this  belt  of  Wampum. 

Which  was  received  with  the  Jo- 
hah." 

The  next  day  Cannassatego  made  a 
reply,  which  is  found  in  the  same 
book,  p.  706,  and  in  the  reply  he  says: 

"Brother,  the  Governor  of  Mary- 
land: 

When  you  mentioned  the  affair  of 
the  Land  Yesterday,  you  went  back 
to  old  times,  and  told  us  you  had 
been  in  possession  of  the  Province  of 
Maryland  about  One  Hundred  Years; 
but  what  is  one  hundred  years  in 
comparison  to  the  length  of  time  our 
Claim  began? — Since  we  came  out  of 
this  Ground?  For  we  must  tell  you 
that  long  before  One  hundred  years 
Our  ancestors  came  out  of  this  very 
ground,  and  their  children  have  re- 
mained there  ever  since.  You  came 
out  of  the  ground  in  the  Country  that 
lyes  beyond  seas,  there  you  have  a 
just  claim,  but  here  you  must  allow 
us  to  be  your  elder  Brothren,  and  the 
lands  to  belong  to  us  long  before  you 
know  anything  of  them.  It  is  true 
that  above  one  hundred  years  agoe 
the  Dutch  came  here  in  a  ship  and 
brought  with  them  several  goods, 
such  as  awls,  knives,  hatchets,  guns, 
and  many  other  particulars,  which 
they  gave  us ,  and  when  they  had 
taught  us  to  use  these  things,  and  we 


saw  what  sort  of  people,  we  were  so 
well  pleased  with  them  that  we  tied 
their  ships  to  the  Bushes  of  the  Shoar 
and  afterwards  liking  them  still  bet- 
ter the  longer  they  stayed  with  us, 
and  thinking  the  bushes  too  slender; 
we  removed  the  rope  and  tied  it  to 
the  trees,  and  as  the  trees  were  liable 
to  be  blown  by  hoigh  winds,  or  to 
decay  of  themselves,  we,  from  the 
affection  we  bore  them,  again  .remov- 
ed the  rope  and  tied  it  to  a  strong 
and  big  rock  (Her,e  the  Interpreter 
said  that  they  mean  the  Oneida 
Country),  and  not  content  with  this, 
for  its  further  security  we  removed 
the  rope  to  the  Big  Mountain,  (Here 
the  Interpreter  said  they  mean  the 
Onondago  Country),  and  there  we 
tyed  it  fast  and  rolled  wampum 
around  it,  and  to  make  it  still  more 
secure  we  stood  upon  the  wampum 
and  sat  down  upon  it  to  defend  it, 
and  did  our  best  endeavors  that  it 
might  remain  uninjured  forever  dur- 
ing all  the  time;  the  Newcomers,  the 
Dutch,  acknowledged  our  rights  to 
the  lands,  and  solicited  us  from  time 
to  time  to  grant  them  parts  of  our 
Country,  and  to  enter  into  League 
and  Covenant  with  us,  and  to  become 
one  people  with  us? 

After  this  the  English  came  into 
the  Country  and  as  we  were  told,  be- 
came one  people  with  ihe  Dutch; 
about  two  years  after  the  arrival  of 
the  English,  and  English  Governor 
came  to  Albany  and  finding  what 
great  friendship  subsisted  between  us 
and  the  Dutch,  he  approved  it  might- 
ily, and  desired  to  make  as  strong  a 
league  and  to  be  upon  as  good  terms 
with  us  as  the  Dutch  were,  with 
whom  he  was  united,  and  to  become 
one  people  with  us,  and  by  this  fur- 
ther care  in  looking  what  had  passed 
between  us  he  found  the  rope  which 
tyed  the  ship  to  the  Great  Mountain 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN    TRIBES 


342 


was  only  fastened  with  Wampum, 
which  was  liable  to  break  and  rot 
and  to  perish  in  a  course  of  years,  he 
therefore  told  us  that  he  would  give 
us  a  silver  chain  which  would  be 
much  stronger  and  would  last  for- 
ever. This  we  accepted  and  fastened 
the  ship  with  it,  and  it  has  lasted 
ever  since.  Indeed,  we  have  some 
small  differences  with  the  English 
and  during  these  misunderstandings 
these  young  men  would,  by  way  of 
reproach,  be  every  now  and  then 
telling  us  that  we  should  have  per- 
ished if  they  had  not  come  into  the 
Country  and  furnished  us  with 
strowds  and  Hatchets  and  Guns  and 
other  things  necessary  for  the  sup- 
port of  life.  But  we  always  gave 
them  to  understand  that  they  were 
mistaken,  that  we  lived  before  they 
came  amongst  us,  and  as  well  o.r  bet- 
ter, if  we  may  believe  what  our  fore- 
fathers have  told  us.  We  had  then 
room  enough  and  plenty  of  Deer, 
which  was  easily  caught,  and 
though  we  had  not  Knives,  Hatchets 
or  Guns,  such  as  we  have  now,  yet 
we  had  knives  of  stone  and  hatchets 
of  stone  and  bows  and  arrows  and 
these  se.rved  our  uses  as  well  then  as 
the  English  ones  do  now.  We  are 
now  straitened  and  sometimes  in 
want  of  deer,  and  liable  to  many 
other  inconveniences  since  the  Eng- 
lish came  amongst  us,  and  particular- 
ly from  that  Pen  and  Ink  work  that 
is  going  on  at  the  table  (pointing  to 
the  Secreta.rys),  and  we  will  give 
you  an  instance  of  this.  Our  Brother 
Onas,  a  great  while  ago,  came  to  Al- 
bany to  buy  the  Susquehannah  lands 
of  us,  but  our  -Brothers,  the  Gover- 
nor of  New  York,  who,  as  we  suppose, 
had  not  a  good  understanding  with 
our  brother  Onas,  advised  us  not  to 
sell  him  any  lands,  for  he  would 
make  an  ill  use  of  it,  and  pretending 


to  be  our  good  friend,  he  advised  us, 
in  order  to  prevent  Onas's  or  any 
other  persons  imposing  upon  us,  and 
that  we  might  always  have  our  land 
when  we  should  want  it,  to  put  it  in 
his  hands  and  told  us,  he  would 
keep  it  for  us  and  for  our  use,  and 
never  open  his  hands,  but  keep  them 
close  shut,  and  not  part  with  any  of 
it  but  at  our  request.  Accordingly 
we  trusted  him,  and  put  our  Lands 
into  his  hands,  and  charged  him  to 
keep  it  safe  for  our  use;  but  some 
time  after  he  went  away  to  England 
and  carried  our  land  away  with  him, 
and  there  sold  it  to  our  Brother 
Onas  for  a  large  sum  of  money; 
and  when,  at  the  instance  of  our 
Brother  Onas,  we  were  minded  to 
sell  him  some  lands,  he  told  us  that 
we  had  sold  the  Susquehannah  lands 
already  to  the  Governor  of  New  York, 
and  that  he  had  bought  them  from 
him  in  England,  though  when  he 
came  to  understand  how  the  Gover- 
nor of  New  York  had  deceived  us,  he 
very  generously  paid  us  for  our 
lands  over  again." 
He  then  further  said  as  to  the  lands 
about  Conestoga,  "We  now  come 
nearer  home.  We  have  had  your 
deeds  interpreted  to  us,  and  we  ac- 
knowledge them  to  be  good  and  valid, 
and  that  the  Conestogoe  or  Sasque- 
hannah  Indians  had  a  right  to  sell 
those  lands  unto  you,  for  they  were 
their's;  but  since  that  time  we  have 
conquered  them,  and  their  Country 
now  belongs  to  us,  and  the  lands  we 
demanded  satisfaction  for  are  no  part 
of  the  lands  comprized  in  those 
deeds — they  are  the  Cohongoroutas 
lands.  Those  we  are  sure  you  have 
not  possessed  one  hundred  years;  no, 
nor  above  ten  years;  and  we  made 
our  demand  so  soon  as  we  knew  your 
people  were  settled  in  those  parts. 
These   have   never   been   sold   but   re- 


343 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


main  still  to  be  disposed;  and  weaie 
well  pleased  to  hear  that  you  are 
provided  with  goods,  and  do  assure 
you  of  our  willingness  to  treat  with 
you  for  those  unpurchased  lands,  in 
confirmation  whereof  we  present  you 
with  this  Belt  of  Wampum." 

This  treaty  lasted  from  the    22    of 
June  till  July  4,  1744.     The  Sessions 
were   held   in   the    old    Court    House 
which  stood  in  Center  Square  at  Lan- 
caster, and  during  the  treaty  mention 
is  made  that  the  Indian    goods    were 
left  in  the  lower  room  and  the   pro-, 
ceedings   held   in   the   lower   room   of 
the   Court   House   and   that   Canassat- 
ago,  the  Indian  orator  stood    on    the 
platform   when   he   made   his   speech; 
and  that  Tachanoontie  also  made  cer- 
tain speeches  on  the  29th  of  June.  A 
deal  board  was  brought  in  and  draw- 
ings   of    the     land    in    dispute    were 
made  upon  it    by    Canassatego.     Sev- 
eral   other    Indians    also    spoke    and 
among   them    Gachadow,     who     spoke 
with   a    loud    voice    and    appropriate 
jestures,  as  it  is  stated  in  the  treaty. 
The  meeting  of  July  2    was    held    in 
the     house     if    George    Sanderson    in 
Lancaster  and  one  of  the  Sessions  I 
think,   in   the   Lutheran   Church;    and 
everything   passed   off   well.     The   In- 
dians,  it   is   stated,   were   camped   out 
along   the   Conestoga  Creek    on    both 
sides  of  what  is  now    Rocky    Springs 
and    adjacent    grounds.      Some    com- 
plaint    was     brought     in    that     they 
barked    the     walnut     trees     and     the 
Council   paid  for  them.      They    asked 
the    people    of    Lancaster    to    repair  j 
their   pans    and    kettles,    which    was  | 
done.  At  the    end    of    the    treaty    on  [ 
July  4,  they  asked  for  some  wine  to  | 
drink  the  health  of  the  Great  King  of  ! 
England,    and    they    suggest    that    it  j 
should  be  in  big  English  glasses  and 
not    little    French    ones.     After     this  | 
Uiey   gave  three  loud   Huzzas  and  all  j 


joined  in.  It  is  then  stated  that  the 
Commissioners  of  Virginia  gave  Can- 
assatego a  scarlet  camblet  coat  and 
took  their  leave  of  them  in  form  and 
at  the  same  time  delivered  them  pass- 
es. The  Commissioners  of  Maryland 
presented  Garachadow  with  a  broad 
gold  laced  hat  and  took  their  leave  in 
the  same  manner;  and  this  ended  the 
great  treaty. 

1744— Witham    Marshe's    Comment  on 
the  Treaty  and  on  Lancaster  as 

He  Found  It  in  1744. 
Witham  Marshe  was  the  Secretary 
to  the  Commissioners  of  Maryland 
during  the  treaty  of  1744.  He  kept  a 
journal  and  jotted  down  in  it  the 
particulars  of  the  treaty  and  also  his 
impressions  of  the  town  and  his  ex- 
periences. The  particulars  of  the 
treaty  we  have  set  forth  above  from 
the  Colonial  Records  but  the  other 
matters  which  Marshe  speaks  of  are 
also  highly  interesting  and  we  will 
give  them  in  this  article.  Ths  Jour- 
nal is  found  in  the  Historical  Society 
at  Phildelphia.  It  was  reprinted  by 
the  New  Era  Publishing  Compnay 
in  1884  edited  and  annoted  by  Dr. 
Egle.  From  the  diary  I  find  the  fol- 
lowing minutes: 

He  says  among  other  things,  "We 
arrived  at  Lancaster  and  put  our 
horses  at  Peter  Worral's  hotel  or 
tavern  (that  was  later  the  Cross  Keys 
Tavern  on  West  King  street.)  We 
had  dinner  which  was  a  great  com- 
fort; and  a  room  with  two  beds,  one 
for  myself  and  the  chaplain. 

Later  Calvert;  Craddock  and  myself 
went  into  and  viewed  the  Court  House 
of  the  town.  It  is  ,a  pretty  large 
brick  building  two  stories  high.  The 
great  room  where  the  Justices  of  the 
County  hold  the  Court  is  very  spac- 
ious. There  is  a  handsome  Bench, 
which  is  railed  in,  wherein  the  Judges 
sit    and    a    chair    in    the    midst   of    it 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


344 


where  the  Presiding  Judge  sits.  Be- 
low this  is  a  very  large  table  of  half 
oval  form.  Around  this  and  under 
their  worship's  feet  the  County  Clerk 
and  the  chief  attorneys  of  the  Court 
sit. 

Fronting  the  Justices'  Bench  and  on 
both  sides  of  it  are  several  long  steps 
or  series  of  platforms  raised  each 
above  the  other  like  the  steps  leading 
into  the  North  door  of  St.  Pauls.  On 
these  steps  stand  the  chief  creditors 
and  spectators  when  a  court  is  held 
there.  It  was  on  these  that  the  In- 
dian chiefs  sat  when  they  treated 
with  the  several  Governments.  The 
Court  House  is  capable  to  contain 
about  800  persons  without  incommod- 
ing each  other. 

We  then  went  up  stairs  to  the  room 
overhead.  This  is  a  good  room  and 
has  a  large  chimney.  In  this  the  Jus- 
tices sit  in  the  February  Court  for 
the  convenience  of  fire.  Ajoining  this 
is  a  similar  one  where  the  Jurors  are 
kept  to  agree. 

On  top  of  the  Court  House  is  a  kind 
of  a  cupola.  We  ascended  a  ladder 
and  got  into  it,  and  from  hence  we 
had  a  complete  view  of  the  whole 
town  and  the  Country  several  miles 
around;  and  likewise  part  of  the 
Susquehanna  River  twelve  miles 
away. 

This  town  was  not  begun  to  be  built 
until  about  16  years  ago.  It  is  con- 
veniently laid  out  into  sundry  streets 
and  one  main  street;  in  the  midst  of 
which  stands  the  Court  House  and  the 
Market.  Through  this  street  runs 
the  road  into  the  back  Country  on  to 
the  Susquehanna.  There  are  several 
cross  streets  on  each  side  of  the 
main  streets  which  are  indifferently 
well  built  as  to  the  quantity  of  hous- 
es. 

The  inhabitants  are  chiefly  High 
Dutch,  Scotch  Irish  and  some  few 
English      families      and      unbelieving 


Israelites,  who  dwell  very  consider- 
ably in  this  place. 

The  spirit  of  cleanliness  has  not  as 
yet  in  the  least  troubled  the  major 
part  of  the  people;    for    they    are    in 

general  very  great  s s  and  slovens. 

When  they  clean  their  houses  which 
is  very  seldom  they  are  unwilling  to 
remove  the  filth  away  from  them- 
selves for  they  place  it  close  to  their 
doors,  which  in  the  summer  time 
breeds  an  innumerable  quantity  of 
bugs,  fleas  and  vermin. 

The  religions  which  prevail  are 
ha.rdly  to  be  numbered.  They  were 
Catholics  who  built  a  church  of 
square  logs  and  the  interspaces  filled 
with  clay.  In  this  church  is  a  small 
organ  good  for  very  little  and  played 
worse  on  by  the  organist. 
The  sect  of  Lutherans  have  a  church 
and  this  is  more  spacious,  but  built 
by  stone  and  much  larger  than  the 
other.  The  minister  is  a  gentleman 
of  good  power  and  he  keeps  the  con- 
gregation in  good  order.  The  minis- 
ter of  the  Dutch  church  is  paid  ac- 
cording to  the  will  of  the  hearers  and 
in  the  manner  in  which  the  sermons 
please  them;  but  has  n©  certain 
stipend.  The  clergyman  of  the 
Church  of  England  sometimes  offi- 
ciates in  the  Court  House,  there 
being  no  church  built  by  them.  There 
are  also  a  great  number  of  Presby- 
terians and  Jews  in  this  Colony. 

The  houses  for  the  most  part  are 
built  with  and  covered  with  wood,  ex- 
cept some  few  which  are  built  of 
stone  and  brick.  They  are  generally 
low  seldom  exceeding  two  stories. 

There  are  hills  which  inviren  Lan- 
caster and  likewise  some  thick 
woods,  which  in  the  summer  render 
it  very  hot.  The  soil  is  thin,  dry  and 
sandy;  and  when  a  fresh  wind  blows 
it  almost  chokes  the  inhabitants. 

The  water  here  is  very  bad  and 
Lhere    is   occasion    to    buy    it.       The 


345 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


Springs  and  even  the  wells  being- 
stored   with   limestone. 

They  have  a  very  good  market  here 
well  filled  with  provisions  of  all 
kinds  and  prodigiously  cheap.  Our 
commissioners  and  their  Company 
supped  at  Warrall's  and  passed  away 
an  hour  or  two  very  agreeably;  after 
which  I  .returned  to  bed  and  had  not 
slept  long  when  I  was  attacked  with 
legions  of  Dutch  fleas  and  bugs  which 
were  ready  to  devour  both  me  and 
the  minister.  During  the  next  night 
Mr.  Calvert  left  the  Lodgings  and  lay 
in  the  Court  House  chamber  among 
the  young  Gentlemen  of  Virginia,  who 
there  had  beds  made  upon  the  floor. 

On  Friday  during  our  dinner  the 
Six  Nations  with  their  followers  and 
attendants  to  the  number  of  252  ar- 
rived. Several  of  the  Squaws  with 
some  children  rode  on  horse-back, 
which  is  very  unusual.  They  brought 
fire  a.rms,  bows  and  arrows  and  toma- 
hawks. A  great  concourse  of  people 
followed  them  and  they  marched  in 
very  good  order  with  Canassatego  at 
their  head,  the  Chief  of  the  Ononda- 
goes,  who  when  he  came  near  the 
Court  House,  where  we  were  dining 
sang  in  the  Indian  language  a  song 
inviting  us  to  a  renewal  of  all  the 
treaties. 

Conrad  Weiser  conducted  them  to 
some  vacant  lots  in  the  back  part  of 
the  town,  where  boards  and  poles 
were  placed. 

Of  these  and  some  boughs  of  trees 
the  Indians  made  their  wigwams 
where  they  resided  during  the  treaty. 
They  will  not  ever  on  any  occasion 
dwell  or  even  stay  ir.  anv  house 
built  by  white  people. 

They  placed  their  cabins  according 
to  the  rank,  which  each  nation  holds 
in  Council,  the  Onondagoes  at  the 
head. 

Canassatego  and  Tachanoonta,  each 
about  60  years  old,  but  nimble  and 
lusty,  lead  in  everything. 


Tachanoontia  is  the  greatest  Chief 
!  and  the  greatest  warrior  the  Five 
I  Nations  ever  had,  because  either  his 
father  or  mother  was  a  negro.  Most 
of  them  understand  English  but  they 
cannot  speak  it.  We  went  to  see  them 
and  after  a  while  they  began  to  paint 
themselves  and  look  frightful.  They 
.rubbed  bear  grease  on  their  faces  and 
then  laid  white  paint  in  them.  Then 
we  went  to  the  Court  House  and  the 
Indians  came  between  five  and  six 
o'clock  accompanied  by  Conrad  Weis- 
er. Governor  Thomas  seated  himself 
in  the  chair  on  the  Bench  and  the 
Commissioners  were  seated  around 
about  him;   and  the  treaty  began. 

On    Saturday    after     breakfast     the 

Governor,     the     Commissioners      and 

some   other   gentlemen    went    to    the 

Dunkers'  Nunnery  about  twelve  miles 

hence.      They    .returned    about    six    P. 

M.     (This  was  the  Ephrata  Cloisters). 

After  supper  on  Saturday  I  went  to 

the  Indian  camp  and  saw  a  light  war 

dance    (The    Indian    camp    is    said    to 

have    been    where    the    old    Conestoga 

Park  was  located).     At  this  dance  30 

|  or   40   young  men   formed   themselves 

|  into  a  ring,  a  fire,  having  been  lighted 

j  in  the  middle,  an  elderly  Indian    sat 

;  near   the   fire   beating   a  drum   to   the 

!  time  of  the  dances.     The  Indians  hop- 

|  ped  around    the    ring     and     .repeated 

|  "Yohah"  and   "Bugh,"  and  soon   after 

I  the  major  part  set  up  a  horrid  shriek 

i  or  halloo.       They     continued     several 

hours  and  seldom  rested.     Once  they 

sat  down  and  the  three  old  men  sang 

a  tune. 

A  Conestoga  or  Susquehannock  In- 
dian stood  outside  the  circle  and  beg- 
ged the  people  to  give  him  money  for 
the  children  of  the  Indians,  which  was 
done.  Some  high  Dutch  arrived  with 
guns,  which  being  perceived  by  this 
Conestoga,  he  said  it  would  offend  the 
Indians;    and   he    told   us   to   tell    the 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY   INDIAN  TRIBES 


346 


Germans  to  withdraw  or  leave  their 
guns  out  of  sight  and  they  quickly 
did  It.  Up  to  this  time  none  of  the 
Indian  chiefs  had  got  drunk. 

On  Sunday,  June  24,  Mr.  Craddock, 
my  fellow  townsman  held  dvine  ser- 
vices in  the  Court  House.  Between 
one  and  two  o'clock  all  dined  in  the 
Court  House  and  another  minister  of 
the  Church  of  England  preached  in 
the  Court  House  that  afternoon.  In 
the  evening  we  went  to  the  Indian 
camp  again.  All  were  dancing  as  be- 
fore. 

Monday  evening  we  had  a  grand 
supper  in  the  Court  Hoiise  and  the 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania  got  very 
merry  and  all  the  company  followed 
his  example.  During  the  merriment 
two  Germans  happened  to  pass  by  the 
Court  House  with  harp  and  fiddle  and 
played  some  time  under  the  window. 
Then  the  Governor  ordered  them  to 
come  in  and  amuse  us,  which  they 
did;  but  not  with  the  harmony  of  their 
music  for  that  was  very  uncouth  and 
displeasing;  but  playing  a  tune  of 
some  sort  to  a  young  Indian  who 
danced  a  jig  with  Andrew  Hamilton 
(Andrew  Hamilton  was  a  son  of  the 
Great  Andrew  the  celebrated  lawyer 
and  attorney  general). 

At  eight  o'clock  on  Wednesday 
evening  I  went  with  our  Honorable 
Commissiiners  to  a  Ball  in  the  Court 
House,  in  the  chamber,  to  which  his 
Honor,  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania, 
the  Commissioners  of  Virginia  and 
Maryland,  and  the  gentlemen  of  the 
several  colonies,  with  sundry  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Town  were  invited. 
James  Hamilton  the  Proprietor  of 
Lancaster,  made  (gave)  the  Ball;  And 
he  opened  it  by  dancing  two  minutes 
with  two  of  the  young  ladies  here,  in 
which  the  ladies  danced  a  wilder 
time  than  any  of  the  Indians.  The 
females,  (I  dare  not  call  them  ladies 
for  that  would    be    a    profanation    of 


tt  name)  were  in  general  very 
agreeable.  The  dancers  consisted  of 
Germans  and  Scotch  Irish.  But  there 
were  some  Jewesses  who  had  not  long 
since  come  from  New  York  that  made 
a  tolerable  appearance,  being  well 
dressed  and  of  an  agreeable  behavior. 

There  was  a  large  and  elegant  sup- 
per prepared  in  the  Court  House 
Chamber,  of  which  the  Governor, 
some  of  the  Honorable  Commssioners 
and  the  female  dancers  first  ate;  then 
the  other  gentlemen  in  order;  and  af- 
terwards the  younger  gentlemen.  The 
dances  were  concluded  at  twelve 
o'clock  but  myself  and  several  young- 
er set  staid  till  after  one. 

Thursday,  June  28th,  in  the  even- 
ing, about  seven  o'clock,  accompan- 
ied by  Commissioner  Nathaniel  Rigby 
I  went  to  the  Indian  cabins;  and  col- 
lected a  crowd  of  papooses  together 
and  flung  handfulls  of  half  pennies 
among  them.  They  scrambled  heart- 
ily and  this  pleased  the  older  ones.  A 
great  number  of  white  people  wit- 
nessed the  war  dance  this  night.  I 
went  to  a  cabin  where  I  heard  the 
celebrated  Mrs.  Montour  sing.  She 
was  a  French  lady  but  now  was  sup- 
posed to  be  an  Indian,  having  been 
taken  by  them  in  her  youth  and  so 
long  lived  with  them.  She  married 
a  war  captain  of  the  Indians  and  had 
two  beautiful  daughters.  She  was  re- 
ceived by  the  best  families  in  Phila- 
delphia.    Her  husband  was  dead. 

On  Friday  evening,  June  29,  I  went 
with  Col.  Rigby  and  others  to  meet 
Dr.  Adams  who  had  got  an  organ;  but 
it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty 
that  we  could  get  him  to  play  a  tune. 
The  music  was  very  bad  and  we  suf- 
fered in  hearing  it.  Dr.  Adams  had 
been  a  wild  young  man  but  was  now 
very  pious. 

On  Saturday,  June  30th,  the  Chiefs 
dined  at  the  Cdurt  House  at  our  invi- 
tation. A  large  number  of  people  were 


347 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


present;  we  had  five  tables  and  a 
a  great  variety  of  dishes  and  they 
were  served  up  in  good  order.  The 
Sachems  sat  at  two  separate  tables 
at  the  head  of  one  of  the  famous  ora- 
tor Conassatego.  And  the  others 
were  placed  according  to  their  rank. 
We.  carved  the  meat  for  the  Indians 
and  served  them  with  cider  and 
wine  mixed  with  water.  The  chiefs 
semed  prodigiously  pleased  wth  this 
feast  for  they  fed  lustily,  drank 
heartily  and  were  very  greasy  before 
they  finished  their  dinner  for  by  the 
by  they  make  no  use  of  forks.  The 
health  of  the  Indians  and  of  the  Com- 
missioners and  the  Governor  ware 
drunk. 

On  the  evening  of  July  4th,  a  fine 
gold  laced  hat  was  presented  to 
Grachadodow,  a  celebrated  warrior 
then  about  forty  years  old.  He  was 
a  straight  limbed  and  graceful  per- 
son; but  not  so  fat  as  Conassatego. 
His  action  when  he  spoke  certainly 
was  the  most  gracious  as  well  as  bold 
that  any  person  ever  saw,  without  the 
buffoonery  of  the  French  or  over  sol- 
emn deportment  of  the  Spaniards. 
When  he  made  the  complimentary 
speech  on  the  occasion  of  giving 
Lord  Baltimore  the  name  of  Tocarry- 
hogan  he  was  complimented  by  the 
Governor  who  said  he  would  have 
made  a  good  figure  in  the  forum  of 
old  Rome.  And  Commissioner  Jen- 
nings declared  that  he  had  never 
seen  so  graceful  an  action  in  any  of 
the  most  celebrated  orators  he  had 
ever  heard  speak. 

At  twelve  o'clock  on  July  5,  the 
accounts  were  settled  and  we  dined 
at  Worral'  s  and  immediately  after- 
wards mounted  our  horses  and  went 
from  this  filthy  town  to  our  kind  face- 
tious landlord  Mr.  Hughs  at  Notting- 
ham township  by  the  »  Gap  road,  so 
called   from     space     or      gap     being 


opened  in  the  ridge  of  the  BIu 
Mountains  which  extends  a  grea 
way  to  the  Southwest  of  Virgin] 
and  Northeast  of  Pennsylvania. 

WITHAM  MARSHE." 
1744— The  Conoy  Indians  Still  Clain 
Land  in  Ohio. 

Among  the  proceedings  of  the 
Great  Treaty  the  following  is  found, 
p.  724,  spoken  by  Conassatego: 

"The  Conoy  Indians  have  informed 
us  that  they  sent  you  a  Message 
sometime  ago  to  advise  you  that 
they  were  ill  used  by  the  White 
People  in  the  place  where  they  had 
lived,  and  that  they  had  come  to  a 
resolution  of  removing  to  Shamokin, 
and  requested  some  small  satisafc- 
tion  for  their  land,  and  as  they  never 
have  .received  any  answer  from  you, 
they  have  desired  us  to  speak  for 
them.  We  heartily  recommend  their 
case  to  your  Generosity,  and  to 
weight  to  our  Recommendation  we 
present  you  with  this  String  of  Wam- 
pum. 

Which  was  received  with  the  us- 
ual  ceremony." 

1744— The    Conestogas    at    the    Great 

Lancaster  Treaty. 

The  Colonial  Record  Account  does 
not  mention  the  names  of  the  Chiefs 
and  Indians  at  the  Lancaster  Treaty, 
but  in  Vol.  1  of  the  Penna.  Archives, 
pp.  656  and  7  the  names  appea.r  and 
among  them  we  find  twelve  of  the 
Conestogas  that  are  said  to  be  the 
Conestoga  Indians  that  speak  the  an- 
cient language  and  therefore  were 
likely  twelve  principal  men  of  the 
old  stock  of  Conestogas  there.  This 
begins  to  show  the  pathetic  figure  of 
the  Conestogas  and  how  they  are 
dwindling.  The  other  Indians  pres- 
ent were  20  Onondagoes,  26  Cayoo- 
goes,  12  Oneidas,  4  Senecas,  16  Tus- 
caroras,  10  Conoys  and  a  few  other 
minor   tribes. 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 

ii'44 — The  Delawares  Come  to  Phila 
jjI   delphia  to  Treat..    The  Conoys 


348 


At  a  treaty  held  in  Philadelphia, 
1744,  found  in  Vol.  4  of  the*  Col.  Rec, 
|jip.  746  and  747  among  other  things 
it  is  stated  that  the  Conoys  have 
moved  higher  up  too  but  nearer  us 
(the  Delawares)  and  we  now  take 
this  opportunity  to  inform  you  of  it. 

1744  —  The  Shawanese  Not  On    Good 

Terms  With  the  Five  Nations. 

Have  Moved. 

In  Vol.  4  of  the  Col.  Rec.  p.  739, 
the  Governor  making  a  report  to 
Council  of  the  business  done  at  the 
great  treaty  at  Lancaster,  says,  that 
they  have  renewed  solemn  treaties  of 
friendship  and  that  they  are  going  to 
send  down  the  murderer  that  mur- 
dered Armstrong,  the  trader,  near 
Lancaster.  The  Governor  further 
says  that  he  observed  that  there  was 
only  one  Shawanese  present  at  the 
treaty  and  that  he  was  from  the 
principal  town  in  Ohio.  And  that  he 
inquired  into  these  and  he  found 
that  the  Shawanese  and  the  Five 
Nations  were  far  from  being  on 
friendly  terms  with  each  other. 
1744— The  Delaware  Indians  Kill 
John  Armstrong,  a  Lancaster 
Indian  Trader. 
In  Vol.  3  of  the  Votes  of  Assembly, 
p.  546,  it  is  stated  that  John  Arm- 
strong, an  Indian  Trader,  was  killed 
near  Lancaster  and  his  wagon  robbed 
.of  his  Indian  goods.  And  it  seems 
from  the  newspaper  report  which 
may  be  found  in  the  American  Week- 
ly Mercury  for  1743  and  1744  that 
this  killing  grew  out  of  a  horse 
trade  in  which  Armstrong  had  got- 
ten the  better  of  the  Delaware  In- 
dians and  the  Delaware  Indians 
wanted  him  to  trade  back,  but  he 
would  not.     An   account  of  this  may 


be  found  in  the  American  Weekly 
Mercury  in  the  issue  of  April  26, 
1744.  This  gives  us  an  incite  into  the 
Indian  difficulties  at  this  time. 
1745.— Peter  Chartier  Has  Gone  Over 
to  the  French. 
In  Vol.  4  of  the  Col.  Rec.  p.  757,  it 
was  stated  that  an  affidavit  was 
made  by  Peter  Chartier's  servant 
that  Peter  had  accepted  a  military 
commission  under  the  French  King. 
The  Governor  was  informed  of  this 
and  he  said  if  he  had  been  punished 
as  he  deserved  for  the  report  he 
spread  two  years  ago  among  our  In- 
dians and  tried  to  stir  them  up  to  go 
to  the  French,  he  would  not  have 
been  at  liberty  at  this  time;  and  that 
the  perfidious  blood  of  the  Shawanese 
runs  in   Peter's  veins. 

1745  — The     Five     Nations     Say     We 

Should  Have  Made  War  on  the 

Shawanese. 

In  Vol.  4  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  782,  at 
another  treaty  held  this  year  some  of 
the  Six  Nations  were  present  and 
|  among  other  things  they  said  that  we 
should  have  made  war  against  the 
Shawanese  when  we  found  they  were 
going  to  leave;  but  the  Governor  an- 
swered this  by  saying  that  he  would 
not  have  done  this  without  first  con- 
sulting the  Five  Nations,  and  this 
pleased  them  very  much.  Conrad 
Weiser  had  been  sent  on  an  expedi- 
tion to  the  Five  Nations  and  he  re- 
ported that  after  a  Council  with 
them  was  ended  the  Black  Prince  in- 
vited all  present  including  himself  to 
a  dinner  and  at  the  dinner  they  had 
plenty  of  hominy,  dried  venison  land 
fish.  And  that  after  dinner  they  were 
served  with  a  drink  all  around;  and 
while  at  dinner  they  had  several  dis- 
courses about  the  Shawanese  and 
that  the     statement     was     made     by 


349 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUS^UEHANXOCKS  AND 


some  of  them  that  we  should  have 
made  war  on  the  Shawanese  and 
others  differed  from  that  opinion. 
This  is  the  first  mention  of  after 
dinner  speeches  among  the  savages, 
of  which  we  have  any  knowledge. 

1745— Lancaster  County   to   Be 
Protected. 
In   Vol.   5   of   the   Col.   Rec,   pp.    1  j 
and   2   it  is  stated   that    the    Indians 
were     preparing     themselves,     under  j 
the    leadership    of    Peter    Chartier   to 
come  down  on  Lancaster  County  and  j 
it  was  decided  that  notice  should  be 
sent  to  the  inhabitants   of  Lancaster 
Co.   to  be   on  their  guard ;     and    that  | 
the  Captain  appointed  over  the  mlli-J 
tia    of    that    County    should    drill    his 
troops. 

1746— The  Whites  and  Indians  of  J 
Lancaster  County  to  Arm 
Themselves. 
In  Vol.  5  of  the  Col.  Rec,  pp.  26 
and  27  it  is  set  forth  in  a  message 
from  the  Governor  to  the  Assembly 
that  a  petition  from  a  considerable 
number  of  the  inhabitants  of  Lancas- 
ter County  has  reached  Philadelphia, 
setting  forth  that  they  need  arms 
and  ammunition  and  are  not  able  to 
purchase  them  and  that  they  must 
protect  themselves  from  the  Indians. 
The  Governor  decided  that  he  would 
help  the  people  of  Lancaster  County 
to   provide  for  themselves. 

1747 — Governor  Thomas  Sick. 
In  Vol.  5  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  84,  it 
is  set  forth  that  Governor  Thomas 
has  been  sick  ever  since  he  attended 
the  Lancaster  Treaty  three  years  be- 
fore. 

1747— An    Old    Indian     Friend     Sliick- 
alamy   Sick   and   Needs   Medicine. 

Shickalamy,  one  of  the  mnior 
Chiefs  of  the  Five  Nations  has  been 
a  great  friend  to  the  whites  since  the 


Delawares  turned  against  the  Eng- 
lish to  the  French.  Conrad  Weiser 
in  November  of  this  year  went  to  see 
him  on  business  and  found  him  in  a 
most  miserable  condition  and  hardly 
able  to  stretch  forth  his  hand  be- 
cause of  the  fever.  Several  of  his 
relations  were  buried  recently  and  he 
was  nearly  at  the  point  of  death  but 
Weiser  gave  him  some  medicine  and 
he  got  up  afterwards.  He  was  after- 
wards a  great  help  to  Lancaster 
County  people. 

1747 — Indians  in  Lancaster  from 
Shamokin. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  140 
it  is  seth  forth  in  a  letter  from  Con- 
rad Weiser  that  at  Lancaster  he 
saw  ten  Indians  from  Ohio  on  their 
way  to  Philadelphia.  They  came 
from  Shamokin  which  was  now  the 
seat  of  Indian  disturbances  and 
which  neighborhood  was  the  fron- 
tier. They  reached  Philadelphia  on 
or  about  the  13th  of  November  (Set 
p.  145)  and  they  made  a  speech 
which  may  be  found  p.  146.  The 
whole  subject  concerns  happenings 
not  in  Lancaster  County.  They  were 
loyal  however,  to  the  English  and  on 
p.  147  they  said  among  other  things 
that  they  desire  to  be  furnished  with 
weapons,  such  as  will  knock  down 
the  French. 

1748  —  A   New   Proclamation    Against 

Selling  Bum   to  the  Indians. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  194, 
|  it  is  set  forth  that  rum  selling  has 
I  become  a  great  evil  again  among  the 
j  Indians  and  the  Governor  issued  a 
proclamation  against  the  practice, 
I  which  may  be  found  in  that  book 
i  and  same  page.  Presents  were  now 
|  ordered  to  the  Indians  amounting  to 
!850  Pounds,   (See  p.  197). 

1 1748— The  Five  Nations  Give  Another 
Deed    for    Susquehanna    Lands. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  219 
I  may  be  found   a     deed     and     release 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


350 


made  by  the  Five  Nations  for  land  on 
the  Susquehanna  River,  chiefly  on 
the  West  side  in  the  latitude  of  what 
is  now  York  County. 

1748— The   Nantikokes   Hare  Now 
Moved. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  22,  a 
statement  is  made  showing  that  the 
Nantikokes  Indians  who  formerly 
lived  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Con- 
oys,  have  now  moved  up  the  Susque- 
hanna River  to  the  Mouth  of  the 
Juniata. 

1748 — The   Six  Nations   Command  the 

Susquehanna   Indians    To    Take 

Up  the  Hatchet. 

In  Vol.   5   of  the  Col.   Rec,   p.   284, 
the   following  report  was  made   by   a 
paper  presented  by  Mr.  Weiser: 
"MEMORANDUM    taken    the     13th     of 
June,  1748. 

Last  night  arrived  at  my  house 
Ganataraykon,  Sogogockiather,  Ach- 
noara,  Kattake,  and  Sanagarnet, 
sent  by  Shikalamy  to  inform  me  that 
a  Message   from  the   Six  Nations    (in 

the    Cajucka )    to    the    following 

purport. 

"Brethren  and  Cousins,  You  that 
live  on  Susquehannah  River  and 
elsewhere. 

"We  let  you  know  that  our  Breth- 
ren, the  English  have  sent  a  mes- 
sage to  us  to  inform  us  that  the 
French  had  come  to  live  on  this 
side  the  lake  and  threaten  destruction 
to  the  Six  Nations  as  well  as  to  the 
English,  and  that  therefore,  it  was 
requisite  our  Nation  in  concert  with 
the  others  should  take  up  the  Eng- 
lish Hatchet  and  exert  themselves 
against  the  French.  To  encourage 
us,  therefore,  they  gave  a  large  Belt 
of  Wampum  made  in  the  shape  of  a 
hatchet  and  told  us  further  that  the 
English  cried  out  for  help,  having 
suffered  much  by  the  French.  So 
far  the  English  Message." 


Then  certain  other  proceedings  in- 
tervened it  at  the  end  of  which  the 
following  message  was  given: 

"Brethren  and  Cousins  that  live  on 
Susquehanna  River:  We  send  you 
this  string  of  wampum;  and  desire 
you  to  have  your  ears  open  and  be 
on  your  guard;  we  also  desire  you 
will  with  all  speed  carry  this  our 
Message  from  town  to  town  until  it 
a.rrives  at  Schohonyady.  This  was 
accordingly  done — the  said  Message 
came  to  Shamokin  on  the  9th  in- 
stant, and  the  Indians  met  in  Shika- 
lamy's  House.  It  was  delivered  by 
a  Delaware  Indian  that  lives  on 
Wayamuck  or  Seahantowany.  The 
Indians  on  Shamokin  dispatched  it 
immediately  to  Schohonihady  afore- 
said, though  the  Sun  was  just  down." 

1748— Log   Town   the  First   Town 
From  Lancaster. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  289, 
we  find  this  statement  is  made,  "A 
letter  from  the  Shawanese  and  some 
of  the  Six  Nations  dated  at  Log 
Town  on  the  road  from  Lancaster  to 
Allegheny  was  read." 

I  cite  this  item  to  show  that  the 
first  Indian  town  out  of  Lancaster 
was  Log  Town  at  this  date  and  it 
seems  to  me  to  be  very  far  west,  at 
any  .rate  it  helps  to  show  that  the 
Indian  frontier  was  now  moved  to 
the  central  part  of  Pennsylvania. 

1748— Council  Fire  to  Be  Held  at 

Lancaster. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Col.  Rec ,  p.  290, 
we  find  it  set  forth  that  it  is  the  in- 
tention of  various  Indian  tribes  to 
hold  a  large  Council  fire  at  Lancas- 
ter. • 

1748— Another    great  Treaty   Held  at 
Lancaster. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Col.  Rec,  pp.  298 
and  299,  it  is  set  forth  that  the 
Twigttwees  Nations  are  now  visiting 
Lancaster  with  the  divers  chiefs  of 
the  Six  Nations  in  order  to  enter  into 
a  treaty. 


351 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


This  treaty  was  held  beginning  the 
19th   of  July,   1748    and    lasted    until 
the  23rd  and  is  found  in  Vol.  5  of  the 
Col.  Rec,  pp.  307  to  319.     It  is  stated 
to  have   been     attended     by     several 
members  of  Council,  Magistrates  and 
inhabitants   of   Lancaster    County,    55 
Indians  of  the   Six  Nations   and   also 
Indians    of    the    Delaware,    Shawnese, 
Nantikoke   and  Twightwee   Tribes.    It 
is  observed  here  that  the  Conestogas 
were  not  present.     They  seem  to  have 
dwindled    to    so    small    proportion    as 
to  not     be     taken     account     of     any 
longer.     The   treaty   was  held   in   the 
Lancaster   Court   House   according   to 
the  accounts  in  the  Col.  Records  and 
the   subjects   under  discussion  did  not 
concern      Lancaster     County      locally 
but   had   to   do   with   the   question   of 
admitting    the    Twightwees    into    the 
League  of  Friendship  and    it    looked 
also  toward  securing  the  friendliness 
of     the     Shawanese     and     Delawares 
again.     The  particulars  of  the  treaty 
are  found  p.  316,  in  a  certain  instru- 
ment   and     they     state    that   the   said 
Twightwees     are     accepted     by     the 
Commissioners   on   the   part  of  Penn- 
sylvania  as   good    friends    and    allies 
and   the   Twightwees  agree   that  they 
will   act  soberly    and    be    faithful    to 
the  English.       This     seems     to    have 
been     the     whole     business     of     the 
treaty. 

1748  —Shawanese    Pardoned    and 
Taken  Back  Into  the  Fold. 

In   Vol.   5   of  the  Col.   Rec,   p.   323, 
it  is  set  forth  that     the     pardon     so 
earnestly    sought    for    by    the    Shawa- 
and   their    submission    and 


nese 
darkness 


ap- 


174&— Expense  of  Lancaster  Treaty. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  327, 
the  following  is  set  forth  as  the  ex- 
pense  of   the   Lancaster   Treaty 

"The  accounts  of  the    expenses    of  ,  the   Susquehanna  "at  ~the 


the  late  Treaty     at     Lancaster     were  |  town 


laid  before  the  Board  by  the  Secretary 
(after  deducting  the  value  of  the 
presents  from  the  Indians)  amount- 
ing to  the  sum  of  169  Pounds,  18 
shillings  and  0  pence,  and  as  all  the 
sums,  excepting  such  as  were  dis- 
bursed by  the  Secretary  himself  by 
order  of  the  Commissioners,  were  cer- 
tified by  Mr.  Webster,  they  were  ap- 
proved and  it  was  resolved  that  they 
should  be  laid  before  the  Assembly 
with  a  proper  message  to  recommend 
the  immediate  payment  of  them." 

The  credits  against  the  above  debt 
were  39  Pounds,  2  shillings  and  8 
pence,  leaving  a  balance  of  140 
Pounds,  and  18   shillings. 

1749— The   Conoys,   Though   Removed, 

Still  Claim  Their  Old  Lands  at 

Conoy. 

In  Vol.   5   of  the   Col.    Rec,   p.   390, 
one    of   the   Chiefs   who    came    to   the 
Philadelphia    treaty      from      the      Six 
Nations  said: 
"Brethren: 

As  we  were  coming  here  the  Conoy 
Indians  gave  us  this  String  of  Wam- 
pum, thereby  putting  their  case  into 
or  hands  which  we  understood  to 
Speak  to.  It  seems  when  the  proprie- 
taries bought  the  land  between  the 
Delaware  and  the  Susquehanna  from 
us,  the  tract,  as  they  told  us,  on 
which  the  Conoy  town  stood  was  re- 
served out  of  the  grant  on  account  of 
those  Indians,  then  living  there,  and 
when  they  should  quit  it  they  were  to 
have  a  consideration  paid  them  for  it. 
This  we  think  they  are  entitled  to,  as 
they  have  left  the  land  and  live 
among  other  Nations  at  Juniata;  and 
as  they  tell  us  that  they  never  have 
received  anything  for  the  land,  we 
recommend  it  to  you  to  see  them  paid 
Here  he  gave  the  Conoy's  String." 

We  notice  in  this  item    the    Conoys 
still    insist    that  they  own  the    land    on 

old     Conoy 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


352 


The  Governor  however,  told  the  Six 
Nations'  representatives  that  the 
Conoys  do  not  own  that  land  any- 
longer.  This  may  be  found,  in  Vol.  5 
of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  393,  as  follows: 
"Brethren,  I  now  read  an  answer  to 
Assuehqua,  who  gave  this  String  in 
behalf  of  the  Conoy  Indians.  I  am 
sorry  to  say  that  these  Indians  have 
misrepresented  the  fact,  for  on  the 
information  I  have  received  from  the 
Proprietor's  office,  this  land,  which  is 
but  a  small  piece  where  their  town 
stood,  was  not  reserved  out  of  their 
grants  of  the  land  sold  by  the  Six 
Nations;  but  at  time  the  Conoy  In- 
dians being  desirous  to  continue 
there,  prevailed  with  the  six  nations 
to  ask  this  as  a  favor  from  the  Pro- 
prietaries, while  they  (the  Conoys) 
remained  on  it,  and  at  their  instance 
the  Proprietaries  granted  them  this 
favor,  and  they  might  have  lived 
there  till  now;  but  as  they  choose 
voluntarily  to  go  away,  and  signified 
this  by  a  string  of  wampum  to  the 
Government,  they  had  leave  accord- 
ingly to  go  to  Juniata  or  elsewhere. 
You  can  not  but  know  the  Six  Na- 
tions have  frequently  desired  the 
Proprietaries  not  to  give  money  to 
any  tributary  nations  for  Land,  and 
these  Conoys  are  such  they  would 
have  reason  to  find  fault  with  the 
Proprietaries  should  they  pay  them 
anything,  especially  as  they  have  al- 
ready given  to  the  Six  Nations  a  val- 
uable consideration  for  it;  I  confirm 
this  by  a  String  of  Wampum." 

1749— A  Sew  Grant  of  the    Land    Be- 
tween the  Susquehanna  and  Dela- 
ware Rivers  by  the  Indians 
to  the  English. 

In  Vol.   5  of  the  Col.  Rec,  pp.   406 
and  407,  we  find  the  following: 
"Brethren: 

We  have  taken  into  consideration 
your  offer  of  the  sale  of  some  land  ly- 


ing on  the  East  side  of  Sasquehanna 
and  though  we  have  no  directions 
from  the  Proprietaries  (who  are  now 
in  England,  to  treat  with  you,  yet  as 
we  judged  it  for  their  benefit  and  for 
the  publick  good  not  to  reject  the  of- 
fer you  have  thought  proper  to  make, 
we  send  you  word  by  the  Interpreter 
that  we  would  not  treat  with  you 
about,  a  new  purchase,  but  at  the 
same  time  we  gave  you  to  understand 
that  we  could  by  no  means  accede  to 
your  proposal  in  the  manner  you  had 
limited  it,  viz:  to  take  land  lying  on 
the  East  Side  of  the  Sasquehanna,  as 
far  as  Thomas  McKee's,  because  you 
must  be  sensible  that  as  the  head  of 
the  river  Schuylkill  lies  not  far  from 
the  Sasquehanna,  and  not  far  from 
the  head  of  Schuylkill  there  runs  one 
of  the  main  branches  of  the  River 
Delaware,  and  that  the  Delaware  In- 
dians, in  the  last  treaty,  had  granted 
the  lands  from  this  branch  to  very 
near  the  Leachawanchsein  on  Dela- 
ware. I  say,  considering  all  these 
things,  which  were  explained  to  you 
on  a  Draught,  by  which  it  appears 
that  all  you  offer  is  mountainous, 
broken  and  poor  land,  you  must  know 
that  this  is  not  worth  our  acceptance, 
but  we  added  if  you  would  extend 
your  offer  to  go  more  Northerly  on 
Sasquehanna  as  far  as  Shamokin,  and 
that  the  tract  might  carry  its  breadth 
to  Delaware  river,  so  that  we  could 
in  any  manner  justify  ourselves  to 
the  Proprietors,  we  would  close  and 
give  you  a  just  consideration  for  the 
lands.  On  this  you  held  a  council 
and  made  us  a  second  offer  that  you 
would  sign  a  deed  to  the  Proprietors 
for  all  that  Tract  of  Land  that  lies 
within  the  following  bounds,  viz: 
Beginning  at  the  Kittochhinny  Hills, 
where  your  last  purchase  ends  on 
Sasquehanna,  from  thence  by  the 
courses  of  the  River  Sasquehanna  to 
the  first  Mountain  North  of  the  creek, 


353 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


called  in  the  Onondago  Language  Can- 
tawhy,  and  in  the  Delaware  Lan- 
guage Makooniahy,  on  the  said  River 
Sasquehanna,  this  is  the  Western 
Boundary;  then  for  the  North  Bound- 
ary by  a  straight  line  to  be  run  from 
that  Mountain  to  the  main  Branch  of 
Delaware  River,  at  the  North  side  of  j 
the  Mountain  of  Lechawachsein,  so  as  , 
to  take  in  the  waters  of  Lecshawach-  j 
sein;  the  East  Boundary  to  be  the 
River  Delaware  from  the  North  of  the 
Viskil  to  the  Kittochtiny;  the  South 
boundary  to  be  that  range  of  the  Kit- 
tochtinny  Hills  to  the  place  of  be- 
ginning, together  with  the  islands  in 
the  River  Sasquehanna  and  Delaware 
in  that  Compass.  Having  received 
this  second  offer,  though  neither  in 
this  is  there  any  considerable 
quantity  of  good  land,  yet  in  regard 
to  your  Poverty  more  than  to  the 
real  value  of  the  Tract  we  sent  you 
word  that  on  your  Signing  a  deed  we 
would  pay  you  the  sum  of  Five  Hun- 
dred Pounds." 

1749 — The  Indians  Wound  Adam  For- 
ney at  Lancaster. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  409, 
it  is  stated  that,  "An  Indian  this  last 
Summer  came  in  a  rude  manner  to  a 
substantial  Housekeeper  of  Lancaster 
County,  one  Adam  Furney,  and  de- 
manded rum  of  him;  he  gave  him 
some  but  because  he  refused  to  give 
him  more,  he  withdrew  a  small  space 
and  having  his  gun  in  his  hand  ready 
loaded  he  shot  him  in  the  Breast,  and 
he  lay  a  considerable  time  ill  of  his 
wounds,  being  expected  to  dye  every 
day.  On  this  the  Indian  was  appre- 
hended and  committed  to  Jail,  but  the 
man  recovered,  contrary  to  all  expec- 
tation, and  the  Indian  was  the  other 
day  released." 

1750 — A  Conference  With    the    Cones- 
toga  Indians. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  431,  it 
is  stated  that    proceednigs    from    Mr. 


Weiser  about  conference  held  by  him 
with  Mr.  Montour,  some  of  the  Sha- 
mokin  Indians  and  also  the  Conestoga 
Indians,  were  read  as  follows: 

"At  a  conference  held  with  the  In- 
dians  at  Mr.  Croghan's  in   Pennsbo.ro 
Township,      Cumberland      County,     on 
Thursday,  the  17th  day  of  May,  1750. 
PRESENT: 

Richard  Peters,  Esq.,  Secretary; 
Conrad  Weiser,  James  Galhreath, 
George  Croghan,  Andrew  Montour, 
Tach  -  nech  -  doarus,  Saiuchtowano, 
Cataradirha,  Tohomady  Huntho,  a 
Mohock  from  Ohio. 

George  Stevenson,  William  Wilson, 
Hermanus  Alricks,  Esquires. 
Sai-uch-to-wano  spoke  as  follows: 
Brethren: 
We  were  in  hopes  of  giving  the  Sec- 
retary a  Cheerful  Welcome  into  this 
pa.rt  of  the  Country;  but  we  have  just 
heard  a  piece  of  bad  news  which  has 
interrupted  our  Joy,  that  one  of  the 
principal  men  of  the  Province  is 
taken  away  by  a  sudden  death,  a 
wise  Counsellor  and  a  good  friend  of 
ours.  He  pleased,  therefore,  to  con- 
vey to  the  Governor  our  Expressions 
of  Sorrow  on  this  Melancholy  Occa- 
sion and  let  this  String  of  Wampum 
serve  to  comfort  his  heart  and  wipe 
away  the  tears  from  his  eyes  till 
this  great  loss  shall  be  supplied  by 
some  fitt  person  to  succeed  him. 

Then    Catara-dirha,   on    behalf   of  the 
Conestogoe    Indians,    spoke: 
Brethren: 

When  the  Six  Nations  sold  their 
Land  on  Sasquehannah  to  the  Pro- 
prietaries, the  Conestogoe  Indians 
were  then  living  in  their  town  near 
Lancaster,  for  which  reason  the 
Place  where  they  lived  was  excepted 
out  of  the  sale.  It  will  appear  by 
your  records  that  they  were  to  live 
there  as  long  as  they  pleased,  and 
when    they    should   incline    to    depart 


OTHER    LANCASTER    COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


154 


they  were  to  signify  it .  to  the  Pro- 
prietaries and  receive  a  Considera- 
tion; they  are  now  inclinable  to 
move  nearest  to  the  Other  Indians 
and  according  to  the  agreement  al- 
ready made  to  the  Proprietaries  they 
request  you  to  inform  the  Governor 
of  meir  intention.  They  want  to  sell 
their  improvements  and  now  make 
the  Proprietaries  the  first  offer  of 
them. 

A   String   of   Wampum. 
"Brofher,   the   Governor: 

Many  of  our  old  people  are  dead, 
so  that  we  are  now  left  as  it  were 
Orphans  i  n  a  destitute  condition, 
which  inclines  us  to  leave  our  old 
Habitations.  When  we  are  gone  ill- 
minded  people  may  tell  you  stories 
to  our  Prejudice;  but  we  assure  you 
that  Distance  will  not  alter  our  af- 
fections for  you.  Therefore,  give  no 
ear  to  such  stories,  as  we  on  our 
part  will  not  think  you  can  lose 
your  regard  for  us,  though  there 
are  some  whom  would  perswade  us 
that  we  are  now  not  so  much  re- 
garded by  you  as  we  have  been." 

From  this  item  we  see  that  the 
Conestogas  now  are  very  much 
ground  down  and  they  now  fear  for 
their  safety  and  ask  permission  to 
move.  According  to  what  happened 
later  it  would  have  been  a  wise  thing 
for  the  Government  to  allow  them  to 
move. 


Sir: 


Philadelphia,    Nov.    15,    1753. 


I  am  favored  with  two*of  your  let- 
ters, one  by  the  Post  of  the  Third  of 
September  last,  enclosing  a  copy  of 
the  Indian  Deed  executed  at  Lancas- 
ter which  I  shall  send  to  Mr.  Weiser, 
at  whose  Instance  I  desired  the 
Copy,  the  other  of  the  twenty-third 
of  October,  by  express  enclosing  a 
letter  of  the  twenty-eighth  of  Au- 
gust last  from  the  Earl  of  Holder- 
nesse,  one  of  his  Majesties'  Princi- 
pal Secreataries  of  State,  to  whom  I 
shall  do  myself  the  Honor  to  w,rite 
by  a  ship  from  this  port,  chusing,  as 
my  letter  from  hence  may  arrive  as 
soon  as  by  the  return  of  the  Man-of- 
War  and  the  contents  of  his  Lord- 
ship's letter  are  of  great  moment, 
to  take  some  time  in  the  considera- 
tion   of   my    answer." 


1751— A    Xantikoke    In    Lancaster 
Jail. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  543, 
it  is  stated  that  at  the  beginning  of 
this  year  one  of  the  Nantikokes  was 
committed  to  the  prison  at  Lancas- 
ter for  abusing  a  white  girl.  It 
seems  that  such  pressure  was 
brought  to  bear  that  he  was  soon  re- 
leased. 

1753— An    Indian     Deed     Executed    at 

Lancaster. 

In  Vol.  5  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  700, 
it  is  stated  that  the  following  letter 
was   written   to   Governor    Dinwiddie: 


1754— Another     Purchase     of     Land 
Across   the    Susquehanna   River. 

In  Vol.  6  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  Ill,  a 
conference    was    held    with     some     of 
the    Indians,   in   which    the    following 
report  was  made.: 
"May    it    Please   the    Governor: 

The  first  Indians  that  made  their 
appearance  were  from  the  Heads  of 
Sasquehannah  as  low  down  as  One- 
cquago,  and  by  those  who  came  im- 
mediately to  visit  the  Commissioners 
from  Pennsylvania,  as  indeed  all  the 
other  Indians  did." 

The  report  then  goes  on  to  state 
that  two  Connecticut  gentlemen 
were  in  town  trying  to  negotiate  "a 
purchase  from  the  Indians  for  the 
Sasquehannah  Lands  lying  within 
the  latitude  of  the  Connecticut  char- 
ter in  favor  of  some  private  persons 
of  that  Government,  and  had  with 
them  a  thousand  pieces  of  Eight  and 
were  busy  conferring  with  the  In- 
dians on  this  subject  at  the  House 
and  thro'  the  means  of  Mr.  Lydius." 


355 


ANNALS  OF.  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


1754_The   Above    Purchase    Included  I  Canyingoes   or   Mohocks),    who    have 

..       ~  t*  ,««.<.„    Tranf  lately  at  Philadelphia  by  our  deed  in 

the   Governor   Dungan   Tract         I         *?   ^   ^   Eieventh     ^    Qf 

At   the   Great     Albany      Treaty     of  L^     Instant>      October,      released    to 
1754  the  question  of  the  Susquehanna  j  John   pemi>   Thomas   Penn>  and  Rich. 


lands  again  came  up  and  to  settle 
the  question  the  Six  Ntaions  made  a 
new  deed  and  released  all  claim  to 
land  on  both  sides  of  the  Susque- 
hanna River  from  the  mouth  up  to 
the  endless  mountains  (See  6  Col. 
Rec,  p.  124),  in  which  it  is  stated 
that  "Tahashwangoas  was  desired  to 
tell  the  Indians  the  manner  of  a 
former  deed  being  executed,  and  he 
declared  that  it  was  done  pluckily 
and  of  their  own  voluntary  motion 
as  a  testimony  of  their  great  regard 
for  the  Proprietaries  who  had  at  that 
very  treaty  given  them  a  generous 
proof  of  their  upright  dealings  with 
the  Indians  by  paying  a  third  time 
for  the   Sasquehanna     lands,     having 


ard  Penn,  Proprietors  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  to  their  Heirs  and  Succes- 
sors all  their  right  claim,  and  Pre- 
tensions whatsoever  to  all  the  lands 
on  both  sides  of  the  River  Sasque- 
hannah  from  the  Mouth  thereof,  as 
far  Northward  or  up  the  said  river 
as  that  ridge  of  Hills  called  the 
Tyoninhasachta  or  endless  moun- 
tains Westward  to  the  Sitting  of  the 
sun  and  Eastward  to  the  fartherest 
Springs  of  the  water  running  into  the 
said  river,  do  hereby  further  declare 
that  our  true  intent  and  meaning  by 
the  said  writing  was  and  is  to  release 
and  we  do  hereby  more  expressly  re- 
lease to  the  said  Proprietors  their 
heirs  and  Successors  forever,  all  our 


bought  them  of  Col.  Dungan  first  |  right,  claim  and  pretensions  whatso- 
and  then  of  the  Sasquehanna  Indians  j  ever  to  all  and  every  all  the  land  ly_ 
and  that  he  saw  all  the  persons  exe-    ing  within  the   Bounds   and   limits  of 


cute  it  with  great  willingness.  Then 
Hendrick  and  the  other  Indians 
present  were  desired  to  look  at  the 
Names  of  the  Signers,  .and  having 
done  so  they  acknowldged  they  were 
all  principal  men  among  the  several 
tribes  and  being  asked  to  confirm 
and  ratify  that  deed  and  renew  their 
engagements  to  the  Proprietaries 
not  to  sell  to  ther  persons  any  of 
their  lands,  they  one  and  all  declared 
it  to  be  right,  and  desired  that  a 
short  deed  might  be  drawn,  which 
was      accordingly      done,     interpreted 


the  Government  of  Pennsylvania,  be- 
ginning Eastward  on  the  River  Dela- 
ware, as  far  Northward  as  the  said 
Ridge  or  chain  of  endless  mountains 
as  they  cross  the  Country  of  Penn- 
sylvania from  the  Eastward  to  the 
West. 

And  further,  as  we  have  made  the 
firmest  League  of  Friendship  with 
our  Brethren  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
are  become  as  one  people  with  them, 
we  do  hereby  promise  and  engage  for 
our  children  and  their  children  that 
neither  we  nor  they  nor  any  in  Au- 


and   executed  both     which     followeth  !  thority  in   our  Nation     will     at     any 

time   bargain,   sell,   grant,   or   by   any 
means   make    over   to    any    person    or 


in  these  words: 

DEED  FROM  THE  SIX  NATIONS  TO 
THE  PROPRIETORS. 
"We  the  Chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations 
of  Indians,  Onondagoes,  Tsanundow- 
ans  or  Sinickes,  Cayoogas,  Oneydas, 
Tuscaroroes      (in     behalf  also   of  the 


persons  whatsoever  (whether  white 
men  or  Indians),  other  than  to  the 
said  Proprietors  the  children  of  Wil- 
liam Penn  or  to  persons  by  them  au- 
thorized and  appointed  to  agree  for 
and   receive     the     same,     any     lands 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY   INDIAN  TRIBES 


356 


within  the  limit  of  the  Government  of 
Pennsylvania  as  is  bounded  North- 
ward with  the  Government  of  New 
York  and  Albany.  But  when  we  are 
willing  to  dispose  of  any  further 
rights  of  land  within  the  said  limits 
of  Pennsylvania  we  will  dispose  of 
them  to  the  said  Wiliiam  Penn's 
children  and  to  no  other  persons 
whatsoever.  In  witness  whereof  we 
have  in  behalf  of  all  our  Nations 
signed  this  further  writing,  being 
distinctly  read  and  Interpreted  to  us 
by  our  Friend  Conrad  Weiser  the 
twenty-fiftb,  day    of   October,   1736. 

Witness  (an  interlineation  of  sev- 
enteen words,  benig  first  made  be- 
tween the  8th  and  9th  Lines)." 

This  deed  then  is  signed  by 
twenty-two  chiefs  and  on  the  back  of 
it  there  is  an  endorsement  that  it 
was  interpreted  to  them  and  they  un- 
derstand all  that  it  means  and  they 
do  confirm  the  deed  good  and  promise 
Richard  and  Thomas  Penn  that 
neither  they  nor  anyone  under  their 
authority  will  ever  grant  any  land  to 
anybody  but  the  heirs  and  assigns  of 
the  Proprietaries.  This  was  done  on 
the   Ninth   day   of  July,   1754. 

1754 — Petition    of     Lancaster     Coun- 
tians   for  Protection. 

In  Vol.    6   of  the   Col.   Rec,   p.    131, 
the  following  petition     is     set     forth  | 
from    the      inhabitants      of      Donegal, 
Lancaster  County: 

'"Petition  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Done- 
gal, in  Lancaster  County,  to  the 
Governor: 

To  the  Honourable  James  Hamil- 
ton, Esquire,  Lieutenant  Governor 
and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  Pennsylvania  and  Counties  of 
New  Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex,  on 
Delaware, 

The  humble  Petition  of  Us,  the  In- 
habitants of  Donegal,  humb.ly 
sheweth: 


That  your  Petition  being  duly  sen- 
sible of  the  great  Danger  that  our 
Province  now  is  in  by  reason  of  such 
cruel  and  merciless  Enemy  as  We 
are  now  engaged  with,  we  therefore 
desire  to  join  with  our  friends  and 
neighbors  in  requesting  your  Honour 
to  take  our  distressed  condition  into 
your  considti  ation,  and  to  put  us  in 
a  condition  that  we  may  be  able  to 
defend  ourselves,  and  we  on  our  part 
will  join  in  all  that  we  can  do  for 
the  Safety  of  the  Province;  and  your 
Petitioners  as  in  duty  bound  will 
pray. 

We  empower  our  Trusty  Friends 
James  Galbraith,  Esqr.,  and  Thomas 
Foster,  Esqr.,  to  present  to  you.r 
Honour  in  our  Behalf. 

WILLIAM    SMITH, 
WILLIAM  ALLISON, 
JOHN    ALLISON, 
BARNEY    HUGHES. 

July  26th,  1754. 
Signed  by  several  others,  being  in  all 
Ninety-Eight  Signers." 
On  p.  132  of  the  same  book  there  is 
a  similar  petition  of  Paxtang,  Der.ry 
and  Hanover  Townships'  people  who 
then  belonged  to  Lancaster  County. 
I  will  not  set  that  petition  forth  in 
full  as  it  is  similar  to  the  first  one 
and   is   sgned   by  fifty-seven   signers. 

1755 — Dungan's   Purchase   Again    Re- 
ferred  To. 

In  Vol.  6  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  255,  in 
a   letter   from     Governor     Morris     to 
Governor    Fitch,    the    following    state- 
ment is   made: 
"Sir: 

Mr.  Hamilton,  my  Predecessor, 
having  wrote  fully  to  you  and  Mr. 
Woolcott  the  late  Governor  of  Con- 
necticut, .relating  to  a  scheme  form- 
ed in  your  Province  for  purchasing 
the  English  and  settling  some  lands 
upon  the  River  Susquehanna  without 
the  leave  of  this  Government  though 
within  its  bounds,  I  beg  leave  to  re- 


357 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUS3UEHANNOCKS  AND 


fer  you  to  that  letter  and  to  lay  be- 
fore you  some  other  matters  from 
whence  you  may  judge  of  the  Nature 
and  consequence  of  that  attempt. 
You  will,  therefore,  please  to  be  in- 
formed that  about  the  year  1690  the 
Indians  then  of  the  Five  United  Na- 
tions, by  deed  regularly  executed, 
conveyed  to  Colonel  Thomas  Dungan, 
Governor  of  New  York,  a  large  Par- 
cel of  land,  a  great  part  of  which  lay 
upon  the  River  Susquehanna  and 
within  the  limits  of  this  Province 
and  that  Col.  Dungan  afterwards  by 
deed  conveyed  the  late  Proprietor 
William  Penn,  all  those  lands  lying 
upon  the  waters  of  Sasquehannah 
within  the  Province  aforesaid.  I 
would  give  you  the*  particular  dates 
of  those  deds,  but  am  now  a  dis- 
tance from  Philadelphia  where  they 
are.  These  instruments  have  been 
frequently  produced  to  the  New  Six 
United  Nations  of  Indians  and  their 
allies  the  Sasquehannas,  are  recited 
in  many  of  their  subsequent  deeds, 
and  have  been  pluckily  acknowledg- 
ed, ratified  and  confirmed  at  several 
treaties  between  them  and  this  Gov- 
ernment; and  though  the  force  and 
effect  of  those  deeds  has  always 
been  understood  as  well  by  the  In- 
dians as  by  the  English  to  vest  in 
the  Proprietors  of  Pennsylvania  all 
the  lands  upon  the  several  branches 
of  Sasquehannah,  yet  they  the  Pro- 
prietaries of  Pennsylvania  have  upon 
many  occasions  by  treaty  solemnly 
engaged  not  to  take  possession  of 
those  Lands  or  suffer  them  to  be  set- 
tled without  making  the  Indians  a 
particular  satisfaction  for  such  parts 
of  that  Country  as  they  should  from 
time  to  time  agree  to  give  up;  and 
for  that  reason  all  subsequent  deeds 
have  been  considered  only  as  confir- 
mations, so  far  as  they  related  to  the 
Lands   upon  the  waters     of     Sasque- 


hannah; but  as  those  lands  are  only 
a  part  of  the  Province  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, the  six  United  Nations  at  a 
treaty  held  in  October,  1736,  did  sol- 
emnly covenant  and  engage  by  In- 
strument, under  the  hands  and  seals 
of  the  Chiefs  of  the  respective  Na- 
tions to  sell  all  the  lands  within  the 
limits  of  Pennsylvania  to  the  Pro- 
prietaries of  this  Province  and  to  no 
other  persons  whatsoever.  This  in- 
strument was  produced  to  the  six 
Nations  at  the  late  General  treaty 
at  Albany  by  the  Commissioners 
from  this  Government,  and  proved 
by  one  of  the  Chiefs  who  was  then 
present  and  a  party  thereto;  where- 
upon the  Six  Nations  in  public 
Council  declared  that  the  Signers  of 
that  instrument  were  well  known  to 
them  to  have  been  the  principal  men 
and  chiefs  of  their  several  Nations, 
and  they  did  then  solemnly  .ratify 
that  agreement  and  by  a  new  deed 
not  only  confirmed  the  several  sales 
they  had  theretofore  made  to  the  Pro- 
prietaries, but  voluntarily  bound 
themselves  to  sell  no  land  within  the 
limits  of  Pennsylvania  to  any  person 
whatsoever  but  to  the  Proprietaries 
only." 

1755 — Great    Danger     and     Confusion 

in   Lancaster   Town   About 

Indians. 

In  Vol.  6  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  670 
it  is  stated  that,  "Mr.  Hamilton  find- 
ing by  the  Letters  received  from 
Lancaster  County,  that  matters  were 
in  the  utmost  danger  and  confusion, 
proposed  to  go  instantly  to  the  Town 
of  Lancaster  in  order  to  do  all  the 
service  in  their  power,  and  a  Dedimus 
with  Blank  military  Commissions  by 
the  advice  of  Council  was  given  to  the 
Governor  by  him,  empowering  him  to 
fill  up  the  blanks  with  such  persons 
names  as  hould  offer,  and  were  men 
of  known   good    characters.    A    Dedi- 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


358 


mus  was  likewise  given  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton to  qualify  such  officers  as  should 
be  appointed  in  that  part  of  the 
country.  Sundry  petitions  from  the 
most  respectable  persons  in  the  Sev- 
eral Counties  of  Cumberland,  York, 
Lancaster  and  Chester,  setting  forth  [ 
the  dismal  condition  of  the  inhabi-  | 
tants  were  read  and  sundry  compan- 
ies formed  and  commissions  granted 
to  such  as  were  recommended  for 
Captains,  .Lieutenants   and   Ensigns." 

This  shows  us  that  stirring  times 
were  now  in  existence  about  little 
old  Lancaster   Town. 

1755— The  Delawares   and   Shawanese 
Again  Desert  the   English. 

In  Vol.  6  of  the  Col.  Rec,  pp.  724 
and  725,  the  citizens  presented  a  pe- 
tition to  the  Governor  of  Pennsyl- 
vania stating  that  the  Delawares  and 
Shawanese  are  now  so  alienated 
against  us  as  to  take  up  the  hatchet 
in  favor  of  the  French.  The  petition- 
ers inquired  whether  the  Shawanese 
were  not  satisfied  at  the  last  treaty. 
The  Governor  then  goes  on  to  give 
the  whole  Shawanese  history  from 
the  time  that  the  first  sixty  families 
came  to  us  from  the  South  and  shows 
that  their  actions  have  always  been 
treacherous  while  they  have  done 
everything  in  their  power  to  keep 
them  friendly. 

1755— A  Meeting  of  Our  Friendly  In- 
dians at  Harris's  Ferry,  Now 
Harrisburg. 

In  Vol.  6  of  the  Col.  Rec.  pp.  745 
and  746,  it  is  stated  that  the  Gover- 
nor sent  a  request  that  all  of  our 
friendly  Indians  on  Susquehanna 
River  ought  to  come  together  at  Har- 
ris's Ferry  to  discuss  measures  with 
their  Government  for  general  protec- 
tion. 

Such  a  meeting  of  Indians  it  seems 
was   held   because   the   Governor   sent 


the   following  message  to  be  given  to 

them    which   may    be     found  in    the 

book   last  mentioned,   p.   754,  as    fol- 
lows: 

"Gentlemen: 

I  give  you  the  charge  of  a  mes- 
sage to  the  Sasquehannah  Indians, 
the  purport  of  which  is  to  invite 
them  to  meet  at  John  Harris's  in  the 
first  of  January  next,  where  I  intend 
to  hold  a  Council  with  all  the  Friend- 
ly Indians  I  can  collect  together, 
and  as  it  ought  to  be  delivered  as 
soon  as  possible,  and  you  have  kind- 
ly offered  your  service,  I  must  de- 
sire you  will  not  give  it  the  least  de- 
lay, but  taking  with  you  such  pru- 
dent persons  as  you  shall  judge 
necessary  for  your  safety,  proceed 
directly  to  Wyomink. 

If  they  .receive  the  Invitation  in 
good  part,  and  you  find  them  well 
disposed  to  us  and  willing  to  come, 
you  are  then  to  take  care  that  Indian 
Messengers  be  dispatched  with  the 
Invitation  and  String  of  Wampum  to 
such  other  Indians  as  can  attend 
that  meeting." 

1755  —  Lancaster     County     Furnishes 
Teams    for   the   Indian   Wars. 

In  the  issue  of  May  15,  1755  of  the 
Pennsylvania,  Gazette,  it  is  stated 
"We  hear  from  the  Councils  of  Lan- 
caster, York  and  Cumberland  that 
notice  being  given  there  that  teams, 
carriages  and  horses  were  wanting 
for  the  use  of  the  army,  great  num- 
bers were  immediately  offered  and 
150  wagons  laden  with  oats,  Indian 
corn  and  other  forage  were  dispatch- 
ed to  the  Camp  in  a  few  days  and  as 
many  more  might  have  been  had,  if 
wanted,  the  people  offering  with 
great  readiness  and  pleasure  from  a 
zeal  for  his  Majesty's  service."  In 
this  item  we  can  see  that  Lancaster 
County  took  part  in  the  Braddock 
campaign  near  Pittsburg. 


359 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


In  the  issue  of  June  5  of  the  same 
paper  it  is  stated,  "We  hear  from 
Willis  Creek  that  the  wagons  and 
horses  lately  contracted,  for  in  the 
Counties  of  Lancaster,  York  and 
Cumberland  were  safely  arrived  at 
the  camp  and  gave  great  satisfaction 
to  the  General  and  the  other  officers, 
being  for  the  most  part  far  the  best 
of  any  that  had  been  engaged  in  the 
service  of  the  army  since  their  arri- 
val. We  likewise  hear  that  there 
are  fine  bottoms  for  several  miles 
around  the  camp  in  which  there  is  a 
great  deal  of  good  grass  and  other 
food  for  horses." 

In  the  issue  of  June  12  it  is  stated 
that  another  number  of  Wagons 
laden  with  forage  are  gone  from  the 
Counties  of  Lancaster  and  Berks. 

And  in  the  issue  of  August  21,  af- 
ter the  Braddock  slaughter,  it  is 
stated  that,  "What  seems  most  re- 
markable is  that  all  the  wagoners 
from  Lancaster  and  York  Counties  in 
the  P.rovince,  who  engaged  in  the 
service  of  the  army  have  returned 
safe  except  two;  one  of  whom  died 
by  sickness." 

1755 — Great     Excitement     in    Lancas- 
ter Town. 

In  the  issue  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Gazette  for  October  30,  1755,  as  fol- 
lows: 

"As  I  imagine  you  have  been  alarm- 
ed before  this  time  with  a  great  deal 
of  bad  news  from  these  parts  I  think 
it  my  duty  to  give  you  as  much  light 
into  the  affair  as  I  can.  About  the 
20th  instant  news  was  brought  that 
the  French  and  Indians  had  actually 
massacred  and  scalped  a  number  of 
our  inhabitants  not  more  than  forty 
miles  from  Harris's  Ferry.  It  is  rea- 
sonable to  think  the  receipt  of  such 
news  must  put  the  inhabitants  in  the 
utmost  confusion.  About  45  of  the 
stoutest  of  them  got  themselves 
mounted    and    in    readiness    the     next 


I  day  to  go  and  bu.ry  the  dead — they 
reached  the  place  accordingly  and 
found  no  less  than  fourteen  bodies 
shockingly  mangled.  Whilst  they 
were  in  this  place  some  friendly  In- 
dians who  were  flying  to  the  inhabi- 
tants for  protection  told  them  there 
were  a  large  body  of  French  and  In- 
dians actually  on  their  march  to  the 
inhabited  parts  of  this  Province  and 
were  already  on  this  side  of  the  Al- 
legheny Mountains.  Upon  .this  they 
concluded  to  go  as  far  as  Shamokin 
to  know  whether  the  Indians  as- 
sembled there  were  friends  or  enem- 
j  ies  (for  our  people  suspected  those 
j  Indians  to  have  knowledge  of  the 
I  murde.r)  and  to  get  if  possible  further 
I  intelligence,  about  those  they  had 
heard  were  advancing  against  them. 
The  Indians  at  Shamokin  treated 
them  civilly  but  had  several  councils 
and  much  whispering  among  them- 
selves, which  made  our  men  suspic- 
ious of  them,  especially  as  some  of 
them  were  missing  soon  after.  How- 
ever, in  the  Morning  Andrew  Mon- 
tour and  Delaware  George,  advised 
them  to  going  to  a  apxticular  road  in 
which  they  said  there  was  danger, 
but  our  men  suspecting  their  sincer- 
ity— went  their  own  way  which  was 
the  very  one  they  were  cautioned  to 
avoid  and  were  fired  on  by  a  party 
of  Indians  about  40  in  number  some 
of  whom  they  believed  were  with 
them  the  night  before.  Our  men  re- 
turned in  the  best  manner  they  could 
but  one  of  them  came  off  when  the 
enemy  first  began.  And  was  feared 
was  the  only  one  that  could  escape 
alive  out  of  the  whole.  This  was 
soon  spread  over  our  country  and  we 
were  in  the  utmost  confusion  till 
yesterday,  we  were  told  there  were 
15  more  of  our  men  returned.  They 
all  agree  that  it  was  the  Delaware  In- 
dians that  did  the  mischief.  Our 
Court    House    Bell    has    been    ringing 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY  INDIAN   TRIBES 


360 


almost  ever  since  to  call  the  inhabi- 
tants to  some  consultation  tor  their 
safety.  We  hear  there  are  about  one 
hundred  men  already  gone  up  to 
Harris's  Ferry  out  of  Donegal  and 
placed  adjacent." 

This  shows  there  was  great  excite- 
ment in  Lancaster  at  this  time.  At 
another  place  in  he  same  paper  it 
is  stated  that  "the  women  and  chil- 
dren in  the  back  parts  of  Cumber- 
land, Lancaster  and  Berks  Counties 
are  all  come  or  coming  to  the  Town- 
ships that  are  thickly  settled  and 
some  have  come  into  the  town  of 
Lancaster.  In  short  the  distress 
and  confusion  of  our  people  in  gen- 
eral on  the  frontier  is  inexpressible." 

1755  —  A    Report    That    the     Indians 
Have   Burned  Lancaster. 

In  the  issue  of  November  20,  1755 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  there  is 
set  forth  a  letter  from  Cecil  County, 
Maryland,  dated  November  10,  stat- 
ing that  the  rumors  of  Indian  rav- 
ages about  the  Susquehanna.  The 
writer  says,  "At  day  break  of  the 
third  instant,  messengers  arrived, 
from  New  Castle  County,  confirming 
the  Express  sent  in  the  night  before 
giving  dismal  accounts  of  how  1500 
French  and  Indians  had  burnt  Lan- 
caster town  to  the  ground  and  were 
proceeding  downwards,  driving  all 
before  them  so  that  the  inhabitants 
were  in  great  distress.  Under  the  in- 
telligence our  Officers  immediately 
warned  the  militia,  who  meeting  in 
the  afternoon,  the  chiefest  men  of  the 
three  companies  and  a  body  of 
horses  bravely  resolved  to  march 
against  the  enemy;  and  accord- 
ingly on  Tuesday  they  set  out  com- 
manded by  proper  officers  and  attend- 
ed with  wagons  carrying  provis- 
ions, blankets  and  other  necessaries, 
being  better  provided  with  arms  and 
ammunition    than     could     have     been 


expected  on  such  short  notice.  On 
Wednesday  they  assembled  at  the 
head  of  Elk  River  impatiently  wait- 
ing for  the  arrival  of  our  other 
forces  from  the  Susquehanna  side, 
and  orders  to  proceed. 

The  like  spirit  raised  the  farces  in 
Kent  and  in  Chesapeake,  who  began 
their  march  towards  the  head  of 
Elk  river,  on  Thursday;  but  in  the 
afternoon  they  were  remanded  on 
certain  intelligence  that  the  reports 
concerning  Lancaster  were  all  false, 
However,  they  continued  all  in  the 
readiness  on  account  of  frequent  ex- 
presses sent  them  from  Baltimore, 
imparting  that  the  enemy  had  dir- 
ected their  route  down  the  western 
side  of  Susquehanna;  but  messeng- 
ers being  sent  over  the  Bay  and  re- 
turning with  assured  accounts  that 
there  was  no  enemy  in  those  parts 
the  men  were  all  discharged  on 
Saturday  evening. 

The  number  going  from  these  two 
Counties  were  about  100  and  many 
more  were  resolved  to  follow  them; 
and  500  more  were  intending  to  join 
them  from  Queen  Ann's  County,  and 
undoubtedly  the  Counties  of  Talbot, 
Dorset,  Somerset  and  Worcester 
would  have  exerted  themselves  in 
the  same  manner  had  the  reports 
been  true.  These  forces  from  Mary- 
land with  those  marching  from  the 
three  lower  Counties  on  Delaware, 
joined  to  those  of  Lancaster,  Ches- 
ter and  Philadelphia,  etc.,  by  this 
time  might  have  formed  an  army  of 
several  thousand  gallant  men  in  high 
spirits  sufficient  to  repel  any  force 
that  the  French  and  Indians  could 
raise  against  us.  Hence  it  is  evi- 
dence that  British  courage  is  no  more 
degenerated  in  the  Southern  than  in 
the    Northern   Colonies." 

According  to  all  these  statements 
we  can  see  that  it  must  have  been 
very  exciting  in  old  Lancaster  Town 
about  this  time. 


361 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUS3UEHANNOCKS  AND 


1756— An  Indian  Council  at  Lan- 
caster. 

In  Vol.   6  of  the  Col.   Rec,  p.   776, 
there  is  a  letter  set    forth    from    the 
Governor  from  Lancaster  and  it  is  set 
forth  as  follows: 
"Gentlemen: 

I  am  at  last  got  to  this  town,  hav- 
ing in  conjunction  with  the  Commis- 
sioners done  everything  we  thought 
would  contribute  towards  the  De- 
fence of  the  Western  Frontier,  and  I 
am  well  assured  that  if  the  orders 
we  have  given  are  carried  into  exe- 
cution, and  the  men  employed  in  that 
quarter  do  their  duty,  the  inhabitants 
will  be  for  the  future  secured 
against  any  small  scalping  parties. 
The  Force  on  the  West  side  of  Sas- 
quehanna  consists  of  three  hundred 
men,  who  are  divided  into  four  Com- 
panies, and  are  to  take  post  in  four 
forts  that  are  to  form  a  line  from 
the  Sugar  cabin  to  Matchitongo, 
within  about  twelve  miles  of  Sasque- 
hanna;  three  of  these  forts  are  al- 
ready in  hand,  and  I ,  hope  soon  be 
finished,  the  fourth  I  have  ordered  to 
be  laid  out  as  soon  as  possible,  and 
expect  it  will  be  complete  in  about 
ten  days.  What  makes  me  think  the 
higher  of  the  Western  force  than  I 
do  of  those  employed  to  the  North- 
ward, is,  that  they  are  regularly  en- 
listed in  the  King's  service  for  a 
certain  time,  and  the  Officers  were 
chosen  by  the  Government,  and  not 
by  themselves. 

They  strongly  and  repeatedly 
suggested  and  requested  that  we 
would  build  a  fort  at  Shamokin, 
which  I  have  given  them  reason  to 
expect,  and  hope  that  measure  will 
be  resolved  on  and  steps  taken  to 
carry  it  into  execution  before  we  re- 
turn, but  this  matter  for  reasons 
that  I  shall  communicate  when  I 
have  the  pleasure  to  see  you,  must  be 
kept   secret.     I   promise  to    go    from 


hence  to  Reading,  when  I  have  seen 
some  Indians  that  live  on  the  Manor 
of  Conestogoe,  and  give  them  assur- 
ance of  the  Protection  of  the  Govern- 
ment while  they  behave  in  such  a 
manner  to  deserve  it.  But  what  stay 
I  shall  make  there,  or  where  I  shall 
go  from  thence,  I  can  not  at  present 
say,  as  it  depends  upon  the  circum- 
stances in  which  I  find  the  Northern 
Frontier. 

I  am,  Gentlemen,  Your  most  faith- 
ful and  obedient  humble  Servant, 

ROB'T   H.   MORRIS. 
Lancaster,  January  21,  1756." 

1756  —  Council     Held     in     Lancaster 

With    the    Conestoga   Indians; 

Conestogas  Encouraged. 

In  Vol.  7  of  the  Col.  Rec.  p.  7,  it  is 
stated  that  a  Council  was  held  in 
Lancaster  with  the  Conestoga  In- 
dians, on  Friday,  the  23rd  of  Jan- 
uary, 1756,  as  follows: 

"PRESENT: 
The     Honourable     ROBERT      HUN- 

I  TER     MORRIS,      Esqr.,        Lieutenant 

i  Governor. 

!  James     Hamilton,     Richard      Peters, 
Esquires. 

i  Joseph   Fox,   Esq.,  Commissioner. 

I  The  Conestoga   Indians. 

The     Conestogoe      Indians      having 

j  remained  peaceable  in  their  Town  on 

j  the  Manor  of  Conestogoe  and  receiv- 
ed a  support  from  the  Publick  since 
the  first  attacks  on  the  Indians  of 
this  Province,  it  was  thought  ad- 
visable to  send  for  them  and  give 
them  assurance  of  a  future  support 
and  a  small  present  as  a  testimony 
of  the  regards  of  the  Government  for 
them.  They  were  therefore  sent  for, 
and  when  seated  the  Governor  made 
the  following  speech  to  them: 
Brethren: 

I  sent  for  you  that  I  might  have 
the  Satisfaction  to   see  you  and  take 

I  you   by   the  hand,   which   I   have   had 


AND   OTHER  LANCASTER   COUNTY    INDIAN   TRIBES 


362 


no  opportunity  to  do  since  I  came  to 
the  Government. 

I  have  the  Pleasure  to  observe  by 
the  several  Papers  you  have  produced 
to  me  that  firm  peace  and  kind  In- 
tercourse have  always  subsisted  be- 
tween the  Indians  of  Conestogoe  and 
the  good  People  of  this   Province. 

Until  lately  this  Province  has  en- 
joyed a  perfect  Peace  and  Tranquil- 
ity with  all  the  Indians,  nor  did  we 
in  the  least  imagine  it  would  ever  be 
otherwise,  having  on  all  occasions  be- 
haved towards  them  with  the  sincer- 
est  affection,  and  assisted  them  when- 
ever they  wanted  our  good  Offices. 

Some  of  them,  however,  through 
the  institution  of  their  and  our  com- 
mon Enemy,  the  French,  have  in 
Breach  of  their  Treaties  against  the 
Ties  of  Gratitude,  and  without  the 
least  cause  of  Offense  given  on  our 
side,  fallen  upon  our  peaceable  in- 
habitants, and  as  soon  as  this  hap- 
pened the  Government,  ever  careful 
to  preserve  inviolable  their  engage- 
ments, gave  you  notice  of  it,  and  at 
the  same  time  sent  their  orders  to 
your  good  Friend  and  Neighbor,  Mr. 
James  W.right,  to  supply  you  with 
Cloathing  and  Provisions,  that  you 
might  not  be  exposed  to  danger  by 
going  to  hunt  at  a  distance  from  your 
Habitations. 

In  further  token  of  ou.r  sincere  re- 
gards for  you,  I  do,  on  behalf  of  the 
inhabitants  of  this  Province,  ratify 
and  confirm  the  several  Treaties  of 
Peace,  Amity,  and  Friendship  sub- 
sisting between  us,  and  expect  you 
will  do  the  same  on  your  part. 

A  Belt. 

I  expect  you  will  not  leave  your 
place  of  Residence  without  first  ac- 
quainting me  with  your  intentions 
and  the  place  where  you  propose  to 
remove  to. 

A  String. 

I  expect,  further,  that  in  virtue  of 
your    leagues   with    us,   you    will    not 


harbor  any  strange  Indians.  You 
may  be  assured  all  such  have  had  bad 
designs,  and  therefore  I  must  insist 
upon  it  if  any  strange  Indians  shall 
presume  to  come  amongst  you  that 
you  instantly  give  notice  thereof  to 
M.r.  James  Wright,  or  some  of  the 
Magistrates  of  this  County,  that  they 
may  apprehend  and  examine.  And  if 
any  way  whatever  anything  comes  to 
your  knowledge  that  can  do  hurt  to 
us,  that  you  would  make  us  acquaint- 
ed with  it  with  all  possible  dispatch. 
A   String. 

It  will  be  agreeable  to  me  to  ren- 
der you  perfectly  easy  and  well  satis- 
fied; if  there  be,  therefore  anything 
on  your  minds  that  you  want  to 
.  complain  of  I  beseech  you  not  to 
suppress  it,  but  open  all  your  Hearts 
to  us  and  I  promise  to  give  you  en- 
tire satisfaction. 

A  String. 

The  Indians  took  some  time  to 
the  Governor's  speech  to  them,  and 
I  then  made  the  following  reply: 

Brother  the  Governor  and  the 
Gentlemen  with  him: 

We  most  heartily  thank  you  for 
your  kindness  in  coming  to  Lancas- 
ter and  sending  for  and  speaking  to 
us  in  so  obliging  a  manner. 

We  have  heard  a  great  noise  all 
about  us  and  expected  we  should 
have  been  killed,  but  now  that  we  see 
you  here,  we  are  revived  and  will 
lay   aside   our  fears. 

I  am  lame  and  infirm  or  I  would 
have  waited  upon  the  Governor  at 
Philadelphia  as  soon  as  I  heard  of 
his  arrival.  I  thank  you,  Brother,  for 
giving  yourself  the  trouble  to  come 
here. 

You  see,  Brother,  that  the  Cones- 
togoe Indians,  formerly  a  large  tribe 
are  reduced  to  these  few,  and  that 
there  is  never  an  old  man  among 
them  but  myself  and  I  must  die  soon. 
I    put   them   under    your    protection; 


3bT3 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


they  are  all  young  and  some  mare 
children  and  will  want  your  advice 
and  Countenance. 

You  may  be  assured  if  any  strange 
Indians  come  amongst  us,  we  shall 
give  you  the  earliest  notice  and  that 
we  shall  not  hearken  to  anything  that 
shall  be  to  your  Prejudice.  You  see 
by  our  Papers  that  we  have  always 
been  your  fast  Friends,  and  so  shall 
continue  whilst  we  have  a  being;  and 
by  this  Belt  I  on  the  behalf  of  myself 
and  all  the  Conestogoe  do  ratify,  con- 
firm, and  renew  the  Treaties  of 
Friendship  subsisting  between  us, 
and  again  repeat  my  thanks  to  you 
for  giving  me  this  Opportunity  by 
coming  to  Lancaster,  as  I  am  not 
able  to  come  to  you  at  Philadelphia. 

A  Belt. 

The  Governor  then  said  he  would 
order  them  some  goods  as  a  Token  of 
his  Affection  for  them,  and  accord- 
ingly they  were  delivered  to  the  In- 
dians." 

1756 — Delawares    Defy    the    Greatest 

Chiefs    Living    to    Keep    Them 

from  the  French  Now. 

In  Vol.  7  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  12  we 
now  see  the  final  tie  broken  between 
the  Government  of  Pennsylvania  and 
the  Delawares,  and  the  Delawares  de- 
clare as  follows: 
"Brethren,    Onas    and    Oneratael: 

The  Delawares  on  Sasquehannah 
declare  on  plain  Terms  that  they  will 
pay  no  regard  to  what  shall  be  said 
to  dissuade  them  from  hostilities 
against  the  English.  They  will  not 
hear  the  greatest  Sachem  in  the 
Country  of  the  Confederates.  That 
they  are  determined  to  fight  the  Eng- 
lish as  long  as  there  is  a  man  left; 
and  that  when  they  have  conquered 
th  English,  they  will  turn  their  Arms 
against  those    Indians   who    will    not 


join  with  them  now.  I  am  arrived 
here  and  now  feel  safe  and  easy,  but 
it  is  with  much  difficulty  that  I  have 
come  through  the  settlement  of  the 
Delawares.  I  have  just  escaped  with 
life.  When  I  return  I  shall  go  by  the 
way  of  Albany,  for  there  is  no  going 
back  by  the  way  I  came.  You  may 
expect  to  hear  from  us  again  by  the 
next  opportunity.  We  design  to  go 
forward  into  the  Country  of  the  Five 
Nations,  and  perhaps  as  there  is 
soon  to  be  a  meeting  of  the  Confed- 
erates, we  shall  go  on  as  far  as  On- 
ondagoe.  We  shall  not  return  until 
we  can  bring  you  the  best  intelli- 
gence of  the  Situation  of  affairs  in 
those  parts." 

1756  —  Shickalamy      Has      a      Sister 
Among  the  Conestogas. 

In  Vol.  7  of  the  Col.  Rec,  pp.  46 
and  47  it  is  stated  that  two  of  the  Six 
Nation  Indians  were  sent  by  the  Gov- 
ernor up  the  Susquehanna  River  to 
get  News.  The  Indians  returned  and 
with  them  Captain  McKee  and  John 
Shieckalamy  and  his  wife.  "Shicka- 
lamy declared  positively  they  would 
fall  upon  them  and  either  kill  them 
or  do  them  a  mischief,  but  that  they 
would  go  through  Lancaster  to  Phila- 
delphia, and  deliver  what  they  had 
to  say  to  the  Governor  in  Person,  and 
insisted  that  Captain  McKee  should 
go  along  with  them  to  protect  them. 
When  they  came  to  Harris's  they 
found  there  the  Belt,  Jagrea,  and 
New  Castle  who  joined  them,  and 
when  they  came  to  Lancaster  John 
!  Shickalamy  having  a  sister  among 
the  Conestogoe  Indians,  sent  for  her, 
and  at  Lancaster  she  and  the  Cones- 
togoe Indians  joined  him.  On  Satur- 
day they  came  to  Town  making  in  all 
Men,  Women  and  Children." 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY    INDIAN    TRIBES 


li]\ 


1756 — Some  Friendly  Chiefs  Request- 
ed to  Come  and  Live  with 
the   Conestogas. 

In  Vol.  7  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  5G,we 
are  told  that  Shickalamy  and  his 
friends  and  some  friendly  Mowhawk 
Indians  were  afraid  to  live  about 
Shamokin  and  desired  to  come  to 
Harris's  Ferry  and  live  in  the  future 
in  a  little  colony  by  themselves.  This 
request  was  made  known  to  the 
Council  and  the  Council,  as  is  shown 
on  page  57  of  the  book  last  mentioned 
is   said,   "Brethren: 

We  think  Harris'  an  inconvenient 
place  for  your  residence,  even  until 
the  Fort  shall  be  built  at  Shamokin, 
and  would  rather  you  would  choose 
to  live  with  the  Conestogoe  Indians, 
where  you  may  be  in  greater  secur- 
ity, and  better  provided  with  necessi- 
ties. 

A  String. 

Then  the  goods  were  laid  before 
them,  and  the  List  read  over,  and 
the  Present  delivered,  amounting  to 
48  Pounds,  19  shillings  and  3  pence. 
The  Indian  Chiefs  conferred  together 
and  then  returned  their  answer,  viz: 
That  very  thankfully  accepted  the 
Proposal  to  live  with  the  Conestogoe 
Indians;  by  this  proposal  they  saw 
that  their  Brethren  had  really  at 
Heart  their  safety,  and  well  consid- 
ered the  danger  to  which  they  were 
exposed  at  Harris',  they  took  this 
exceeding  kindly.  They  hoped  the 
Governor  would  order  convenient 
places  to  be  made  to  live  in,  that  they 
might  be  sheltered  from  the  Weather, 
and  as  they  had  concluded  to  live 
there,  it  would  be  necessary  their 
families  and  effects  should  be  re- 
moved before  this  resolution  should 
came  to  be  publickly  known,  for 
which  purpose  they  desired  a  Wagon 
o.r  two  might  be  immediately  provid- 
ed and  dispatched  to  Harris*. 


They  further  acquainted  the  Gover- 
nor that  their  shoes  were  worn  out 
and  some  of  them  infirm,  ancient,  and 
unable  to  travel  at  so  severe  a  sea- 
son, and  thereupon  prayed  that  they 
might  be  provided  with  wagons. 
A  String. 

The  Governor  gave  them  two 
Strings  in  return  and  promised  to 
grant  them  the  things  they  requested 
J  and  assured  them  they  might  depend 
i  in  finding  convenient  Places  made  up 
for  them,  and  recommended  it  to 
them  to  go  directly  for  their  Wives 
and  Children,  and  communicate  this 
Removal  to  all  our  Friendly  Indians 
that  they  might  live  altogether  in  one 
Place." 

The  Indians  asked  for  time  until 
the  next  day  to  answer;  and  while 
they  were  debating  about  going  to 
Conestoga  it  happened  that  there  was 
a  plot  to  kill  them  on  that  way.  This 
plot  is  set  forth  p.  59  of  the  same 
I  book,  as  follows: 

J    "  The   Secretary  informed  the  Coun- 
j  cil   that   as   he   was   this  morning  tak- 
|  ing  his  leave  of     the     Indians,     who 
j  were  about  to  set  out  for  Conestogoe 
!  Manor,   under  the     Care     of     Justice 
i  Thomson  and  Mr.  John  Ross,  he  was 
j  told   by   two   of  the   members   of  As- 
|  sembly,    who   lately    came   from    Lan- 
caster,   that    two    persons    would    not 
be   sufficient    to    protect    them    from 
being  hurt  by  the  people  on  the  road 
who     were     extremely     exasperated 
against   all    Indians   in    general,    and 
particularly   these   Indians;    that   this 
informaton    was    confirmed  by  Mr.  Gal- 
breath  and  others  who    came    yester- 
day from  Lancaster;    and    as    one    of 
the  Indians  now  here  who  was  lately 
sent  in  search   of  another     of     them 
that    was     missing,     very     narrowly 
escaped  with  his   life  from  a  number 
of    men    who    assembled    together    on 
the  road  near  George    Ashton's,    and 
were  with   difficulty    restrained    from 


365 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


murdering  him,  it  is  highly  probable  I  at  a  Proper  distance  from  the  Con- 
they  will  also  attempt  to  do  some  j  estogoe  Indians,  or  will  you  chuse  to 
mischief  to  these  Indians."  j  go  to  Pennsbury,    another    Manor    of 

This  determined  the  answer  of  the  ;  our  Proprietaries,  situated  on  this 
Indians,  who  were  seeking  for  a  new  j  River,  about  twenty  miles  above  the 
home  and  accordingly  they  answered    city,   where  you     may     remain     safe 


as  follows. 

"The  Secretary  likewise  informed 
the  Council  that  the  Chiefs  of  the  In- 
dans  now  in  Town  came  to  him  yes- 
terday, and  told  him  they  were  ap- 
prehensive their  young  men  would 
be  perpetually  quarreling  if  the  Six 
Nations  and  the  Conestogoe  Indians 
should  be  obliged  to  live  in  one 
Place,  and,  therefore,  requested  of  the 
Governor  that  they  might  live  sepa- 
rately, and  some  place  be  prepared 
on  the  Manor  for  the  Six  Nations  at 
a  distance  from  the  Conestogoe 
Town;  and  that  in  their  further  dis- 
course with  him  they  did  not  seem 
to  be  vary  willing  to  live  upon  the 
Manor.  It,  was  therefore,  thought 
proper  to  send  for  the  Chiefs  and 
give  them  an  opportunity  of  speak- 
ing their  minds  freely,  as  it  would 
not  be  for  the  Publick  service  that 
these  Indians  should  remain  under 
any  kind  of  dissatisfaction  as  to  their 
place   of   residence." 

The  Governor  gave  this  answer  to 
their  determination  and  it  may  be 
found  p.   60,  as  follows: 

"B.rethren: 

I  have  considered  what  you  said  to 
Coneghtoghery,  with  respect  to  your 
apprehensions  of  there  being  Danger 
of  some  Mischief  happening,  if  you 
shall  be  placed  on  Conestoga  Manor 
near  the  Conestogoe  Indians,  by 
quarrels  arising  between  your  young 
men  and  theirs,  and  that  through 
their  Heat  and  indiscretion,  if  placed 
too   near    together,    some    Blood    may 


and  well  provided  for  till  Scarroyady 
returns,  when  further  measures  will 
be  taken  for  disposing  of  you  to  your 
satisfaction. 

But  if  you  shall  rather  chuse  to  be 
on  the  Manor  of  Conestogoe,  I  will 
take  care  to  order  a  proper  Provision 
to  be  made  for  your  residence  there, 
and  for  your  journey,  and  send  a  suf- 
ficient guard  along  with  you  to  pro- 
tect you  from  the  insults  and  abuses 
that  you  might  meet  with  from  the 
Rash,  dissolute,  unthinking  people 
amongst  us,  who,  paying  no  regard 
to  my  advice  and  orders,  and  not 
making  a  proper  distinction  between 
our  Rriend  and  enemy  Indians,  may 
fall  upon  and  attempt  to  do  you  some 
Injury  in  your  Journey. 

And  the  said  Indians,  after  taking 
some  time  to  consider  and  consult 
together  on  the  Governor's  said 
proposal,  acquainted  the  Governor 
that  they  choose  rather  to  be  sent  to 
Pennsbury  than  to  the  Manor  of  Con- 
estogoe." 

1756— The  Conestogas  Very  Poor  and 
Naked. 

In  Vol.  7  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  378,  is 
the  report  of  Mr.  John  Ross  as  to  the 
condtion  of  the  Conestoga  Indians 
which  is  set  forth  as  follows: 

"The  Conestogoe  Indians,  by  Mr. 
John  Ross,  of  the  Manor  of  Conesto- 
goe, who  has  the  care  of  them,  com- 
plained to  the  Governor  that  they 
were  naked,  and  as  it  was  apprehend- 
ed  that  some   of  their   young   People 


be  Spilt  amongst  them,  which  it  may  I  would  go  off  through  dissatisfaction, 
not  be  in  your  Power  to  prevent,  and  and  might  be  seduced  by  the  Enemy 
therefore,  I  leave  it  to  your  opinion,  Indians,  the  following  message  was 
whether  you  will  reside  on  the  Manor    sent  to  the  House     on     the     Twenty- 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN   TRIBES 


366 


fourth,  and  delivered  to  the  Speaker 
by  the  Secretary,  who  came  just  after 
the  House  had  adjourned  to  the  Third 
of  January,  next: 

A    MESSAGE     FROM     THE     GOVER- 
NOR TO  THE  ASSEMBLY. 
Gentlemen: 

The  Conestogoe  Indians  have  ac- 
quainted me  that  they  want  Cloathes 
and  desire  they  may  have  further 
Supply,  which  you  will  be  pleased  to 
order,  may  be  sent  them  forthwith, 
that  they  may  not  suffer  in  this 
severe  Season. 

WILLIAM    DENNY. 
December   24th,   1756." 

1757— The    Walking    Purchase     Again 
Comes  Up. 

In  Vol.  7  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  400, 
the  limits  of  one  of  the  famous 
Walikng  Purchases  are  set  forth 
showing  the  distances  walked  each 
year. 

1757  — Susquehanna    Lands    Again  in 
Controversy. 

In  Vol.  7  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  432,  it 
is  stated  that  the  Mingoes  had  abus- 
ed the  Delawares  some  years  before 
as  if  the  Delawares  were  dogs,  and 
that  Cannassatego,  the  Speaker 
among  the  Mingoes  or  Five  Nations 
ordered  them  away  from  their  lands 
and  said  he  would  give  them  lands  on 
the  Susquehanna  and  then  he  went 
and  sold  all  the  Susquehanna  Lands 
to  Pennsylvania,  but  they  settled  the 
Susquehanna  lands  at  any  i  ate  but 
three  yea.rs  ago  Englishmen  came 
down  and  took  all  the  good  spots  of 
lands  and  the  Delawares  therefore 
claim  that  they  still  have  rights 
there  at  Susquehanna. 

1757 — The     Indians    Meet    and    Have 
Another  Treaty  at  Lancaster. 

In  Vol.  7  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  497,  a 
letter  from  a  Speaker  was  read  as 
follows: 


"May   2nd,   1757. 
May  it  please  the  Governor: 

If  I  had  been  able  to  do  it,  would 
have  waited  upon  the  Governor  in- 
stead of  giving  him  the  trouble  of 
this  letter,  but  as  I  am  not,  I  hope 
he  will  be  pleased  to  excuse  the  free- 
dom I  have  ventured  to  take  in  re- 
gard to  the  Indians  at  Lancaster,who 
I  am  informed  have  sent  down  a 
Message,  to  invite  the  Governor  expe- 
diate  a  Treaty  with  them  there,  and 
to  show  their  uneasiness  at  being  de- 
tained without  being  able  to  issue 
their   business  with   this   Government. 

These  Indians  are  now  come  down 
to  Lancaster  at  the  Governor's  re- 
quest, and  have  staid  there  a  consid- 
erable time  (at  a  great  Expense  to 
the  Province),  and  any  further 
Message  to  create  further  delays 
may  appear  to  them  trifling  or  eva- 
sive, especially  considering  the  sea- 
son of  the  year  calls  them  home  to 
their  planting;  and  as  their  influence 
with  the  other  tribes  of  Indians  who 
have  so  lately  infested  our  Frontiers 
and  filled  them  with  blood  and 
cruelty,  is  very  considerable  and  it 
may  be  of  the  utmost  consequence 
that  they  be  made  sensible  of  the 
manly  conduct  if  the  Government 
with  regards  to  their  Complaints,  if 
they  have  any,  and  their  real  inclin- 
ation to  do  them  Justice,  and  that  the 
Governor  will  not  hesitate  to  meet 
them  for  this,  or  may  purpose  in 
which  the  publick  wellfare  is  so 
nearly  concerned.  In  am  confident 
the  Commissioners  will  heartily  con- 
cur in  defraying  the  necessary  ex- 
penses and  will  likewise  cheerfully 
attend   him  to  this  treaty." 

A  list  of  200  pounds  of  Indian 
goods  are  agreed  to  be  bought  to  dis- 
tribute among  the  Indians  who  are 
being  represented  at  this  treaty,  (see 
p.  498). 


S67 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS   AND 


As  to  this  Treaty  the  Governor  re- 
ceived the  following  address,  (p. 
498): 

"We  are  informed  that  the   Indians 
at    Lancaster    are    very    uneasy    and 
complain      of     their     long     detention 
from   their   Habitations.        Their    sow- 
ing season  advances  fast,   and   if  not 
soon   dismissed   they  must    lose   their 
opportunity    of   providing    the    neces- 
sary   subsistance    for  themselves  and 
families  the   ensuing  year.   Sundry   of 
their   Warriors   are   now    ill   with   the 
Small  Pox  and  many  more  must  take 
the     infection      should     they     remain 
much    longer    among   the   inhabitants; 
and    their    coming   to    the    City     must 
very    considerably    tend     to     prolong 
their    absence    from  their    places     of 
abode,     and     be     attended     by    many 
other    unavoidable    Inconveniences.We 
also  understand  by   a    message    from 
your   Honor    that    you    have    recom- 
mended  it  to  the   Indians  at  Lancas- 
ter to  send  away    their    women    and 
children,  and  as  many  men  as  incline 
should  go  with  them.     This  measure, 
we   apprehend,   will     greatly      disgust 
them  and  should  they  go  off  dissatis- 
fied  may    irritate    them    against    the 
People  of  this  Province  and  his  Ma- 
jesty's  service   in   general,  if  not  ex- 
cite them  on  their  way  home  to  join 
with  our  enemies  in  committing  dep- 
redations  and  Murders  upon  our   In- 
habitants. 

We  therefore,  think  it  our  duty 
earnestly  to  recommend  your  Honor 
to  gratify  them  in  their  resolution  of 
holding  a  treaty  at  Lancaster,  and 
that  as  soon  as  possible.  To  those 
who  are  acquainted  with  the  disposi- 
tions of  the  Natives  it  is  known  that 
they  are  a  jealous  people,  easily  dis- 
gusted and  put  out  of  humor,  and 
when  they  are  under  this  circum- 
stance, little  good  is  to  be  expected 
from   a   conference  with   them." 


1757 — More  Indian  News   About  Lan- 
caster. 

In  Vol.  7  of  the  Col.  Rec ,  p.  503, 
a  letter  from  Mr.  Crogaa,  dated 
Lancaster,  May  2,  was  sent  to  Phila- 
delphia stating  that  last  Friday  a 
party  of  Onondago  Warriors  left  their 
camp  to  go  to  Cumberland  fort  and 
on  down  to  the  Southern  Indians, 
which  makes  it  very  uneasy,  as  they 
pass   through   or   near  to   Lancaster. 

1757— The   Great  Lancaster  Treaty 
of  1757. 

In  Vol.  7  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  506 
are  set  forth  Mr.  Croghan's  minutes 
of  the  proceedings  at  Lancaster  and 
at  Harris'  Ferry.  These  proceedings 
and  the  minutes  of  the  treaty  are  all 
on  the  subject  of  the  French  and  In- 
dian war,  which  was  now  in  Pro- 
gress and  it  appears  from  the  min- 
utes that  the  Tuscaroras,  Mowhawks, 
Cayoogoes,  Nantikokes,  Oneidas,  On- 
ondagoes,  Senecas,  Delawares  and 
Conestogas  were  present.  The  pro- 
ceedings I  will  not  set  out  because 
they  do  not  relate  to  Lancaster 
County  troubles. 

In  the  same  book,  p.  518  the  con- 
ference at  the  Lancaster  Court  House 
is  set  forth  which  was  held  on  Thurs- 
day, the  12th  of  May,  1757,  in  the  af- 
ternoon, where  there  were  six  mem- 
bers of  Council  presnt  and  six  mem- 
bers of  the  Assembly,  as  well  as  the 
Speaker  and  also  the  Magistrates  of 
|  the  Borough,  with  a  number  of  gen- 
tlemen and  the  deputies  of  the  Six 
Nations  before  mentioned,  a. so  some 
Nantikokes  and  Delawares.  Wil- 
liam Denny,  the  Governor  was  also 
present  and  he  gave  them  a  speech 
on  the  subject  of  war  which  was  now 
going  on  and  asked  for  their  friend- 
ship. The  next  day,  on  the  13th,  the 
Indians  gave  their  answer,  which 
was    general    in     character     and    the 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


368 


Governor  then  asked  them  to  tell  of 
their  differences  between  their  dif- 
ferent tribes  which  caused  them  to 
fall  out.  It  appears  at  p.  523,  that 
the  Indians  were  encamped  near  Lan- 
caster under  the  care  of  Mr.  Crog- 
han  and  they  desired  presents  should 
be  given  to  them  and  their  expenses 
looked  after,  and  stated  that  they 
came  here  almost  naked.  Then  a 
long  series  of  letters  were  produced 
to  the  Indians,  showing  them  how 
the  different  Governors  were  trying 
to  act  in  harmony. 

The  Council  confined  on  Saturday, 
May  14th,  and  also  on  Sunday,  the 
15th  of  May,  when  a  message  from 
the  Cherokee  Indians  was  received 
Much  attention  was  given  this  day  to 
the  campaigns  in  the  present  war. 
Another  session  was  held  on  Monday 
the  16th  of  May  and  the  question  of 
trying  to  restore  peace  was  taken  up. 
Similar  efforts  occupied  Tuesday,  the 
17th  of  May.  And  on  the  afternoon 
of  that  day  the  same  subject  was 
discussed.  On  the  21st  it  was  decided 
that  it  would  be  necessary  for  the 
Sheriff  to  guard  the  Indians  of  this 
treaty,  because  as  they  had  come  to 
the  treaty  against  the  wish  of  their 
tribes  they  were  liable  to  be  killed. 

The  treaty  adjourned  on  the  22nd  of 
May,  it  having  been  convened  on  the 
10th  thereof.  It  begins  p.  505  and 
ends  p.  555  in  the  7th  Vol.  of  the  Col. 
Rec.  At  the  conclusion  Teedus- 
cung  made  a  speech  in  which  he  said 
now  as  they  had  finished  their  busi- 
ness for  this  time  and  they  intend  to 
leave  tomorrow  and  they  have  a  long 
journey  of  hilly  country,  and  several 
of  their  old  men  were  sick,  that  the 
Lancaster  people  must  not  send  them 
away  without  a  walking  stick,  which 
afterwards  they  explained  meant  a 
keg  of  rum.  Thus  here  we  see  that 
the  phrase  "Lemonade  with  a  stick 
in  it's,  is  as  old  as  the  time  of  the  In- 
dians. 


1757— Conestogas    Present    at     Crog- 

han's  Conference  at  Harris's 

Ferry. 

While  we  have  seen  above  that  no 
mention  was  made  of  the  Conestogas 
being  present  at  the  conference  at 
Lancaster,  in  Vol.  7  of  the  Col.  Rec, 
p.  507,  it  is  set  forth  that  at  a  meet- 
ing of  the  Six  Nations  at  Harris'  Ferry 
that  the  following  Conestogas  were 
present,  to  wit:  "Sahays — Captain 
John— with  29men,  women  and  chil- 
dren." This  I  believe  was  practically 
the  whole  tribe  at  this  time 

1757— The   Great   Easton    Treaty. 

In  Vol.  7  of  the  Col.  Rec,  pp.  638 
to  714  are  set  forth  the  proceedings 
of  the  great  Council  or  treaty  at 
Easton.  Tribes  of  all  descriptions 
were  there;  but  I  can  not,  however, 
find  any  mention  of  the  Conestogas. 
Teedyuscung,  an  Ex-King  of  the 
Delawares  was  commissioned  to 
speak  for  ten  tribes  on  the  Susque- 
hanna and  quite  likely  it  included 
the  Conestogas. 

1757 — The  Conestogas   Must  Have 
Clothes 

In  Vol.  7  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  768,  it 
was  reported  to  Council  that  Joseph 
Hays  in  behalf  of  the  Conestoga  In- 
dians requested  that  they  might  have 
provisions  and  clothes  as  they  had 
done  before,  and  one  of  them  com- 
plained that  he  had  not  been  paid  for 
a  horse  which  he  lent  to  John  Shicka- 
lamy  and  his  sister,  and  which  they 
never  returned  to  him.  In  this  item 
we  have  set  forth  that  with  Joseph 
Hays  of  Conestoga  a  few  of  the 
others  of  the  tribe  may  have  been 
with  him  at  Philadelphia,  and  found 
that  Shickalamy's  sister  was  recog- 
nized as  one  of  the  Conestogas  and 
lived  with  them. 

1757 — Murdered   Indians   Exhibited   in 
Lancaster. 

In  the  issue  of  July  7,  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania    Gazette  of  1757  it  is  stated 


169 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


that  several  murdered  Indians  were 
at  this  time  brought  to  Lancaster  and 
exposed  in  the  street  and  were  viewed 
by  a  great  many  people. 

1758— The    Nanticokes    at    Cocalico. 

In  Lyle's  History  of  Lancaster 
County,  pl4  she  states  that  as  late  as 
1758  there  were  still  several  scattered 
families  of  the  tribes  of  Nantikokes 
along  the  little  streams  and  Springs 
of  this  vicinity,  (Cocalico  Township). 
The  town  covered  500  acres  which 
came  into  possession  of  John  Wistar 
and  Henry  Carpenter. 
1758— Conestogas  Threaten  to  Leave 
Lancaster    County. 

In  Vol  8  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  112,  it 
is  stated  that,  "Information  being 
given  to  the  Governor  that  an  Indian, 
William  Sock,  with  his  Comrade,  had 
for  some  time  been  tampering  with 
the  Conestogoe  Indians,  and  fhat  they 
were  at  the  Instance  of  these  two  In- 
dians, proposing  to  remove  from  the 
Manor,  his  Honor  had  w.ritten  a  Let- 
ter to  Mr.  James  Wright,  to  inquire 
into  the  affairs,  and  to  invite  Sewaise 
and  these  Indians  to  come  and  see 
him. 

A  Letter  from  M.r.  Shippen,  of  Lan- 
caster, on  this  Subject,  was  read  in 
these   words: 

Lancaster,  the  3rd  of  May,  1758. 
Honoured   Sir: 

I  take  the  liberty  to  acquaint  your 
Honour  that  the  Conestogoe  Indians 
are  going  to  leave  their  Town.  I 
had  my  information  last  night  from 
Mr.  Ross,  of  the  blue  Rock.  He  tells 
me,  that  last  Thursday  they  sent  Mr. 
McKnee  to  acquaint  him  they  wanted 
to  have  a  conference  with  him,  and 
when  he  came  to  them  they  said 
they  had  nothing  at  all  against  him, 
for  he  had  always  been  very  kind  to 
them,  supplying  them  with  all  nec- 
essary provisions,  but  that  they  had 
been  lately  at  Philadelphia,  on  a 
visit   to   the   Governor,   to   beg   a   few 


Clothes,  and  particularly  Leather  for 
Moccasins,  as  they  were  naked  and 
barefooted,  but  that  he  had  (to  use 
their  own  phrase)  broken  his  wo.rd 
with  them,  for  after  having  detained 
them  a  good  many  days  in  Town,  he 
sent  them  packing  away  in  the  same 
destitute  condition  in  which  they 
came;  and  that  seeing  this  was  the 
case  and  they  were  not  allowed  to 
hunt  for  deer  among  the  Inhabitants, 
they  were  forced  to  go  into  the  Wild- 
erness to  seek  clothing  for  them- 
selves and  families;  and  they  pro- 
posed to  go  a  little  beyond  Augusta,  a 
fort,  and  there  to  build  Indian  Ca- 
bins. But  as  they  intended  to  re- 
turn in  the  Spring,  they  desired  that 
Mr.  McKnee  might  be  permitted  to 
remain  in  their  town,  and  plant  corn 
to  be  divided  between  his  and  their 
families,  when  they  come  back  and 
as  a  token,  of  their  Friendship  with 
the  English,  Old  Sohaise  gave  him  a 
String  of  Wampum,  which  was  White 
and  then  Mr.  Ross  answered,  and  as- 
sured them  he  would  supply  their 
wants  immediately  from  Lancaster. 
Yet,  notwithstanding  this  declaration, 
they  said  they  were  resolved  to  keep 
their  resolution.  Then  he  left  them 
know,  if  they  would  not  be  persuad- 
ed to  accept  this  offer,  he  feared  it 
would  be  unsafe  for  them  to  pass 
through  the  County  without  an  es- 
cort, and  he  would  employ  Mr. 
McKnee  to  go  with  them  to  Hunter's 
Fort,  to  which  they  readily  agreed. 
That  on  Saturday  Mr.  McKnee  came 
to  Mr.  Ross  again,  and  told  him  that 
the  Indians  were  divided  in  their 
Council,  whether  to  go  off  a  hunting 
or  to  stay  and  plant  their  corn,  but 
that  he  understood  by  Betty  Sock,that 
Billy  Sock  (her  son)  and  some  of 
the  young  men  were  absolutely  re- 
solved to  go  (take  her  own  words) 
and  help  the  French,  maybe  the  Eng- 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


370 


lish.  Since  which  time  Mr.  Ross  has 
heard  nothing  of  them.  However, 
though  it  be  a  busy  time  with  me,  as 
I  think  this  affair  of  very  great  con- 
sequence to  the  Province,  trifling  as 
the  number  of  those  Indians  may  be, 
I  have  thought  proper  to  visit  them 
immediately  and  shall  use  my  ut- 
most endeavors  to  appease  them  and 
keep  them  back. 

I  am,  with  due  respect,  your  Hon- 
our's Most  Obedient  Humble  Servant, 
EDWD.    SHIPPEN." 
1758— Billy    Sock   at    the    Bottom     of 
this  Trouble  with  the  Con- 
estogas. 

As  we  have  seen  above  Billy  Sock 
had  a  hand  in  this  matter  The  sub- 
ject was  further  discussed  in  Vol.  8 
of   the   Col.    Rec,    p.    115    as    follows: 

"The  consideration  of  the  intelli- 
gence respecting  the  Conestogoe  In- 
dians was  resumed,  and  a  letter  read 
that  was  wrote  to  Mr.  James  Wright 
resquesting  him  to  sift  this  matter, 
and  to  invite  Sewaise,  the  head  man 
of  the  Conestogoes,  to  bring  Will 
Sock  and  the  other  Indian  to  see  the 
Governor;  and  Mr.  Weiser  was  re- 
quested to  lay  in  Town,  in  order  to 
interpret  for  the  Conestogoe  In- 
dians." 

1758 — Further  Proceedings   to   Satisfy 
the  Conestoga  Indians. 

In  Vol.  8  of  the  Col.  Rec.  p.  116 
the  Council  having  heard  from  James 
Wright  relating  to  the  Conestogas' 
difficulties,  by  three  Indian  Messeng- 
ers and  the  letter  was  taken  up  by 
Council.  The  letter  is  as  follows: 
"May  it  please  the   Governor: 

In  pursuance  of  the  direction  thou 
was  pleased  to  send  me,  I  went  to 
the  Conestogoe  Town  and  delivered 
the  string  of  wampum  and  Message. 
Bill  Sock  and  the  Stranger  (who  is 
a  Cayuga)  agreed  to  wait  upon  thee. 
T  gave  no  encouragement  to  any  other 
Indian  to  go;  but  the  day  Shagree 
and  Shahaise  came  to  my  House,  and 


told  me  they  would  take  the  journey 
with  their  Brothers;  I  believe  Sha- 
haise to  be  an  honest  man,  and  a 
heart  Friend  to  the  English.  I  made 
no  objection. 

I  have  had  a  good  deal  of  discourse 
with  these  Indians,  and  particularly 
with  Shahaise,  who  said  he  would 
tell  me  what  the  Stranger  and  Sock 
told  him;  and  as  well  as  I  could  un- 
derstand his  broken  English  it  was 
this  that  the  Six  Nations  with  all  the 
tribes  in  Friendship  with  them,  have 
had  long  and  general  Councils  and 
the  result  of  them  was,  that  they 
would  send  some  of  their  Chiefs  to 
the  French  and  some  to  the  English, 
and  demand  to  have  boundaries  fixed 
between  each  Nation  and  themselves; 
that  if  the  French  on  their  part  re- 
fused to  comply  with  this  demand, 
they  would  then  join  their  whole 
force  with  the  English  against  them; 
and  though  he  would  not  say  it,  yet 
it  is  .reasonable  to  conclude  they 
came  to  the  same  resolution  in  re- 
gard to  the  English.  He  mentioned 
the  Twightwees  and  some  other  Na- 
tions, and  said  there  were  several,  of 
which  he  knew  not  the  names,  who 
had  entered  into  this  Confederacy. 
What  I  have  wrote  he  repeatedly 
told  me,  so  that  I  can  not  mistake;  as 
Shahaise  has  been  intimate  with  me 
many  years  perhaps  he  may  have 
spoken  with  more  freedom  than  he 
would  do  in  any  other  place,  or  than 
the  others  may  do. 

As  to  any  other  Intelligence  they 
may  be  able  to  give,  I  can  not  learn 
anything  at  all  from  them;  neither 
did  I  chuse  to  question  them  too 
strictly,  for  fear  of  giving  them  occa- 
sion to  think  themselves  suspected, 
and  perhaps  preventing  them  from 
complying  with  thy  request.  As  to 
these  Conestogoes  selling  their  Corn, 
they  have  usually  done  it,  when  they 
have  more  than  they  want  for  food, 
to  purchase  little  necessaries,   I  have 


371 


ANNALS  OF  THE  StISQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


heard    some    time  ago  that  part  of  their  |  thought  it     necessary     to    procure    a 


number  designed  to  leave  their  town, 
and  a  part  of  them  to  stay,  which  is 
still  their  intention;  hut  they  we.re 
proposed  to  go  away  quietly  and 
privately,  for  about  a  week  ago  they 
gave  a  String  of  Wampum  to  Thomas 
McKee,      with      a     request     that     he 


substantial  man  to  take  care  of  these 
in  town.  I  heartily  wish  their  jour- 
ney may  be  Satisfactory  to  thyself 
and  of  service  to  the  Publick. 

And    am   thy   respectful   Friend, 

JAMES    WRIGHT." 

After    the    letter    was    read    the    In- 


might  carry   it  to   the   Governor,   and!dians  were  sent  for  and  the  Governor 

•   4.  u-      +u  *   „   «»mKA.  «f  tv,om  imade     them     the     following     speech, 
acquaint  him  that  a  number  of  them   which  .g  fQund        m. 

were  going  towards  Shamokm  to  get 
some  Deer,  as  they  could  not  hunt 
with  any  safety  in  these  parts,  were 
barefoot,  and  in  want  of  cloathing 
for  themselves  and  their  families,  but 
that  they  left  their  Corn-fields  and 
Cabins  and  should  return  next 
Spring;  but  notwithstanding  these  as- 
surances, I  am  of  opinion  the  young-  I  mucn  concerned  to  hear  it  and  there- 
er  part  of  those  who  go  will  not  re-  j  fore  sent  my  Brother  Shohaise  a 
turn  to  settle  among  us,  as  indeed  strmg  0f  Wampum  to  invite  him  here 
their  way  of  living  will  scarce  admit  i  to  see  me>  tnat  T  might  hear  from 
of  it,  for  however  kind  the  Govern-  him  the  truth  of  the  st0ry;  and  if  it 
ment  may  be  to  them,  yet  hunting  is  ;  wag  whether  that  they  were  mov- 


"Brethren  and  Brother  Sohays 
(Shohaise) : 

I  have  been  informed  that  some  of 
our  Brethren  of  the  Conestogoe  Town 
were  moving  away  with  their  wives 
and  families  and  selling  their  Corn 
and  Improvements.  As  you  had  not 
given    me    any    notice    of    this.    I    was 


their  Natural  Employment  and  that 
they  have  not  dared  to  folios/  for  two 
years  past,  except  about  my  brother's 
House  and  mine. 

Shahaise,  I  am  perswaded  will 
never  leave  this  place;  at  ieast  he 
assures  me  he  will  not,  and  that 
some  others  will  stay  with  him;  and 
as  for  them  that  go,    I    really    think 


ing  from  any  invitation  of  your 
Brethren,  the  Indians  or  from  Dis- 
satisfaction with  us;  and  I  now  de- 
sire you,  by  his  String  of  Wampum, 
open  your  minds  freely  to  me. 

A  String  of  Wampum. 
Brother : 

I  was  also  nformed  that  one  of  your 
!  brothers     of     the    Conestogoe     Town 


they   do   not  remove   from   any   dissa-  j  had  been  in  the  six  Nations  Country, 


tisfaction  to  the  English,  or  evil  De- 
signs, but  only  for  the  reason  they 
assign,  as  Thomas  McKee  tells  me 
they  are  certainly  in  want  of  cloath- 


and  was  lately  returned  from  thence 
and  he  brought  with  him  one  of  our 
acquaintances  of  the  Six  Nations.  I 
therefore    desire   you   will    iniorm   me 


ing    (which    I    hope    the    Government  he     hag     brougnt     from 

will  be  so  good  as  to  take  Notice  of) 


McKnee  likewise  tells  me  the  Indians 
had  desired  him  to  meet  ihem  in 
Philadelphia,  if  he  could,  least  they 
should  not  be  understood;  the  Cayagu 
would  not  wait  until  he  could  go 
with  them,  but  he  purposes  to  be  in 
town  for  a  few  days. 

The     people     are      so       prejudiced 
against   Indians     in     general     that    I 


thence    and   what   passes    among     our 
Brethren  there. 

A  String. 

Shohaise   consulted   with   the    other 
Indians,   and  after   a  short  pause   re- 
turned an  answer  as  follows. 
Brother,  the  Governor: 

You  say  you  have  sent  for  me  and 
my    friends    to    learn    from    us    if    we 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  IND11AN  TRIBES 


372 


were    leaving   your    town,    and    if    so, 
whether   any    offence   had   been   given 
us. 
Brother: 

We  are  neither  leaving  your  Town, 
nor  have  taken  offence  at  anything, 
all  that  is  in  it  is,  that  some  of  our 
Indians  have  a  mind  to  go  on  Sus- 
quehannah,  partly  to  hunt  and  partly 
to  trade,  that  they  may  provide  nec- 
esaries  for  their  families.  If  the 
Indians  had  a  mind  to  go  quite  away 
from  their  Brethren  and  leave  the 
place,  it  would  have  been  my  duty 
and  I  certainly  should  have  done  my 
duty  in  giving  notice  to  you  myself. 
Were  all  to  go,  I  would  not  go  with 
them;  I  would  stay  where  I  am.  You 
were  entirely  misinformed,  depend  on 
the  truth  of  what  I  say. 
Brother: 

Before  we  set  out  we  held  a  Con- 
sultation   at ;      Thomas      McKee 

was  present;  he  is  expected  in  town 
every  moment;  when  he  comes  I 
shall  speak  again,  having  some  things 
to    say    to   you." 

After  this  the  history  of  Billy  Sock 
was  taken  up  and  a  great  many  mat- 
ters entered  into  which  does  not  con- 
cern  the    Conestogas. 

1758 — Another  Council  Held  with  the 
Conestogas. 

On  the  12th  of  May,  1758  as  is  set 
forth  in  Vol.  8  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p. 
122,  the  Conestoga  Indians  snd  some 
of  the  Six  Nations  went  to  Philadel- 
phia to  discuss  the  trouble  about  the 
Conestogas  and  the  report  of  the 
treaty  is  as  follows: 

"PRESENT: 
The  Honourable  WILLIAM   DENNY, 

Esqr.,    Lieutenant    Governor. 

William    Logan,     Richard  Peters,  Es- 
quires. 

The   Indians,   Six   Nations. 

Conestogas. 

Shahaise. 

Will  Sock, 

Seneca  George, 

Chargrea. 


A  Cayuga  Indian. 

Thomas  McKee,   Interpreter. 

Brother: 

When  the  two  Indians,  Will  Sock 
and  Cayuga  came  to  Conestoga,  we 
sent  for  Thomas  McKee  and  desired 
him  to  carry  a  Message  to  the  Gov- 
ernor at  Philadelphia;  it  was  to  this 
purpose: 

We  let  the  Governor  know  that 
most  of  the  Indians  who  now  live  at 
Conestogoe,  intended  to  remove 
thence  to  a  place  some  distance 
above  Shamokin;  that  where  they 
were  at  present  the  Women  could  get 
no  clothes  nor  their  Young  men  go  a 
hunting;  it  was,  therefore,  determin- 
ed that  the  Women  should  take  some 
kegs  of  liquor  with  them  and  sell 
them  for  skins  that  would  procure 
their  women  cloathes,  and  the  Young 
men  with  their  hunting  would  supply 
themselves  with  shoes  and  other  nec- 
essaries. Now  as  they  intended  to  be 
absent  only  one  winter,  they  desired 
the  Governor  by  Thomas  McKee,  not 
to  think  amiss  of  them,  for  that  they 
had  no  bad  designs.  They  said  it 
only  was,  that  no  Cloaths  being  given 
them  they  were  become  naked,  and 
this  measure  of  going  above,  think- 
ing, for  a  while  would  procare  them 
Cloaths  and  other  necessaries;  at  the 
same  time  let  the  Governor  know, 
that  as  a  fire  was  kindled  at  Cones- 
togoe that  had  burnt  a  long  while, 
and  he  was  born  there  and  lived  there 
all  his  life,  he  would  not  go  with  the 
other  Indians,  but  stay  and  lay  his 
Bones  at  Conestogoe;  this,  he  added, 
was  the  purport  of  one-half  of  the 
String.  The  other  half  was  that  the 
Women  left  their  Homes,  Hogs,  and 
Corn  fields,  and  desired  they  might  be 
put  under  the  care  of  Thomas  McKee, 
They  further  desired  he  might  be  or- 
dered to  plant  corn  and  take  care  of 
their  Houses  and  cattle;  for  which 
he   should    be   allowed     one-half    and 


37S 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Indians  were  to  have   the  other  half. 

Thomas  McKee  said  that  this  is  the 
String  which  the  Conestogoe  Indians 
sent  by  him  and  gave  the  String  of 
Wampum. 

Shahaise  proceeded: 
Brother : 

When  this  speech  was  delivered  to 
Thomas  McKee,  we  had  not  received 
the  Governor's  Message.  After  Mr. 
Wright  had  delivered  us  your  mes- 
sage, we  considered  among  ourselves 
and  came  to  a  .resolution  to  alter  our 
purpose  and  stay  at  home.  Our 
women  not  being  able  to  provide 
themselves  with  Matchcoats  and 
Moccasins  and  other  necessaries,  was 
the  only  reason  that  induced  them  to 
go  to  Shamokin;  but  now  all  that  was 
over,  and  on  what  the  Governor  had 
said  to  them,  by  Mr.  W.right,  they 
were  determined  to  stay. 

A    String. 
The  Governor  made  answer: 

Shahaise  and  the  other  Conestoga 
Indians: 

I  am  well  pleased  with  the  account 
you  have  given  of  your  Intention  to 
remove ;  and  much  more  so  ■  that  you 
altered  your  Resolution. 
The  Conestogoe  Indians  may  depend 
on  my  protection,  and  that  I  will  sup- 
ply their  wants,  so  as  not  to  put  them 
under  the  necessity  of  removng  Sha- 
haise's  determination  to  stay,  even  if, 
the  others  should  have  gone,  shows 
his  love  towards  his  Brethren,  and 
discovers   a  particular  regard. 

I  have  directed  Mr.  James  Wright 
to  supply  you  with  provisions,  from 
time  to  time,  as  usual,  and  ;;hall  also 
earnestly  recommend  it  to  the  Com- 
missioners to  send  you  some  neces- 
sary Cloathing;  at  present  you  who 
are  come  down  shall  receive  a  small 
present. 

Shahaise  then  complained  of  Abra- 
ham, who  had  planted  Indian  corn 
and  sowed  Hemp  in  a  Piece  of  their 


Ground  for  Several  years,  for  which 
he  promised  to  give  them  every  year 
a  piece  of  Linnen,  but  had  not  paid 
them  for  two  years  past.  He  desired 
he  might  be  made  to  do  them  Justice. 
The  Governor  charged  Thomas  Mc- 
Kee to  apply  to  Abraham,  and  if  he 
did  not  immediately  pay  them  the  ar- 
rears to  let  him  know  and  he  would 
order  him  to  be  sued  and  oblige  him 
to  give  a  compensation  for  the  land 
agreeable  to  his  engagements. 

Chagrea  informed  the  Governor 
jthat  he  was  inlisted  and  had  served 
[in  the  Garrison  of  Fort  Augusta,  and 
that  there  were  six  months'  pay  due 
him,  which  he  desired  might  be  paid 
Shim  off. 

The  Governor  directed  the  Pay- 
master, Mr.  Young,  to  settle  and  pay 
off  Chargrea,  which  was  done." 

1760— Conestoga  Indian  Conference  at 

Lancaster. 

In  Vol.  8  of  the  Col'  Rec.  p.  457,  a 
record  is  found  of  a  conference  be- 
tween the  Government  of  Pennsyl- 
vania and  the  Conestoga  Indians, 
growing  out  of  the  fact  that  the  Con- 
estoga Indians  are  now  complaining 
that  they  are  not  well  taken  care  of 
and  that  they  express  great  uneasi- 
ness at  the  neglect  of  them,  on  the 
part  of  the  Government.  The  Coun- 
cil is  as  follows: 

"At  a  Conference  with  the  Conesto- 
go  Indians  at  Lancaster,  the  15th  day 
jof  February,  1760. 

PRESENT: 
|  Richard  Peters  and  Richard  Hockley, 

Esquires. 
iSewees,    Billy,    Sock,   John,    5     Young- 
Boys. 
Peggy,  Interpreter. 

Sewees,  by  a  String  of  Wampum 
did  let  us  know  that  he  was  ex- 
tremely well  pleased  with  our  visit  to 
him;  and  enquiry  after  his  health,  and 
that  we  took  notice  of  the  women  and 
Children.    He  returns  his  thanks  to  us 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


374 


for  this,  and  likewise  for  desiring  to 
know  whether  he  or  his  people  were 
in  want  of  anything. 

He  then  told  that  he  was  old  and 
unable  to  get  his  livelihood;  that  his 
young  men  had  not  so  much  as  a  bit 
of  Powder  or  lead  to  shoot  a  bird 
with. 

John  Ross,  when  alive,  promised 
him  a  supply  of  necessaries  but  he 
has  received  nothing  since  his  death 
and  desires  we  will  let  the  Governor 
know  this. 

A  string. 

Canrach   Caghrea: 

I  am  very  glad  of  the  Opportunity  of 
seeing  you  here;  I  have  long  wished 
to  have  seen  somebody  at  Lancaster 
that  I  could  speak  with;  old  William 
Penn  in  particular  had  regard  for  the 
Conestoga  Indians;  he  loved,  indeed, 
all  the  Indians,  but  there  was  a  singu- 
lar love  between  him  and  the  people 
who  came  with  him,  and  the  Cones- 
togoe  Indians.  We  are  now  but  a  few, 
and  I  am  grown  old.  I  give  you  this 
Belt,  and  desire  you  will  hold  fast 
your  love  and  continue  to  be  as  kind 
as  ever;  Deliver  it  to  the  Governor, 
and  tell  him  that  we  have  ever  held 
fast  our  Friendship  with  William 
Penn's  people  and  desire  he  will  do 
the  same;  I  speak  for  my  young  men 
and  all  the  Women  and  Children, 
whom  I  put  under  his  protection. 

You  may  perhaps  think  I  will  go 
away,  but  I  tell  you  I  will  always 
stay  at  Conestogoe,  and  these  that  are 
with  me  will  stay  too.  You  must  be 
my  mouth  to  the  Governor  and  ac- 
quaint him  with  our  intention  and 
that  we  hope  he  will  be  so  kind  to  us 
as  William  Penn  and  all  the  Governor 
to  this  time. 

N.  B.  This  was  communicated  by 
the  Governor  to  the  Provincial  Com- 
missioners, and  two  persons  were  ap- 
pointed to  supply  them  with  neces- 
saries. 


1760 — Conoys  Now  Live  at  Chenango. 

We  have  seen  in  a  former  item  that 
the  Conoys  moved  up  to  the  Mouth  of 
the  Juniata,  but  now  we  are  told  at 
this  date  they  live  farther  West  at 
Chenango,  (See  Vol.  8  of  the  Col.  Rec, 
p.  492). 

1762— Delaware  Chiefs  to  Be  at  Lan- 
caster. 

In  Vol.  8  of  the  Col.  Rec.;  p.  721, 
there  is  set  forth  a  statement  that 
an  Indian  conference  was  held  at 
Lancaster  on  August  11,  1762.  This 
conference  lasted  until  the  29th  day 
of  August.  Some  of  the  meetings 
|  were  held  at  the  Court  House  but 
j  the  meeting  of  August  27th,  was  held 
!  in  Mr.  Slough's  House  and  on  the 
last  day  of  the  meeting  on  August 
29th,  the  goods  which  the  Indians 
were  to  have  as  presents  were  ex- 
posed in  Mr.  Hambright's  Malt  House, 
in  Lancaster.  It  will  be  seen  that 
this  treaty  lasted  over  three  weeks 
and  a  great  many  Indians  were  pres- 
ent. The  record  of  this  treaty  covers 
54  pages  in  the  Colonial  Records,  ex- 
tending from  p.  721  to  p.  774.  In  all 
there  were  557  Indians  present, 
being  the  largest  treaty  ever  held  in 
Lancaster  and  one  can  imagine  how 
the  little  town  was  swarming  with  In- 
dians at  that  time.  I  find  all  the 
tribes  mentioned  as  being  present  ex- 
cept the  Conestogas.  Even  the  Conoys 
were  there,  but  if  the  Conestogoes 
were  present  at  all  they  were  there 
not  as  a  tribe  but  as  a  few  individ- 
uals. 

It  also  appears  that  on  the  27th 
of  August  a  conference  was  held  at 
the  Old  Lutheran  Church,  where  the 
Governor  took  some  of  the  Indians 
aside  and  held  a  secret  conference 
with  them. 

1763 — An    Address    from    the    Cones- 
togas. 

In  Vol.  9  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  88,  ap- 
pears the  following  address  from  the 


375 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Conestogas,  whch  is  a  sad,     plaintive 
wail.     It  speaks  of  the  encroachment 
upon   their   lands   and    various    other 
subjects.      It   is   as   follows: 
"To    the    Honourable     JOHN      PENN, 
Esquire,   Lieutenant    Governor    and 
Commander-in-Chief   of     the    P.rov 
ince   of  Pennsylvania,  &ca ,  &ca. 
"Brother: 

We,  (the  Conestoga  Indians)  take 
the  present  opportunity,  by  Captain 
Montour,  to  welcome  you  into  this 
Country  by  this  String  of  Wampum 
and  as  we  are  settled  at  this  place  by 
an  agreement  of  Peace  and  Amity 
established  between  your  Grand- 
fathers and  ours,  we  now  promise 
ourselves  your  favour  and  protection, 
and  as  we  have  always  lived  in  Peace 
and  Quietness  with  our  Brethren  and 
Neighbors  round  us  during  the 
last  and  present  Indian  Wars,  we 
hope  now,  as  we  are  deprived  from 
supporting  ou.r  Famiies  by  hunting, 
as  we  formerly  did,  you  will  consider 
our  distressed  situation  and  grant 
our  women  and  children  some 
Cloathing  to  cover  them  this  winter. 
The  Government  has  always  been 
kind  enough  to  allow  us  some  prov- 
isions, and  did  formerly  appoint 
people  to  take  care  of  us,  but  as  there 
is  no  person  to  take  that  upon  him, 
and  some  of  ou.r  neighbors  have  en- 
croached upon  the  Tract  of  Land  re- 
served here  for  our  use,  we  would 
now  beg  our  Brother,  the  Governor 
to  appoint  our  Friend  Captain  Thos. 
M'Kee,  who  lives  near  us  and  under- 
stands our  language,  to  take  care  and 
see  Justice  done  us. 

SOHAYS,  his    Mark, 

INDIAN,  his    Mark, 

or   CUYANGUERRYCOEA, 
SAGUYASOTHA     OR    JOHN, 
his 
Mark. 
Conestogoe,    November    30th,    1763." 

1763 — The   Conestogas   Murdered 

In  Vol.  9  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  89, 
appears  the  first  news  of  the  slaugh- 


ter of  the  Conestoga  Indians  and  the 
final   act   which   resulted   in   the  com- 
plete obliteration  of  the  Indians  from 
Lancaster  County. 
It  is  as  follows: 

"The  Governor  having  received  in 
Friday  last,  a  letter,  dated  the  14th 
Instant,  from  Edward  Shippen,  Esq., 
at  Lancaster,  acquainting  him  that  a 
party  of  armed  men  had  that  morn- 
ing murdered  Six  of  the  said  Cones- 
togoe Indians  at  their  Town,  laid 
the  same  before  the  Board,  which 
was  read  viz: 

A     LETTER     TO     THE      GOVERNOR 

FROM    EDWARD    SHIPPEN, 

ESQUIRE. 

Lancaster,   14th   December,   1763, 

Evening. 
Honoured    Sir: 

One  Robert  Edgar,  a  hired  man  to 
Captain  Thomas  M'Kee,  living  near 
the  Borough  acquainted  me  today 
that  a  Company  of  People  from  the 
Frontiers  had  killed  and  scalped 
most  of  the  Indians  at  the  Conesto- 
goe Town  early  this  morning;  he 
said  that  he  had  his  information  from 
an  Indian  boy  who  made  his  escape. 
Mr.  Slough  has  been  to  the  place  and 
held  a  Coroner's  inquest  on  the  Corp- 
ses, being  Six  in  number;  Bill  Sawk 
and  some  other  Indians  were  gone 
towards  Snith's  Iron  Works  to  sell 
brooms;  but  where  they  now  are  we 
can  not  understand;  and  the  Indians, 
John  Smith  and  Peggy,  his  Wife,  and 
their  child  and  Young  Joe  Hays.were 
abroad  last  night  too,  and  lodged  at 
one  Peter  Swar's  about  two  miles 
from  hence;  These  came  here  this 
afternoon,  whom  we  acquainted  with 
what  had  happened  to  their  Freinds 
and  relations  and  advised  them  to 
put  themselves  under  protection, 
which  they  readily  agreed  to ;  and  they 
are  now  in  our  Work  House  by  them- 
selves,  where  they  are  well   provided 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


376 


for  with    every    necessary.    Warrants 

are  issued  for  the  apprehending  of  the 

Murderers,     said  to     be     upwards     of 

Fifty   men,   well    armed    and   mounted. 

I    beg   m>    kind    complements    to   Mr.  j  the   protection 

Richard  Penn,  and  I  am  with  all  due 

regards, 

Sir,    Your    Honour's    Obliged 

Friend,  and  most  humbel  servant, 
EDWARD    SHIPPEN. 
The   Honourable    John    Penn,    Esqr., 

Governor. 

Whereupon  the  Council  being  mov- 
ed by  the  cruelty  and  barbarity  of 
the  above  action,  and  apprehending 
that  the  Indians  who  were  settled  at 
Conestogoe  were  under  the  protection 
of  this  Government  and  its  laws,  and 
that  consequently  killing  them  with- 
out cause  or  provocation,  amounted 
in  law  to  the  crime  of  a  murder,  ad- 
vised the  Governor  to  write  imme- 
diately to  the  Magistrates  of  the 
Counties  of  York,  Lancaster  and 
Cumberland,  to  exert  themselves  on 
this    occasion,      and      issue     warrants 


in  defiance  of  all  authority,  proceed 
to  the  Conestoga  Indian  town,  in  Lan- 
caster County,  and  murder  six  of  our 
Friendly  Indians,  settled  there  under 
of  this  Go\ernment 
and  its  Laws.  I  do  hereby  direct  and 
require  you  immediately  to  exert 
yourselves  on  this  account  and  to  is- 
sue warrants  and  take  all  other 
Measures  in  your  power  for  the  ap- 
prehending all  the  Principals  in  the 
murder  of  the  said  Indians  and  their 
accomplices  securing  them  in  some  of 
the  Jails  of  this  Province,  that  they 
may  be  brought  to  Justice  and  receive 
a  legal  tryal  for  the  Crimes  they 
have  committed. 

I   am,   Gentlemen, 

Your  very   humble  Servant, 
JOHN  PENN. 
To  the  Magistrates  of  the  Counties  of 
Lancaster,    York    and    Cumberland. 

1763 — Governor    Penn    Takes    Further 

Steps    on    the    Killing    of    the 

Conestoga  Indians. 


On  Vol.    9   of   the   Col.    Rec,    p.    93, 
and  do  everything  in  their  power  for   tne    following    letter    was    ordered    by 

the  Council: 


apprehending  all  the  principals  con 
cerned  in  the  said  Crime,  and  their 
accomplices,  and  securing  them,  that 
they  may  be  brought  to  Justice,  and 
further,  that  a  Proclamation  be  is- 
sued, ordering  all  Officers  of  Justice 
to  be  aiding  and  assisting  therein." 

1763 — Governor    Penn    Sent    An    Or- 
der   to    Lancaster    About    the 
Killing  of  the  Indians. 


"William  Logan,   Richard   Peters,   and 

Benjamin  Chew,  Esquires. 

The  Council  taking  into  considera- 
tion the  late  conferences  with  Papou- 
nan,  and  other  Indians  from  Wighal- 
ousin,  as  well  as  the  unhappy  affair  of 
the  Conestoga  Indians  were  of  opin- 
ion that  the  few  friendly  Indians  left 
at  Wighalousin  by  Papounan  should 
be   invited  down  to  Philadelphia,  and 


On  the  19th  of  December,  1763,  the  be  taken  under  the  protection  of  the 
Governor  sent  the  following  letter  to !  Government,  and  that  those  of  the 
the  Magistrates  of  Lancaster  and  I  Conestoga  Indians  who  escaped  the 
York  Counties,  found  in  Vol.  9  of  the  j  Fury  of  the  Rioters  ought  to  be  im- 
Col.  Rec,  p.  92:  mediately    removed    for    their      better 

"Philadelphia,  19th  Decemoer,  1763.  j  security,  and  therefore  advised  the 
Gentlemen:  Governor   to   desire    the    Concurrence 

Having   received 


information  that 
on  Wednesday,  the  14th  Instant,  a 
party    of   men,   armed     and    mounted, 


of  the  Assembly  in  these  measures, 
and  that  they  would  provide  for  the 
necessary    expense    attending  Ihem,  for 


did,  without  cause  or  provocation  and  |  which  purpose  a  draught    of    a    Mes- 


377 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


sage  was  immediately  prepared,  read 
and  approved  and  the  Secretary  was 
ordered  to  transcribe  the  same  and 
carry  it  to  the  House  this  evening, 
and  at  the  same  time  lay  before  them 
the  minutes  of  Indian  conferences 
therein  .referred  to  for  their  perusal." 
1763— The  Governor's  Message  to  the 
Assembly  on  the  Conestoga 
Slaughter. 

In  Vol.  9  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  94, 
in  his  Message  to  the  Assembly 
among  other  things,  Governor  Penn 
said,  "I  am  also  to  lay  before  you  a 
piece  of  Intelligence  I  -received  from 
Lancaster  on  Friday  last,  which  has 
given  me  the  utmost  concern.  On 
the  14th  instant  a  number  ui  people 
well  armed  and  mounted,  went  to  the 
Indian  Town  in  Conestoga  Manor, 
and  without  the  least  Reason  or  Pro- 
vocation, in  cool  blood,  barbariously 
killed  six  of  the  Indians  settled  there, 
and  would  probably  have  treated  all 
the  rest  with  the  same  cruelty,  had 
they  not  been  abroad  at  that  time 
and  after  burning  all  their  Houses 
the  Perpetrators  of  this  inhuman  and 
wicked  action  .retired. 

As  the  Indians  were  seated  on  the 
Manor  by  the  Government,  and  had 
lived  there  peaceably  and  inoffen- 
sively during  all  our  late  troubles,  I 
conceived  they  were  as  much  under 
the  protection  of  the  Government  and 
its  laws,  as  any  others  amongst  us, 
wherefore  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  do 
everything  in  my  power  for  the  im- 
mediate apprehending  and  bringing 
to  Justice  the  authors  of  this  horrid 
scene;  and  accordingly,  by  the  ad- 
vice of  the  Council,  I  have  dispatched 
letters  to  the  Magistrates  of  Lancas- 
ter, Cumberland  and  York  Counties, 
requiring  and  charging  them  to  exert 
themselves  and  endeavor  by  all  pos- 
sible means  to  discover  and  secure 
the   principals   concerned  in   ihis  out- 


rageous act,  and  their  accomplices.  1 
am  also  preparing  a  proclamation,or- 
dering  and  requiring  all  officers  civil 
and  military,  and  all  his  Majesty's 
subjects  in  his  Government,  to  be  aid- 
ing and  assisting  to  the  Magistrates 
in  execution  of  the  Laws  on  this  un- 
happy occasion.  Such  of  the  Cones- 
togoe  Indians  as  had  the  good  for- 
tune to  escape  the  fury  of  ihe  above 
mentioned  lawless  party,  are  now 
taken  under  the  protection  of  the 
Magistracy  at  Lancaster  and  are  se- 
cured in  the  work  house  there,  but 
are  in  great  distress  for  want  of  nec- 
essaries and  apparel  having  lost 
everything  they  had  except  the  little 
they  had  on  their  backs,  in  their 
Houses  which  were  burnt. 

As  they  do  not  apprehend  them- 
selves to  be  safe  where  they  are, 
they  have  by  a  verbal  Message  by 
one  of  Your  Members  requested  of 
me  that  they  may  be  removed  to  this 
city,  or  its  neighborhood;  and  I  am 
very  .ready  to  comply  immediately 
with  the  desire,  provided  you  will  en- 
able me  to  defray  the  Expense  of  it. 
JOHN    PENN. 

1763 — Governor   Penn   Issues    a    Pub- 
lic Proclamation  on  the  Slaugh- 
ter of  the  Conestoga  In- 
dians. 

In  Vol.    9   of  the   Col.   Rec ,   p.   995, 
the   following     proclamation     to     the 
People  was  issued  by  the  Governor: 
"A    PROCLAMATION 
WHEREAS,    I    have    received    infor- 
mation that  on  Wednesday   the   four- 
teenth  day   of   this   Month,   a   number 
I  of   people   armed     and     mounted     on 
Horseback    unlawfully    assembled     to- 
gether, and  went  to  the  Indian  Town 
in  the  Conestoga  Manor,  and  without 
the  least  reason     or     provocation     in 
cool   blood   barbarously   killed    six    of 
the   Indians  settled    there    and    burnt 
and  destroyed    all    their    Houses    and 


OTHER   LANCASTER    COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


378 


effects.  AND  WHEREAS,  so  cruel 
and  inhuman  an  Act  was  committed 
in  the  Heart  of  this  Province,  on  the 
said  Indians,  who  iived  peaceably 
and  inoffensivey  among  us  during 
all  our  late  troubles,  and  for  many 
years  before,  and  were  justly  consid- 
ered as  under  the  protection  of  this 
Government  and  its  laws;  calls  loud- 
ly for  the  vigorous  exertion  of  the 
Civil  Authority  to  detect  the  Offend- 
ers and  bring  them  to  condign  pun- 
ishment, I  have  therefore,  by  and 
with  the  advice  of  the  Council, 
thought  fit  to  issue  this  Proclama- 
tion, and  do  strictly  charge  and  en- 
join all  Judges,  Justices  Sheriffs, 
Constables,  Officers,  Civil  and  Mili- 
tary, and  all  other  his  Majsty's  liege 
subjects  within  this  Province,  to 
make  diligent  search  and  inquiry  af- 
ter the  Authors  and  perpetrators  of 
the  said  crime,  their  abettors  and 
accomplices,  and  to  use  all  possible 
means  to  apprehend  and  secure  them 
in  the  Publick  Jails  of  this  Province, 
that  they  may  be  brought  to  their 
tryals,  and  be  proceeded  against  ac- 
cording to  law.     , 

AND  WHEREAS,  a  number  of  In- 
dians who  lately  lived  on  or  near  the 
frontiers  of  this  Province,  being 
willing  and  desirous  to  preserve  and 
continue  the  ancient  Friendship 
which  heretofore  subsisted  between 
them  and  the  good  people  of  this 
Porvince,  have,  at  their  earnest  re- 
quest been  removed  from  their  Habi- 
tations and  brought  into  the  County 
of  Philadelphia,  and  seated  upon 
the  Province  Island  and  in  other 
places  of  the  Neighborhood  of  the 
City  of  Philadelphia,  where  provision 
is  made  for  them  at  the  Publick  ex- 
pense. I  do  therefore  hereby  strictly 
forbid,  all  persons  whatsoever,  to  in- 
jure any  of  the  said  Indians  as  they 
will  answer  the  Countrary  at  their 
Peril. 


Given  under  my  hand  and  seal  and 
the  Great  seal  of  the  said  Province, 
at  Philadelphia,  the  twenty-second 
day  of  December,  Anno  Domini,  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty- 
three,  and  in  the  Fourth  year  of  his 
Majesty's  Reign. 

JOHN    PENN. 
By   his  Honour's  Command. 

Joseph    Shippen,    Junior    Secty. 
GOD    SAVE    THE    KING." 
1768— The  Paxtang-  Boys  Kill  the  Re- 
maining   Conestoga    Indians  in 
Lancaster  Jail. 
In   Vol.   9   of  the  Col.   Rec,   p.   100, 
there  is  set  forth  the  following  night 
express    from    Lancaster    to    Philadel- 
phio,  giving  news  of  the  killing  of  the 
last  remnant  of  the  Conestogas: 

"Lancaster,    27th    December, 

1763,  P.  M. 
Honoured  Sir: 

I  am  to  acquaint  your  Honour  that 
between  two  and  three  of  the  clock 
this  afternoon,  upwards  of  a  hundred 
armed  men,  from  the  Westward,  rode 
very  fast  into  town,  turned  their 
horses  into  Mr.  Slough's  (an  Inn- 
Keeper)  Yard,  and  proceeded  with 
the  greatest  precipitation  to  the 
work  House,  stove  open  the  door  and 
killed  all  the  Indians,  and  then  took 
to  their  horses  and  rode  off,  all  their 
business  was  done,  and  they  were  .re- 
turning to  their  horses  before  I  could 
get  half  way  down  to  the  work  house, 
the  Sheriff,  and  Coroner,  however, 
and  several  others,  got  down  as  soon 
as  the  rioters,  but  could  not  prevail 
with  them  to  stop  their  hands;  some 
people  heard  them  say  and  declare 
they  would  proceed  to  the  Province 
Island  and  destroy  the  Indians  there. 
I  am  with  great  Respect,  Sir, 
Your  Honour's  most  Obedient 
humble    Servant, 

EDWARD   SHIPPEN. 


379 


ANNALS   OF  THE   SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


The   Honourable     John     Penn,     Esp., 

Governor." 

Upon  this  the  following  action  was 
advised  on  the  part  of  the  Council 
also   found    p.    100: 

"The  Council  further  advised  the 
Governor  to  dispatch  the  Express 
back  to  Lancaster,  with  a  letter  to 
Mr.  Edward  Shippen,  desiring  him  to 
gain  all  the  inelligence  in  his  power 
respecting  the  further  designs  and 
motion  of  the  lawless  Rioters,  and 
to  endeavor  to  learn  the  names  of 
any  of  the  Ringleaders  or  persons 
concerned  in  the  Murder  of  the  In- 
dians in  the  Work  House  and  to  ac- 
quaint the  Governor  from  time  to 
time  by  Express,  with  every  piece  of 
intelligence  he  should  receive  con- 
cerning them. 

The   Governor   was   also  advised   to 
write   to   Colonel   Armstrong,   at  Car- 
lisle and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Elder  at  Pax- 
ton,   to   exert   themselves   on   this   oc- 
casion, by  using  all    means    in    their 
power,    to    discover    and    detect    the 
rioters  and  to  supress  all  such  insur- 
rections   among     the      People     under 
their   influence  for  the  future." 
1763-The  Sheriff  of  Lancaster  County 
Sends  a  List  of  the  Possessions 
of   the   Indians   Killed  at 
Conestoga  to  Phila- 
delphia. 

In  Vol.  9  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  101, 
the  following  statement  appears  be- 
fore a  Council  held  December  31, 
1763: 

"A  letter  f.rom  the  Sheriff  of  Lan- 
caster, of  the  27th  of  December,  In- 
stant, with  the  list  of  Conesiogoe  In- 
dians were  read,  and  ordered  to  be 
put  on  these  minutes: 
A     LETTER     TO     THE    GOVERNOR 

FROM  JOHN  HAY,  ESQ.,  SHFF. 

OF  LANCASTER 

COUNTY 

Lancaster,  the  27th  December,  1763. 
Sir: 


Agreeable  to  your  orders  to  me 
when  at  Philadelphia,  I  herein  en- 
close a  list  of  the  names  of  the  In- 
dians found  killed  at  the  Indian 
Town  in  Conestogoe  Manor,  with  the 
names  of  the  Survivors  (  fourteen  in 
number)  whom  I  found,  had  been  col- 
lected and  placed  in  the  work  House 
of  this  County,  by  my  Son,  with  the 
assistance  of  John  Miller  and  Robert 
Beatty  (who  by  appointment  of 
Messrs.  Hockley  and  Peters,  had  the 
care  of  the  Indians  belonging  to  the 
Town),  where  they  are  properly 
taken  care  of,  and  fed  and  wait  for 
your  Honour's  further  directions  re- 
lating to   them. 

I,  likewise,  agreeable  to  your  order 
give  herewith,  an  account  of  the  ef- 
fects and  papers  which  have  been 
found,  belonging  to  the  said  Indians, 
which  now  remain  in  the  possession 
of  the  said  Miller  and  Beatty,  in  trust 
for  the   Indians,  to  witt: 

Three   Horses, 

A  writing  on  Parchment,  purport- 
ing an  article  of  Peace  and  Amity 
concluded  between  the  Governor  of 
Maryland  and  the  Chiefs  of  the  Con- 
estogoe  and   other   Indians. 

A  Writing  or  Parchment,  purport- 
ing an  Article  of  Agreement  between 
William  Penn,  Proprietary,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, and  the  King  of  the  Indians 
inhabiting  in  or  about  the  River  Sus- 
quehanna, and  other  Indian  Nations, 
dated  the  three  and  twentieth  day  of 
the  second  month,  called  April,  in 
the  Year,  one  thousand  seven  hun- 
dred and  one. 

A  Letter  (which  seems  to  be  un- 
der the  Lesser  Seal  of  the  Province) 
signed  W.  Keith,  dated  Philadelphia, 
May  26,  1819,  directed  to  Civility,  and 
the  rest  of  the  Indian  Chiefs  at  Con- 
estogoe. 

A  Letter  (which  seems  to  be  under 
the  Lesser  Seal  of  the  Province), 
signed  W.  Keith,  dated  5th  May,  1719, 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN  TRIBES 


380 


and  the  Indian  Chiefs  at  and  near 
directed  to  Civility  or  Tagotelessa, 
Conestogoe. 

A  Writing  purporting  a  Letter, 
signed  James  Logan,  dated  the  22nd 
of  the  4th  Month,  1717,  directed  to 
Civility  and  the  Other  Indian  Chiefs 
at  Conestoga. 

A  Paper  (which  seems  to  be  under 
the  Lesser  Seal  of  the  Province), 
signed  James  Logan,  purporting  an 
Order  of  Council  at  Philadelphia, 
September  28,  1708,  or  a  request  to 
the  Indians  to  apprehend  Nichole 
Godin,  on  a  suspicion  of  several 
treasonable  practices  against  the 
Government. 

And  two  Belts  of  Wampum." 

One  or  two  points  about  this  letter 
are  quite  pathetic  because  it  states 
that  among  other  things  there  was 
found  among  the  effects  of  the  poor 
Indians  the  treaties  which  they  had 
made  with  the  whites  and  had  kept, 
and  various  other  paper  which  show 
that  they  were  always  on  the  best 
terms   with   the   whites. 

1763— The  Sheriff  Sends  Word  of  the 

Killing  of  the  Conestoga  Indians 

in  the  Lancaster  Jail. 

In  Vol.  9  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  103,  is 
the  following  letter  from  John  Hay, 
Sheriff  of  Lancaster  County: 

"December   27th,   1763,   P.  M. 
Honoured  Sir: 

Since  writing  above  the  poor  In- 
dians whom  we  imagined  were  placed 
in  safety  were  destroyed.  A  number 
of  persons,  to  the  amount (  by  their 
appearance)  of  fifty  or  sixty,  Armed 
with  Rifles,  Tomahawks,  etc.,  sudden- 
ly, about  two  o'clock,  rushed  into  the 
Town  and  immediately  repaired  to 
the  Work  House  where  the  Indians 
were  confined,  and  notwithstanding 
all  opposition  to  myself  and  the  Cor- 
oner, and  many  others,  broke  open 
the  work  house,  and  have  killled  all 
the  Indians  there,  being  the  fourteen 


mentioned  in  the  list  to  have  sur- 
vived the  former  affair  at  their  Town. 
After  which  they  in  a  body  left  the 
town  without  offering  any  insults  to 
the  Inhabitants,  and  without  putting 
it  in  the  power  of  any  one  to  take  or 
molest  any  of  them  without  danger  of 
life  to  the  person  attempting  it;  of 
which  both  myself  and  the  Coroner 
by  our  opposition  were  in  great  dan- 
ger." 

1763 — The   Names    of    the    Conestoga 
Indians  Killed  in  Their  Town  in 
Manor  and  in  the  Lancas- 
ter JaiL 

In  Vol.   9   of   the   Col.   Rec,   p.    103, 
appears  the  following: 

"List    of    the    Indians    killed   at   the 
Indian  Town  in  in  Conestogoe  Manor: 
Sheehay,  George,  Harry,  A  Son 
of  Sheehays,  Sally,  an     Old     Wo- 
man,    A     Woman.    Their     Indian 
names,   —   Sheehays,       W-a-shen, 
Tee-Kau-ley,      Ess-canesh,      Tea 
wonsha-i-ong,   Kannenquas. 
List  of  the  Indians  belonging  to  the 
Conestogoe  Town  in  the  Work  House 
at  Lancaster: 

Coptain  John,  Betty  his  wife, 
Bill  Sack,  Milly  his  wife,  John 
Smith,  Peggy  his  wife,  little  John, 
Capt'n  John's  son,  Jacob  a  Boy, 
Young  Sheehays,  a  Boy,  Chrisly, 
a  boy,  little  Peter,  a  boy,  Molly, 
a  Little  Girl,  a  little  Girl,  Peggy, 
a  little  Girl.  Their  Indian  names, 
— Kyunqueagoah,  Koweenasse, 

Tenseedaagua,     Kaniinguas,     Saq- 
uies-hat-tah,   Chee  na  wan,    Quaa- 
chow,       Shaw  e  kah,       Ex  undas, 
Tong-quas,    Hy  ye  naes,     Ko  qua- 
e  un  quas,    Karen  do  uah,    Canu- 
kie  sung. 
The   names   taken   from    Peggy, Wife 
of  John  Smith,  and     Betty,     Wife     of 
Captain  John. 

JOHN   HAY. 


381 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


1763— The   Governor    Writes   to    Gen- 
eral Gage  About  the  Conestoga 
Indian  Slaughter. 

In  Vol.  9  of  the  Col.  Rec ,  p.  104, 
appears  the  following  letter  to  his 
Excellency,  General  Gage,  from  our 
Governor: 

"Philadelphia,  31st  December,  1763. 
Sir: 

I  think  it  necessary  to  inform  you 
that  on  the  14th  Instant,  a  number  of 
Inhabitants  on  the  Western  frontiers 
of  this  Province,  without  any  author- 
ity, assembled  in  arms  and  proceeded 
in  a  party  of  between  fifty  and  sixty 
men  to  the  Indian  Town  in  the  Con- 
estogoe  Manor,  in  Lancaster  County, 
and  there,  without  the  least  cause 
cruelly  put  to  death  six  of  the  Friend- 
ly Indians,  who  had  peaceably  and 
inoffensively  resided  there  for  many 
years  past,  by  permission  from  this 
Government,  and  after  burning  and 
destroying  their  houses  and  effects, 
precipitately  retired.  Upon  receiving 
information  of  this  barbarous  out- 
rage, I  immediately  dispatched  or- 
ders  to   the   Magistrates   of   the   back 


same  as  the  preceding  one  sent  to 
Sir  William  Johnson  on  this  dastard- 
ly  slaughter. 

1 1764— A  Reward  Offered  by  the  Gov- 
ernment for  the  Capture  of  the 
Conestoga  Murderers. 

In  Vol.  9  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  107, 
we  find  the   following   proclamation: 

"By  the  Honourable  JOH  NPEx\N, 
Esquire,  Lieutenant  Governor  and 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Province 
of  Pennsylvania  and  Counties  of  New 
Castle,  Kent  and  Sussex  on  Delaware. 
A  PROCLAMATION: 

WHEREAS,  on  the  twenty-second 
day  of  December  last,  I  issued  a 
Proclamation  for  the  apprehending 
and  bringing  to  Justice  a  number  of 
Persons,  who,  in  violation  of  the  Pub- 
lic Faith,  and  in  Defiance  of  all  Law, 
'had  inhumanly  killed  six  of  the  In- 
dians, who  had  lived  on  Conestogoe 
Manor  for  the  Course  of  Many  years, 
peacefully  and  inoffensively,  under 
the  Protection  of  this  Government,  on 
lands  assigned  to  them  for  their 
habitation.  Notwithstanding  which,  I 
have    received    Information      on      the 


Counties  to  use  their  utmost  endea-|27th  of  the  same  month,  a  large 
vours  to  apprehend  and  confine  the  I  party  of  armed  men  again  assembled 
offenders,  that  they  might  be  brought  i  and  met  together  in  a  riotous  and  tu- 
to  Justice,  and  likewise  the  enclosed  jmultuous  manner  in  the  county  of 
Proclamation.  Lancaster     and     preceded      to      the 


Notwithstanding  which,  these  dar- 
ing rioters  on  the  27th  Inst.,  again 
assembled  in  arms  and  came  down  in 
a  large  body  to  the  Town  of  Lancas- 


Town  of  Lancaster,  where  they  vio- 
lently broke  open  the  work  House, 
and  butchered  and  put  to  death  four- 
teen  of  the   said   Conestogoe    Indians, 


ter,  broke  open  the  Work  House,  and  Men,  Women  and  Children,  who  had 
murdered  fourteen  of  the  Conestoga  j  been  taken  under  the  immediate  care 
Indians,  who  had  before  escaped  their  of  the  Magistrates  of  the  said  County 
fury,  and  were  confined  there  by  the 


Magistrate  for  their  security. 
1763— The   Governor   Sends    a    Letter 
to  William  Johnson  on  This 
Subject. 


and  lodged  for  their  better  security 
in  the  Work  House,  till  they  should 
be  more  effectually  provided  for  by 
order  of  the  Government-  AND 
WHEREAS,  common  Justice  loudly 
| demands,  (upon  the  preservation  of 
In  Vol.  9  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  105  is! which  not  only  the  Liberty  and  Se- 
found    a    letter    almost      exactly      theicurity   of   every    individual,     but     the 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


382 


being  of  the  Government  itself  de- 
pend, require  that  the  above  offenders 
should  be  brought  to  condigne  Pun- 
ishment; I  have,  therefore,  by  and 
with  the  advice  of  the  Council,  pub- 
lished this  Proclamation  and  do  here- 
by strictly  charge  and  command  all 
Judges,  Justices,  Sheriffs,  Constables, 
Officers  Civil  and  Military,  and  all 
other  his  Majesty's  faithful  and  liege 
subjects  with  this  Province,  to  make 
diligent  search  and  enquiry  after  the 
Authors  and  Perpetrators  of  the  said 
last  mentioned  Offence,  their  Abettors 
and  accomplices;  and  that  they  use 
all  possible  means  to  apprehend  and 
secure  them  in  some  of  the  Publick 
Gaols  of  this  Province,  to  be  dealt 
with  according  to  Law.  And  I  do 
hereby  further  promise  and  engage, 
that  any  persons  or  person  who  shall 
apprehend  and  secure,  or  cause  to  be 
appehended  and  secured,  and  three  of 
the  Ringleaders  of  the  said  party,  and 
prosecute  them  to  conviction,  shall 
have  and  receive  for  each  the  Pub- 
iick  Reward  of  Two  Hundred  Pounds; 
and  any  accomplice,  not  concerned  in 
the  immediate  shedding  of  the  Blood 
of  the  said  Indians,  who  shall  make 
discovery  of  any  or  either  of  the 
said  Ringleaders  and  apprehend  and 
prosecute  them  to  conviction,  shall, 
over  and  above  the  said  reword,  have 
all  the  weight  and  influence  of  the 
Government  of  obtaining  his  Majesty's 
Pa.rdon  for  his  Offence. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  the  Great 
Seal  of  the  said  Province,  at  Phila- 
delphia the  second  day  of  January,  in 
the  fourth  Year  of  his  Majesty's  reign, 
and  in  the  Year  of  our  Lo.rd,  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty- 
four.  JOHN  PENN. 
By  his  Honour's  Command. 

Joseph  Shippen,  Junior,   Secretary, 
GOD    SAVE   THE   KING." 


1764 — The    Governor   Writes    a   Letter 

To  the  Governor  of  New  York 

About   This   Killing. 

In  Vol.  9  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  112,  we 
find  a  similar  letter  by  Governor 
Penn  on  the  killing  of  these  defence- 
less Indians,  to  Governor  of  N.  Y. 
And  on  p.  113  a  similar  letter  to  Gov- 
ernor Franklin  on  the  same  subject  is 
found. 

1764— The  Colony  of  New    York    En- 
raged at  the  Conestoga  Killing. 

In  Vol.  9  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  121, 
appear  the  proceedings  that  the  Gov- 
ernor of  New  York  held  upon  the 
killing  of  these  Indians  at  Conestoga. 
This  meeting  was  more  necessary 
from  the  fact  that  these  Conestogas 
were  the  subjects  of  the  Five  Nations 
and  some  of  those  killed  actually  be- 
longed to  the  Five  Nations. 

1764— Benjamin    Kendal   of   Lancaster 

Reports  the  Particulars  of  the 

Conestoga  Killing  to  the 

Council. 

In   Vol.   9   of  the   Col.   Rec,   p.    126, 
appears   the    following   narration  upon 
oath  by  Benjamin  Kendal  of  the  kill- 
ing of  the  Conestoga  Indians: 
"CITY   OF    PHILADELPHIA,    SS: 

Benjamin  Kendall,  of  the  City  of 
Phialdelphia,  Merchant,  being  one  of 
the  People  called  Quakers  on  this 
solemn  affirmation  declareth  and 
saith,  That  on  Thursday,  the  25th  day 
of  this  Instant,  January,  he,  this  de- 
ponent, being  on  his  return  from  the 
Borough  of  Lancaster,  to  the  City  of 
Philadelphia  about  two  miles  on  this 
side  the  sign  of  the  inhabitant  of  the 
said  Borrough  of  Lancaster,  who,  this 
affirmant  understood,  had  been,  the 
day  before,  in  the  Township  of  Pe- 
quea,  or  its  Neighborhood;  that  this 
affirmant,  being  acquainted  with  the 
said  Robert  Fulton,  stopped,  and  en- 
tered into     some     conversation     with 


383 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


him,  in  the  course  of  which  the  said 
Fulton  acquainted  this  affirmant  that 
he  understood  Captain  Coultas,  had 
been  appointed  to  raise  and  command 
Five  Hundred  men  to  guard  and  pro- 
tect the  Indians  in  the  said  City  of 
Philadelphia,  and  that  he  was  very 
sorry  for  it,  and  that  in  ten  days  fif- 
teen hundred  men  would  come  down 
in  order  to  kill  the  said  Indians,  and 
that  if  Fifteen  Hundred  Men  were 
not  enough  Five  Thousand  were  ready 
to  join  them,  and  desired  this  affirm- 
ant to  tell  Captain  Coultas,  from  the 
said  Robert,  to  make  his  Peace  with 
Heaven,  for  that  he  (the  said  Coult- 
tas)  would  not  live  about  two  weeks 
longer.  This  affirmant  answered,  that 
he  was  very  sorry  to  hear  him,  the 
said  Fulton  talk  in  that  manner,  and 
as  he  understood  that  he,  the  said 
Fulton,  had  a  great  deal  of  influence 
with  those  people  who  intended  to 
come  down  on  the  above  purpose,  he, 
this  affirmant  requested  the  said 
Fulton  to  exert  himself  in  persuading 
them  to  desist  from  their  crime  or  de- 
sign. The  said  Fulton  then  said,  if 
Gabriel,  was  to  come  down  from 
Heaven  and  tell  us  or  them  (but 
which  of  the  words  this  affirmant  can 
not  be  sensible  of)  we  or  they  were 
wrong,  they  would  not  desist  for  it, 
for  that  they  were  of  the  same  spirit 
with  the  blood  ran,  blood-thirst  Pres- 
byterians, who  cut  off  King  Charles 
his  head.  This  affirmant  then  said  to 
the  said  Fulton,  'I  hear  you  are  going 
to  kill  the  Quakers.'  Fulton  answered, 
No,  God  forbid,  but  they  or  any  others 
who  should  oppose  them  they  would 
kill.'  That  he  (the  said  Fulton)  had 
heard  the  Indians  were  put  in  small 
numbers  into  different  families  in  the 
City  of  Philadelphia,  for  Protection, 
but  that  such  families  must  tell 
where  they  (the  Indians,  were,  and 
deliver     them     up,     or     their     Houses 


would  be  fired  over  their  heads.  The 
said  Fulton  further  informed  this  af- 
firmant, that  some  time  ago,  when  he 
heard  the  said  Indians  were  sent  out 
of  this  Province,  he,  the  said  Fulton 
|  sent  a  letter  to  a  number  of  people 
who  were  then  preparing  to  come 
down  and  cut  the  Indians  off,  to  ac- 
quaint them  of  it,  and  stop  them  from 
coming.  This  affirmant  further  saith, 
that  a  certain  William  Way  was  in 
Company  with  the  said  Fulton  during 
this  whole  conversation,  and  from 
what  little  he  said  that  he  seemed  to 
join  in  sentiment  with  the  said  Ful- 
ton and  among  other  things  asserted 
that  he  was  lately  in  a  store  in  that 
Neighbourhood  where  there  was  a 
magazine  of  three  barrels  of  Gun  Pow- 
der, and  One  Hundred  small  arms, 
ready  for  the  above  expedition,  and 
that  he  verily  believed  a  number  of 
men  would  come  down  to  Philadel- 
phia to  kill  the  Indians  and  further 
this  affirmant  saith  not. 

BENJAMIN   KENDALL. 
Taken  and  Affirmed  in  the  presence 
of     the     Governor     and     Council,     at 
Philadelphia,  January  28,  1764. 

Before  JOHN  PENN." 

1761 — The    Murderers  of    the    Cones- 

estjfoa  Indians  Put  Up  Flimsy 

Justification. 

In  Vol.  9  of  the  Col.  Rec,  142,  ap- 
pears what  is  meant  to  be  a  justifica- 
tion for  killing  of  the  Conestoga  In- 
dians. This  justification  is  in  the  na- 
ture of  a  petition  signed  by  many 
people  who  favored  the  killing  and  it 
was  laid  before  the  Assembly  on  the 
17th  of  February,  1764,  it  is  as  fol- 
lows* 

"The  Declaration  of  the  Injured 
Frontier  Inhabitants,  together  with 
a  brief  sketch  of  Grievances  the 
good  Inhabitants  of  the  Province 
Labour  under. 


OTHER   LANCASTER   COUNTY  INDIAN  TRIBES 


384 


Inasmuch  as  the  killing  of  those 
Indians  at  Conestogoe  Manor  and 
Lancaster  has  been,  and  may  be,  the 
subject  of  much  conversation,  and  by 
invidious  representations  of  it,  which 
some,  we  doubt  will  not,  will  indus- 
triously spread,  many  acquainted  with 
the  true  state  of  affairs  may  be  lead 
to  pass  a  severe  censure  on  the  Au- 
thors of  those  Facts,  and  any  others 
cf  the  like  Nature,  which  may  here- 
after happen,  they  we  are  persuaded 
they  would  if  matters  were  duly  un- 
derstood and  deliberated.  We  think 
it  therefore  proper  thus  openly  to 
declare  ourselves,  and  render  some 
brief  hints  of  the  reasons  of  our 
Conduct,  which  we  must,  and  frank- 
ly do,  confess,  nothing  but  necessity 
itself  could  induce  us  to,  or  justify  us 
in,  as  it  bears  the  appearance  of  fly- 
ing in  the  face  of  Authority,  and  is 
attended  with  much  labour,  fatigue 
and  expense. 

Ourselves,  then,  to  a  man,  we  pro- 
fess to  be  loyal  subjects  to  the  best 
of  Kings,  our  rightful  Sovereign 
George  the  third,  firmly  attached  to 
his  royal  person,  Interest  and  Gov- 
ernment, and  of  consequence  equally 
opposite  to  the  enemies  of  his  throne 
and  dignity,  whether  openly  avowed 
or  more  dangerously  concealed  under 
a  mask  or  falsely  pretended  Friend- 
ship, and  chearfully  willing  to  offer 
our  Substance  and  Lives  in  his  Cause. 

These  Indians,  known  to  be  firmly 
connected  in  Friendship  with  our 
openly  avowed  embittered  enemies, 
and  some  of  whom  have,  by  several 
oaths,  been  proved  to  be  murderers, 
and  who,  by  their  better  acquaintance 
with  the  situation  .and  state  of  our 
Frontiers,  were  mo.re  capable  of  do- 
ing us  mischief,  we  saw,  with  indig- 
nation caressed  and  cherished  as 
dearest  Friends;  but,  this,  alas;  is 
but  a  part,  a  small  part,  of  that  ex- 


cessive regard  manifested  to  Indians, 
beyond  his  Majesty's  loyal  subjects, 
whereof  we  complain,  and  which  to- 
gether with  various  other  Grievances, 
have  not  only  enflamed  with  resent- 
ment the  Breasts  of  a  number,  and 
urged  them  to  the  disagreeable  evi- 
dence of  it  they  have  been  con- 
strained to  give,  but  have  heavily  dis- 
pleased by  far  the  greatest  part  of  the 
good   Inhabitants  of  this  Province. 

Should  we  here  reflect  to  farmer 
Treaties,  the  exorbitant  presents  and 
great  Servility  therein  paid  to  the  In- 
dians, have  long  been  oppressive 
Grievances  we  have  groaned  under; 
and  when  at  the  last  Indian  treaty 
held  at  Lancaster,  not  only  was  the 
blood  of  our  many  murdered  Breth- 
ren tamely  covered,  but  our  poor  un- 
happy captivated  friends  abandoned 
to  slavery  among  the  Savages,  by 
concluding  a  Friendship  with  the  In- 
dians, and  allowing  them  a  plentious 
trade  of  all  kinds  of  Commodities, 
without  those  being  restored,  or  any 
properly  spirited  .requisition  made  of 
them;  how  general  dissatisfaction 
those  letters  made  and  the  Measures 
gave  the  Murmurs  of  all  good  people 
(loud  as  they  dare  to  utter  them)  to 
this  day  declare  and  had  here  infat- 
uated steps  of  conduct,  and  a  mani- 
fest partiality  in  favour  of  Indians, 
made  a  final  pause,  happy  had  it 
been;  We  perhaps  had  greived  in  si- 
lence for  our  abandoned,  enslaved 
Brethren  among  the  Heathen;  but 
matters  of  a  later  date  are  of  still 
more  flagrant  Reasons  of  Complaint. 
When  last  Summer  his  Majesty's 
forces,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Bouquet,  marched  through  this  prov- 
ince, and  demand  was  made  by  his 
Excellecy  General  Amherst,  of  Assis- 
tance to  escort  Provisions,  etc.,  to  re- 
lieve that  important  Post,  Fort  Pitt, 
yet  not  one  man     was     granted,     al- 


385 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


though  never  anything  appeared  more 
reasonable  or  necessary,  as  the  Inter- 
ests of  the  Province  lay  so  much  at 
stake  and  the  Standing  of  the  Frontier 
Settlements,  in  any  manner,  evident- 
ly depending  under  God,  on  the  al- 
most despaired  of  success  of  his  Ma- 
jesty's little  army,  whose  valor  the 
whole  Frontier  with  gratitude  ac- 
knowledge, and  as  the  happy  means 
of  having  saved  from  ruin  a  great 
part  of  the  Province;  but  when  a 
number  of  Indians  falsely  pretended 
Friends,  and  having  among  them 
some  proved  an  oath  to  have  been 
guilty  of  Murder  since  the  War  began, 
when  they  together  with  others, 
known  to  be  his  Majesty's  enemies, 
and  who  had  been  in  the  battle  against 
Col.  Bouquet  reduced  to  distress  by 
the  destruction  of  their  Corn  at  the 
Great  Island,  and  up  the  East  Branch 
of  Sasquehannah,  pretend  themselves 
Friends  and  desire  subsistance,  they 
are  openly  caressed,  and  the  Publick, 
that  could  not  be  indulged  the  liberty 
of  contributing  to  his  Majesty  s  assis- 
tance, obliged,  as  tributaries  to  Sav- 
ages to  support  these  Villains,  these 
enemies  to  our  Great  King  and  our 
Country,  nor  only  so  the  hands  that 
were  closely  shut,  nor  would  grant 
his  Majesty's  general  a  single  farth- 
ing against  a  Savage  Foe,  have  been 
liberally  opened,  and  the  piiblick 
money  basely  prosituted  to  hire,  at  an 
exhorbitant  rate,  a  mercernary  Guard 
to  protect  his  Majesty's  worst  of 
Enemies,  those  falsely  pretended  In- 
dian Friends,  while,  at  the  same  time, 
Hundreds  of  Poor  Distressed  Famil- 
ies of  his  Majesty's  subjects  obliged 
to  abandon  their  Possessions  and  fly 
for  their  lives  at  least,  are  left,  ex- 
cept a  small  relief  at  first,  in  the  most 
distressing  circumstances,  to  starve 
neglected,  save  what  the  friendly 
hand  of  private  Donations  has  contri- 


buted to  their  Support,  wherein  they 
who  are  most  profuse  towards  sav- 
ages, have  carefully  avoided  having 
any  part.  When  last  Summer  troops 
were  raised  for  the  defence  of  the 
Province  were  limited  to  certain 
Bounds,  nor  suffering  to  any  attempt 
of  annoying  our  Indians  in  their 
Habitations,  and  a  number  of  brave 
volunteers,  equipped  at  their  own  ex- 
pense in  September,  up  the  Sasque- 
hanna,  met  and  defeated  their  Enemy, 
with  the  loss  of  some  of  their  number 
and  having  others  dangerously 
wounded,  not  the  least  thanks  or  ac- 
knowledgment was  made  by  the  Leg- 
islature to  them  for  the  Confessed 
service  they  had  done;  nor  only  the 
least  Notice  or  Care  taken  of  their 
wounded;  Whereas,  when  a  Seneca, 
who,  by  the  Information  of  many,  as 
his  own  confessions,  had  been, 
j  through  the  last  War,  our  inveterate 
Enemy,  had  got  a  cut  in  his  Head, 
last  Summr  in  a  Quarrel  with  his 
Own  Cousin,  and  it  was  reported  in 
Philadelphia  that  his  wound  was  dan- 
gerous, a  Doctor  was  immedately  em- 
ployed and  sent  to  Fort  Augusta  to 
take  care  of  him  and  cure  him  if  pos- 
sible. To  these  may  be  added  that 
though  it  was  impossible  to  obtain 
through  the  Summer,  or  even  yet,  any 
premium  for  Indian  Scalps,  or  en- 
couragement to  excite  volunteers  to  go 
forth  against  them;  Yet,  when  a  few 
of  them  known  to  be  the  fast  friends 
of  our  enemies,  and  some  of  them 
murderers  themselves,  when  these 
have  been  struck  with  a  distressed, 
bereft,  injured  frontier,  a  liberal  re- 
ward is  offered  for  apprehending  the 
perpetrtators  of  that  horrible  crime 
of  killing  his  Majesty's  Cloaked  Ene- 
mies, and  their  conduct  painted  in  the 
most  atrocious  Colours,  while  the 
horrid  ravages,  cruel  murders,  and 
most   shocking   barbarities,   committed 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


386 


by  Indians  on  His  Majesty's  s-ubpects, 
ere  covered  over  and  excused  under 
the  charitable  term  of  this  being  their 
method  of  making  war.  But  to  re- 
count the  many  repeated  grievances 
whereof  we  might  justly  complain, 
and  instances  of  a  most  violent  at- 
tachment to  Indians  were  tedious  be- 
yond the  patience  of  the  Job,  to  en- 
dure more,  and  better  be  expected; nor 
need  we  be  surpried  at  Indians  inso- 
lnce  and  Villainy,  when  it  is  consid- 
ered, and  which  can  be  proved  from 
the  public  records  of  a  certain  county 
that  some  time  before  Conrad  Weiser 
died,  some  Indians  belonging  to  the 
Great  Island  or  Wighalousing,  assur- 
ed him  that  Israel  Pemberton  (an  in- 
dent leader  of  that  Faction,  which 
for  so  long  a  time  have  found 
means  to  enslave  the  province  to  In- 
dians), together  with  others  of  the 
Friends,  had  given  them  a  rod  to 
scourge  the  white  people  that  were 
settled  on  the  Purchased  lands,  for 
that  Onas  had  cheated  them  out  of  a 
great  deal  of  land,  or  had  not  given 
near  sufficient  price  for  what  he  had 
bought;  and  that  the  traders  ought 
also,  to  be  scourged,  for  that  they  de- 
frauded the  Indians,  by  selling  goods 
to  them  at  too  dear  a  rate;  and  that 
this  relation  is  a  matter  of  iact,  can 
easily  be  proved  in  the  County  of 
Berks.  Such  is  the  unhappy  situation, 
uder  the  Villainy,  Infatuation  and  In- 
fluence of  a  certain  Faction,  that  have 
got  the  Political  reigns  in  hand,  and 
tmely  tyrannize  over  the  other  good 
subjects  of  the  Province.  And  can  it 
be  thought  strange  that  a  scene  of 
such  treatment  as  this,  and  the  now 
adding,  in  this  critical  juncture,  to  all 
ou.r  former  distresses,  that  disagree- 
able burden  of  supporting  in  the  very 
heart  of  the  Province,  at  so  great  an 
expense,  between  one  and  two  hun- 
dred Indians  to  the  Great  disquietude 


of  the  Majority  of  the  Good  Inhabi- 
tants of  this  Province,  should  awaken 
the  resentment  of  the  People  grossly 
abused,  unrighteously  burdened  and 
made  dupes  and  Slaves  to  the  In- 
dians? And  must  not  all  well  dis- 
posed people  entertain  a  Charitable 
sentiment  of  those  who,  at  their  own 
Great  Expence  and  trouble  have  at- 
tempted or  shall  attempt,  rescuing  a 
laboring  land  from  a  weight  so  op- 
pressive, unreasonable  and  unjust?  It 
is  this  we  design,  it  is  this  we  are  re- 
solved to  prosecute,  though  it  is  with 
great  reluctance  we  are  obliged  to 
adopt  a  Measure  not  so  agreeable  as 
could  be  desired,  and  to  which  extent 
alone  compels. 

!  1764— Benjamin    Franklin's    View    of 


This  Killing  on  the  Conestoga. 

As  nearly  all  readers  of  History 
know  the  most  intelligence  and  the 
severest  denunciations  of  the  dastard- 
ly killing  of  these  Conestogas  ap- 
peared in  the  form  of  a  pamphlet  by 
Benjamin  Franklin.  It  may  be  found 
in  the  Historical  Society  at  Philadel- 
phia. A  great  many  other  pamphlets 
were  written  upon  the  subject  and 
numerous  articles  in  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Gazette  and  other  papers  of  the 
time.  It  caused  a  great  excitement 
throughout  all  Eastern  Pennsylvania. 

1764— The  Last  Two  Indians  in  Lan 
caster  County. 

In  the  New  Era  of  September  11, 
1907  among  the  proceedings  of  the 
Hershey  family  reunion  appears  the 
following   item: 

"In  a  lonely  spot  in  one  of  the 
back  pasture  fields  of  this  Homestead 
(The  Old  Hershey  Homestead)  the 
visitors  found  four  stone  markers  set 
securely  in  the  ground  within  whose 
enclosure  lie  the  remains  of  'Michael 
and  Mary',  the  last  two  Indians  of 
Lancaster    County.         These    Indians 


387 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


were  friendly  and  during  their  de- 
clining years  were  cared  for  by 
Christian  Hershey,  who  then  owned 
the  homestead.  The  following  docu- 
ment was  read  by  M.r.  Hershey  at  this 
spot,  after  prayer  over  the  remains  of 
these  last  Children  of  the  Forest,  by 
Rev.  Hershey. 
'Protection  for  Two  Friendly  Indians 

In  Lancaster  County,  Pennsylvania. 
By  Ho'ble  John  Penn,  Esq.,  &c, 
To  Whom  It  May  Concern: 

Greeting:  Whereas,  I  am  given  to 
understand  that  the  Bearers  Michael 
and  Mary  his  wife  are  friendly  In- 
dians who  formerly  resided  with 
other  Indians  in  the  Conestoga  Man- 
or, and  have  for  upwards  of  fifteen 
months  last  past  lived  with  Christian 
Hershey,  at  his  plantation  in  War- 
wick Township,  Lancaster  Co.,  Pa., 
during  which  time  they  have  con- 
stantly behaved  in  the  most  friendly 
and  peaceable  manner  to  all  his  Ma- 
jesty's subjects,  I  do  hereby  grant 
the  said  Michael  and  Mary  my  pro- 
tection and  do  enjoin  and  require  all 
officers,  civil  and  Military,  as  well  as 
all  other  persons  whatsoever  within 
this  Government  to  suffer  to  pass  and 
repass  on  their  lawful  business  with- 
out the  least  molestation  .or  interrup- 
tion, and  they  are  hereby  also  desir- 
ed to  treat  the  said  Indians  with  Civ- 
ility and  to  afford  them  all  necessary 
assistance. 

Given  under  my  Hand  and  Seal  at 
Arms  at  Philadelphia,  the  17th  Aug., 
1764.'  JOHN  PENN. 

'By   his  Honour's   Command 

JOHN   SHIPPEN,   Secretary. 

Thus  it  will  be  noticed  that  the 
Hershey  family  is  honored  with  de- 
ently  burying  the  last  Indians  of 
Lancaster  County,  and  suitably  mark- 
ing their  graves." 

1768 — A  Reference  to    the    Conestoga 

Killing. 

In  Vol.  9  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  409, 
the  Assembly   sent  a  message  to  the 


Governor,  referring  to  General  Gage's 
and  William  Johnson's  views  of  the 
killing,  and  recalled  to  the  mind  of 
the  Governor  the  fact  that  we  did  not 
pay  sufficient  attention  to  the  point 
hat  we  were  occupying  the  Indians' 
lands  without  their  consent.  And 
they  also  say  that  they  can  never  for- 
get the  horrid  murder  committed  in 
1763  on  the  remnant  of  the  Cones- 
toga  Indians  at  Lancaster. 

1770 — The  Murder  of    the    Conestoga 

Indians     Still     Lingers    in    the 

Minds  of  the  People. 

In  Vol.  9  of  the  Col.  Rec,  p.  683, 
under  the  date  of  1770,  there  is  a 
deposition  by  John  Philip  DeHoos  of 
the  Tonnship  of  Lebanon  in  Lancas- 
ter County,  in  which  he  says  that  it 
is  understood  that  200  Pounds  were 
still  offered  as  a  premium  for  the 
persons  who  were  concerned  in  mur- 
dering the  Indians  in  the  Lancaster 
jail. 

1775 — Descendants     of     the     Cayngas 

Claim  the  Old  Indian  Town  in 

Manor   Township. 

In  Mombert's  History  of  Lancaster 
County  at  p.  280  we  find  the  follow- 
ing: 

"At  a  Council  held  at  Philadelphia, 
on  Tuesday  16th  May,  1775. 

PRESENT; 
The  Honourable  John  Penn.  Esquire, 

Governor. 
James  Tilghman,  Andrew    Allen,    Es- 
quires. 

The  Governor  acquainted  the  Board 
that  eight  Cayuga  Indians  came  to 
Town  on  Saturday  last  from  Cones- 
togoe,  on  the  Cayuga  Branch  of  the 
Susquehanna,  on  some  Business  with 
this  Government,  and  that  he  now 
proposed  to  hear  what  they  had  to 
say.  Whereupon  the  Board  agreed 
that  they  should  be  immediately  sent 
for,  and  they  were  accordingly  intro- 
duced. 


OTHER  LANCASTER  COUNTY   INDIAN   TRIBES 


588 


The  Governor  then  acquainting 
them  that  he  was  ready  to  hear  them, 
addressing  himself  to  the  Governor, 
first  went  through  seme  short  usual 
ceremonies  of  clearing  the  Throat 
and  Heart,  and  opening  the  Ears,  etc., 
and  then  producing  a  belt  of  wam- 
pum, spoke  as  follows,  viz:  That 
three  of  their  Company,  who  were 
present  as  the  nearest  surviving  re- 
lations of  the  old  Seneca  Sohaes,  who 
lived  for  many  years  with  his  family 
and  connections  on  a  tract  of  land 
within  the  Manor  of  Conestogo,  in 
Lacaster  County;  that  the  old  man 
with  his  family  and  relations  were 
several  years  ago  murdered  there  by 
some  wicked  men  belonging  to  this 
Government;  and  that  the  said  Tract 
of  Land  containing  about  500  acres, 
now  became  the  property  of  a«s  three 
relations  now  present,  one  of  whom 
is  Sohaes'  Brother;  that  they  had 
come  down  at  this  time  to  see  their 
Brother  Onos,  and  make  sale  of  the 
said  land  to  him;  that  the  land  is 
very  rich  and  worth  a  great  deal  of 
money,  but  as  their  brother  Onas 
was  himself  well  acquainted  with  its 
value,  they  desired  he  would  purchase 
it  from  them  at  such  a  price  as  he 
thought  reasonable,  and  they  would 
be  entirely  satisfied.  He  then  deliv- 
ered the  belt  of  Wampum  to  the  Gov- 
ernor, and  told  him  that  he  had  fin- 
ished what  he  had  to  say. 

The  Governor  thereupon  acquainted 
the  Indians  that  he  and  his  Council 
would  take  their  speech  into  consid- 
eration, and  give  them  an  answer  on 
Thursday  morning. 

At  a  Council  held  at  Philadelphia, 
on  Thursday,  18th  May,  1775. 

PRESENT: 

The  Honourable  John  Penn,  Es- 
quire, Governor. 

William  Logan,  Andrew  Allen,  Benja- 
min Chew,  Edward  Shippen,  Junr., 
Esquires. 


The  eight  Cayuga  Indians  being 
sent  for,  attended  at  a  Board  in  or- 
der to  receive  the  Governor's  answer 
to  their  Speech  on  Tuesday  last, 
which  the  Governor  in  part  delivered 
to  them;  but  as  it  appeared  to  the 
Board  that  the  Indians  did  not  clear- 
ly and  fully  comprehend  his  meaning, 
the  person  who  undertook  to  inter- 
pret to  them  not  being  sufficiently 
acquainted  with  their  Language,  and 
the  Indians  expressing  great  dissat- 
isfaction on  being  informed  that  this 
land  had  already  been  purchased  and 
paid  for,  it  was  agreed  that  Isaac 
Still,  a  Delaware  Indian  Interpreter, 
should  be  immediately  sent  for,  to 
interpret  the  Governor's  answer  to 
the  Indians  in  Council,  on  Saturday 
morning  next. 

At  a  Council  held  at  Philadelphia, 
on  Saturday  20th  May,  1775. 

PRESENT: 

William  Logan,  Andrew  Allen,  James 

Tilghman,   Edward    Shippen,    Junr., 

Esquires. 

The  eight  Cayuga  Indians,  by  de- 
sire of  the  Governor,  again  attended 
the  Board,  with  the  Indian  Interpre- 
ter Isaac  Still,  and  having  taken  their 
seats,  the  Speaker  repeated  over  the 
speech  he  had  delivered  to  the  Gov- 
ernor on  Tuesday  last,  which  was 
the  same  in  substance  as  entered  on 
the  minutes  of  that  day  and  the  Gov- 
ernor .returned  them  his  answer, 
which  was  fully  explained  by  them 
by  Isaac  Still,  and  is  as  follows,  viz: 

BRETHREN:  The  tract  of  land  you 
mention,  consisting  of  500  acres,  part 
of  the  Conestoga  Manor,  wnere  old 
Sohes  dwelt,  was  included  in  a  pur- 
chase long  since  made  from  the  In- 
dians, notwithstanding  which,  I  agree 
that  Sohaes  and  his  Family  had  the 
Proprietaries'  permission  to  live 
thereon  as  long  as  they  chose  to  re- 
main in  the  inhabitant  part  of  the 
country.     Some  time  after   the   death 


389 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNOCKS  AND 


of  Sohaes,  and  all  his  Family  that  re- 
sided there  in  the  year  1768,  there 
was  a  Treaty  held  at  Fort  Stanwix, 
to  which  I  was  invited  by  Sir  Wil- 
liam Johnson,,  in  order  to  treat  with 
the  Indians,  concerning  the  purchase 
of  a  large  tract  of  land,  part  of  which 
lay  in  the  King's  Governments  and 
part  in  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania; 
at  this  treaty  the  last  great  Indians 
purchase  was  made,  for  which  I  then 
paid  the  Indians  ten  Thousand  Dol- 
lars. But  before  the  treaty  was  fin- 
ished, Sir  William  Johnson  informed 
me  that  the  Indians  expected  to  be 
paid  for  the  500  acres  of  land,  part  of 
the  Conestogo  Manor,  where  Sohaes 
dwelt;  I  accordingly  agreed  to  pay 
them  for  it.  The  price  agreed  on  was 
two  hundred  Pounds,  York  money,  or 
$500,  the  value  of  which  was  then 
delivered  in  goods  to  Togaiato,  the 
Cayuga  Chief,  to  be  distributed  as  he 
thought  proper,  and  the  deed  I  now 
show  you,  for  the  land  of  the  Indians 
I  bought  of  the  Indians  at  that  treaty, 
signed  by  he  Chiefs  of  the  Six  Na- 
tions, expressly  includes  ths  500  acres 
of  land. 

Having  therefore,  already  purchas- 
ed the  land  twice,  it  can  not  reason- 
ably be  expected  that  I  should  pay  it 
again.  However,  as  you  have  come 
from  a  great  distance,  under  the  ex- 
pectation of  selling  this  land,  and 
perhaps  did  not  receive  as  great  a 
proportion  of  the  goods  I  delivered  at 
Fort  Stanwix,  as  should  have  been 
paid  to  the  relations  of  Sohaes,  and 
to  show  you  the  desire  I  have  to  pre- 
serve peace  and  friendship  with  the 
Indians,  and  that  when  they  pay  me 
a  visit  they  should  not  go  away  dis- 
satisfied; I  am  willing  to  make  you  a 
present,  which  I  hope  you  will  think 
a  generous  one;  I,  therefore,  desire 
you  will  except  of  these  $300. 

The  Indians,  accordingly  very  glad- 
ly  accepted  the   $300,    and    signed    a 


receipt  for  the  same  on  the  back  of 
the  deed  executed  at  Fort  Stanwix, 
expressing  it  to  be  in  full  satisfac- 
tion of  all  claims  of  Sohaes'  Family 
to  the  said  500  acres  of  land." 

From  this  we  see  that  the  Indians 
were  very  willing  to  give  up  anything 
they  might  lay  hold  to  about  the  Con- 
estoga  creek. 

Indian   Children's   Sport  with  the 
German  Children. 

The  subject  of  this  item  is  put  at 
the  end  of  these  annals  because  it  is 
not  practical  to  affix  to  it  any  date 
but  inasmuch  as  it  has  to  do  with 
the  children  ancients,  I  have  put  it 
at  the  close.     It  is  as  follows: 

In  Vol.  7  of  Hazard's  Register,  p. 
163  it  is  found  the  following  relative 
to  the  above.  It  is  a  narrative  of  an 
old  time  Mennonite  or  Amishman 
concerning  the  early  doings  about 
Conestoga. 

"An  aged  member  of  the  Amish  or 
Ommish  faith  relates,  that  lie  often 
heard  his  grandfather  say,  that  his 
family  was  one  of  the  first  of  the 
Europeans  who  settled  west  of  the 
Conestoga.  That  the  Indians  lived 
near  them;  and  that  the  German  and 
Indian  children  would  frequetly  play 
together  in  the  neighborhmg  wig- 
wam. Sometimes  you  would  see  them 
engaged  in  contests  of  foot  race;  in 
which  the  Indian  lads  would  excel  al- 
though the  German  boys  would  dis- 
card their  clothes  to  put  them  on  an 
equality  with  the  naked  savages. 
Sometimes  with  the  bow  and  arrow, 
but  here  the  little  Indians  would  all 
show  their  superiority  in  skill,  and 
accuracy  of  aim.  In  wrestling,  and 
most  of  their  exercises,  the  Indian 
boys  excelled;  but  in  the  mechanical 
arts  the  little  emigrants  had  the  ad- 
vantage. I  have  often  seen  the  Chiefs 
reclining  on  the  ground,  leaning  on 
the    arm,    looking   at     the     diversions 


OTHER   LANCASTER  COUNTY  INDIAN   TRIBES 


390 


and  amusements  of  the  children;  and 
when  the  little  Indian  would  excel 
they  would  laugh  very  heartily. 

It  would  not  infrequently  happen, 
that  the  little  German  boys  would 
show  some  degree  of  anger,  when 
they  were  unsuccessful,  by  giving  a 
blow,  or  taking  up  a  stone  and  un- 
ceremoniously hurl  it  at  the  head  of 
a  competitor,  which  the  little  Indians 
would  receive  with  the  utmost  com- 
placency. I  was  one  day  amused  by 
seeing  a  struggle  between  an  Indian 
and  a  German;  the  former  was 
younger  but  more  active  than  the  lat- 
ter, and  the  little  son  of  the  forest 
was  evidently  playing  with  the 
strength  of  his  adversary;  the  Ger- 
man became  heated,  and  exerting 
all  his  strength  endeavored  to  throw 
his  companion  on  the  ground;  but 
the  wily  Indian  gave  a  sudden  trip, 
which  caused  the  German  to  fall  be- 
neath; who,  rising  angrily,  seized  a 
stone  and  levelled  his  opponent  to  the 
earth.  The  chiefs  who  were  near 
laughed  very  heartily,  but  the  little 
white  faces  did  not  wait  to  see  the 
result  but  ran  hastily  homewards, 
dreading  a  severe  castigation.  In  all 
and  every  transaction  we  had  with 
the  Indians,  we  found  them  mild  and 
peaceable;  and,  as  just  related,  not 
disposed  to  revenge,  when  the  act 
appeared  to  be  a  momentary  burst  of 
passion:  I  have  often  seen  the  little 
Breneman's,  children  of  a  Mennonite 
emigrant,  playing  in  the  most  sport- 
ive and  innocent  manner  with  the  lit- 
tle red  faces,  and  I  ever  know  or 
heard  of  one  little  white  face  receiv- 
ing an  injury  from  their  red  breth- 
ren; that  is,  no  intentional  injury. 

I  remember  the  hickory  tree  which 
once  stood  in  the  centre  of  Lancas- 
ter. It  was  customary  for  the  In- 
dians, when  about  to  form  a  treaty, 
to  select  a  tree  which  had  an  appear- 


ance of  vigor,  health  and  strength, 
and,  I  may  add,  beauty;  then  sur- 
rounding it,  they  would  say,  'by  this 
chain  thus  linked  together,  may  it  re- 
main unbroken  as  this  tree  has  sur- 
vived the  storm'.  Again,  'if  any  of 
us  shall  violate  this  pledge,  may  the 
lightning  shiver  such  to  pieces  as  a 
lofty  pine  in  a  thunder  storm.' 

It  was  not  until  the  introduction  of 
spirituous  liquor,  that  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  Indians  proved  dangerous 
to  the  whites,  but  not  to  us,  for  we 
gave  them  no  liquor,  and  neither  did 
we  trade  with  them,  for  our  religion 
forbade  it. 

It  may  be  not  unnecessary  to  add, 
that  the  Indians  had  the  most  im- 
plicit confidence  in  William  Penn; 
whom  they  were  always  inclined  to 
respect  as  a  superior  being;  and  the 
great  confidence  was  frequently  .re- 
ferred to  by  them,  in  their  several 
talks  at  Lancaster  and  at  Conestoga." 

"The  Brennemans'  settled  west  of 
Conestoga  in  the  year  1719." 

We  have  now  traced  the  history  of 
the  Indians  that  inhabited  the  sec- 
tion of  the  Country,  which  afterwards 
became  Lancaster  County,  from  the 
earliest  date  upon  which  any  authen- 
tic information  could  be  found  down 
to  the  date  of  the  disappearance  of 
the  last  of  them.  These  annals 
therefore  extend  over  a  period  of  two 
centuries  and  a  half.  The  Indians 
who  inhabited  this  neighborhood 
were  at  one  time  the  mightiest  tribe 
in  the  Central  Atlantic  States.  They 
frightened  all  the  Virginia  and  Mary- 
land Indians  into  subjection,  includ- 
ing Powhatan's  mighty  tribe.  They 
i  conquered  all  the  tribes  around  them 
North  and  South  and  during  the  per- 
iod from  1600  to  1660  were  in  the 
height  of  their  glory  and  power. 
They  were  during  that  period  known 
as  the  "Giant  Susquehannocks."  They 
met    their    first    conqueror    after    the 


391 


ANNALS  OF  THE  SUS  QUEHANNOCKS  AND 


Five  Nations  of  New  York  began  a 
confederacy,  and  the  mastery  of  the 
Five  Nations,  even  in  their  confeder- 
ated strength  and  only  determined 
after  a  20  years'  war  beginning  in 
1655  and  ending  in  1675.  From  that 
date  the  Snsquehannock  Tribe  was 
divided,  and  one  branch  after  march- 
ing through  Maryland  and  Virginia 
and  inciting  the  Bacon  Rebellion, 
came  back  to  their  old  location  on 
the  Susquehanna.  The  other  portion 
was  taken  by  the  Five  Nations  to  live 
with  them  in  New  York,  The  com- 
ing of  civilization  was  their  death 
knell.  Only  a  small  portion  of  them 
staid  in  what  is  now  Lancaster 
County  and  faded  away  before  the 
white  man.  The  Major  portion  of 
them  went  west  as  the  Frontier 
moved  Westward  and  met  their  Wat- 
erloo after  Braddock's  defeat  on  the 
extreme  branches  of  the  Susquehanna 
and  the  head  waters  of  the  Allegheny 
and  Ohio  Rivers. 


The  last  remnant  of  those  who  .re- 
mained here  were  cruelly  butchered 
as  we  have  just  shown  in  December, 
1763.  After  the  outrageous  slaughter 
their  bodies  were  tenderly  taken 
charge  of  and  buried  in  the  ceme- 
tery, in  the  rear  of  what  is  known 
as  Martin's  Hall  on  East  Chestnut 
understand  was 
Quaker  cemetery 
the  Pennsylvania 
through    Lancaster, 


Street,  which  I 
a  Mennonite  or 
or  both.  When 
railroad   wa"s   cut 


which  now  lies  in  a  deep  cut,  pass- 
ing back  of  the  cemetery,  the  bones 
of  these  poor  old  Indians  rolled  down 
the  slopes  of  the  cut  from  their 
graves  where  they  had  lain  or  repos- 
ed over  three-fourth  of  a  century. 
And  this  concludes  the  annals  of  the 
"Susquehannocks  and  Other  Indian 
Tribes  of  Lancaster  County." 

H.   FRANK  ESHLEMAN,  Esq., 
January  21,  1909 


392 


INDEX. 

A 

Argoll,    Samuel   on   the   Susquehannocks    14 

Andastes    or    Susquehannocks      14 

"Alaentsic"    Grandmother  of  the  World     19 

Analysis,    Evans'     25 

Alsop's   Account  of  the   Susquehannocks    62 

Attainder    of    Truman 92 

Andros,   Edmund,    Invites    the    Susquehannocks   Back    to   the    River...  100 

Andros    Stands    by    the    Susquehannocks    103 

Askin    Sells    Rum    to    the    Conestogas    154 

Airens,   Rev.,   Preaches   at   Conestoga    169 

Assembly    Wants    Larger    Presents    for    the    Conestogas    20T) 

Albany    Treaty     274 

Albany    and    the    Conestogas     280 

Assembly    on    the    Cartlidge    Murder    281 

Aston,    George,    Warns    the    Conestogas    290 

Albany    Treaty 315 

Apples    Grown    by    the    Indians    319 

Allegheny — Shawanese    at     321 

Armstrong,    John,   Killed    near    Lancaster    348 

B 

Big    Indian    Picture    Rock     5 

Barbarities    of    the    Susquehannocks      18 

Baptism    of    a    Susquehannock     21 

Brent,    Arrested    for    Abandoning    Expedition     29 

Beaver    Trade    of    the    Susquehannocks    45 

Burial   Customs   of  the   Susquehannocks    63 

Baell,    Ninian — Witness    Against    Truman    92 

Brant.   Captain,    Reports   the    Susquehannocks   and    Senecas    Invading..  115 

Beall,  Ninian,  To  Slaughter   the   Susquehannocks    119 

Beall,    Ninian,    Made    Ranger    122 

Beall,    Ninian's    Expedition    and    Slaughter    122 

Beall,    Ninian    Helps   the    Susquehannocks    to    Slaughter    Enemies 122 

Basallion,    Order    Against 142 

Beall    To   Keep   the    Susquehannocks   Out   of   Maryland 148 

Bizalion's    Trading    House      155 

Buck's   Statement   of   Penn's   Visit    160 

Bizalion   and   Letort   Held   in    Bonds    172 

Bizalion    Again    Suspected     173 

Bizalion   Takes   Up   Land   Above  Conestoga    193 

Bizalion    Acting    Suspiciously     201 

Butchery    in    the    South    239 

Bacon's    Rebellion — Susquehannocks    Caused    It    240 

Baltimore,    Lord    Interferes   With    the   Conestogas 276 

Blnnstcn.  Letter  to,  by  Gordon   297 

Blunston's   Letter   to   Logan    309 

Blunston    Fears    the    Loyalty    of    the    Five    Nations 309 

Bears    Caught    at   Conestoga    320 

Ball    at   Lancaster    in    1744    344 


393  INDEX 

Billy    Sock's    Treachery 370 

Breneman    Children    played    with    the    Indian    Children  389 

Burial    Place    of    Murdered    Conestogas    391 

C 

Cannibals,    First    Susquehannocks    Cannibals     4 

Chesapeake,   Delaware   Channel    Proposed   in   1613    15 

Claybourne    on    the    Susquehanna     15 

Claybourne's    Attack    16 

Claybourne    Arrested    for    Treason    1" 

Cornwaleys  Against   the    Susquehannocks    19 

Claybourne    Buys    Susquehanna     Valley    19 

Claybourne    Petitions   King   for   Trade    Rights    19 

Claybourne    Defends    Purchase    20 

Conestoga,   The   Limit  of   the   Swedes'    Purchase    21 

Conawago,   Limit   of  the   Swedes'   Purchase    21 

Claybourne's    Title    Set    Aside    21 

Claybourne's    Difficulties    23 

Claybourne    Produces    a    Witness    24 

Christian    Susquehannock    Speared    to    Death    27 

Cornwalyes,    Their    Power    Against    Susquehannocks    30 

Cruelty    of   the    Susquehannocks    36 

Cries  of   a  Dead  Chief 69 

Cayugas   Whipped    by    Susquehannock    Boys    70 

Cotton,   Anne's   Account  of   the   Fall    of   the    Susquehannocks 88 

Collyer   to   Protect  the    Susquehannocks    104 

Coursey,  Henry,  Ambassador  To  Make  Peace  With  the  Susquehannocks  107 

Conestogas    Agree   to    Watch    the    Shawanese    Ill 

Conestoga,    The    Beginning    Of    117 

Conestogas,    Origin    Of    117 

Conestogas    Meet    Penn     125 

Conestogas    Take    Meat    to    Penn    126 

Conestogas    Sell    to    Penn    127 

Canassatego   Refers   to   Penn's    First   Susquehanna    Purchase 129 

Conestoga,    Penn's    First   Visit    to    129 

Council   of   Pennsylvania    Protects   the    Susquehannocks 135 

Conestoga    Road    to    Philadelphia    136 

Conestoga — French   and    Senecas   Coming   to   Destroy    138 

Conestoga — First    French    Traders    Around     138 

Conestogas — First    French    Traders    Among    138 

Chartier,    Martin — First    Appearance    in    Conestoga    138 

Conestogas — Commissioner    Sent    Along     139 

Conestogas — French    Polluting    139 

Conestogas— Earliest    Trade    With    Philadelphia      139 

Campanius    on   the   Minquays    139 

Conestoga,    Early — Campanius    On    139 

Conestogas — French    Among         140 

Civility,    Captain     141 

Conestoga  Chiefs   Visit   Council     142 

Council    Visited    by    the    Conestogas    142 

Conestoga    Trade    Flourishing     143 

Conestogas   And   Others  Trade   With   Maryland    143 

Conestoga — Ganawese   Come    To    147 

Conestogas'    Great    Sale    to    Penn    151 

Conestogas    Abused    154 

Conestogas    Guarantee    The    Conduct    of    the    Ganawese 154 

Chalkley    Visits    Conestoga    155 

Conestoga — Great    Indian    Capital      1".". 


INDEX  394 

Conestoga    Great   Road    156 

Conestogas    Trade    With    Philadelphia     156 

Conestoga — Letort    Leaves    For    Canada    158 

Cassawetoway,    alias    Indian    Harry    158 

Chew,   Samuel,  On  Penn  At  Susquehanna    160 

Conestoga — Treaty    on    Parchment     160 

Conestoga — Great    Treaty    of    1701    162 

Chiefs,   Forty  Chiefs   at  the   Treaty    164 

Conestogas   Give    Penn    Good-bye    in    1701 165 

Conestogas   and    Indian    Rum    Trade    165 

Conestogas    Great    Friends    of    Pennsylvania    167 

Columbia,    Skeletons    At     167 

Chartier — Survey    on    Susquehanna    168 

Christians    at   Conestoga     168 

Conestoga,   Christians    At    168 

Conestoga,    Earliest    Settlers    At    169 

Conestoga — First   Preaching   to    the    Indians     169 

Conestoga,    Earliest    Settlers    At 169 

Conestoga — First    Preaching    to    the    Indians 169 

Conestogas'    War    Expedition    South     170 

Chesapeake,    Penn    Wants    Settlement    On 171 

Conestogas    Do    Not    Visit    Philadelphia    Now    171 

Chalkley— Another   Visit        . .  .• 172 

Conestogas — French    Weaning    From    the    English     172 

Conestogas,    Some    Leave    Home     173 

Conestoga    Depredations 175 

Conestogas    Suffering— The    Winter    of    1714    176 

Conestogas   Killed    by    Strange    Indians    176 

Chartier — Suspiciously    Intends    to    Leave    Conestoga    177 

Conestogas    Swear   Letort    into   Jail    177 

Conestogas    Fear    Maryland     178 

Conestoga,    Logan's    First    Treaty    179 

Conestogas,    Fraud    On    182 

Conestoga    Trip,    Logan    182 

Conestogas,   et.   al.   Go  to   Philadelphia    183 

Conestoga    Treaty — Logan's   Cost    of    184 

Conestoga    Treaty    by    Evans    184 

Chalkley — Another    Visit    to    Conestoga     183 

Conestoga — Palatines    Buy    Land     187 

Conestoga — Evans    Arrives    July    1,    1706    190 

Cartier,    Martin — Death    Of    193 

Conestogas    Complain — The    French    Building    Houses    194 

Conestoga — Missionaries    at,    in    1808 194 

Conestogas   Willing   to   Help   English    Go    Fight   the<     French 195 

Conestogas    Inquire    About   Further    Treaty    195 

Conestogas    Go    To    See    Governor    Gookin    197 

Conestogas   Compelled   to    Pay    The    Five   Nations   Tribute 198 

Conestoga,    Whites    Begin    Real    Settlement    ■  199 

Conestogas — First    True    Settlement    of    Whites    Among 199 

Conestoga    Queen    Goes    to    Philadelphia    200 

Conestogas — Larger    Presents    For     200 

Conestogas    Receive    Mysterious    Belt    200 

Conestoga — A   Reply    To   a    Sermon 204 

Conestogas    And    Hell     205 

Conestogas,    Their    God     206 

Conestoga — Great    Meeting    of    Chiefs    206 

Conoys     At    Philadelphia 206 

Conestoga — Expense    of    Treaty    At 207 

Conestoga — Gookin's    Treaty    of     1711    208 


395  INDEX 

Conestogas— A  Delegation   Goes   to   Philadelphia   207 

Conestoga,     Mennonites   Arrive    210 

Conestoga  Chiefs   Ordered   to  Come  to   Philadelphia 210 

Conestogas — Another   Body   Come   to   Council    211 

Conestogas — War   With    the     Tuscaroras    215 

Catawba   Boy   Captured   at   Pequea    . ... 215 

Chalkley    Preaches   to   the    Susquehanna   Indians 216 

Civility   of  Conestoga,   Message    to   Council    216 

Conestoga    Indians   Visit  Council    217 

Conestoga  Road,  Beginning  of,  in  Lancaster  County   218 

Conestoga    Treaty — Goods    Used    218 

Conestoga   Town    Moved    Twenty   Miles    219 

Conestogas   Explain   Removal   of  the   Town    221 

Conestogas    Treat   With    Virginia    223 

Cartlidge,   John   and   Disturbance   at  Conestoga    223 

Conestoga    Treaty,    Minutes    Lost    223 

Conestogas  In  Fear  Beg  a  Treaty    223 

Conestoga — Great    Treaty    At     224 

Catawba   Captive    Among    Shawanese    226 

Conestogas  Complained  Against  by  Virginia    228 

Conestogas,   Their   Town    Fenced    In 228 

Cartiledge   Made   Protector   of   the   Conestogas    228 

Conestoga    Treaty,    Minutes    Of    228 

Conestoga    Indian    Town     229 

Conestoga — Land    Survey     At    229 

Conestoga  Manor — Town    Laid  Out    229 

Conestogas   March   to   Philadelphia    in    1718 230 

Conestoga   Treaty — The    Presents    233 

Conestoga    Treaty — An    Indian    Signer 234 

Conestoga    Road — Additional    Proceedings    234 

Conestogas    Jealous   of   Palatines    (Mennonites)     235 

Conestoga   Treaty   by   Colonel    French 235 

Cartiledge,    John — Account    of    costs    23S 

Conestogas   Accused   of   Southern   Outrages    239 

Conestogas    Complain   of    Southern    Attack    240 

Conestoga,  Many   of  the  Five  Nations  Living  at 240 

Conestoga — Treaty    By    Logan    in    1720 241 

Civility   at  the   French   Treaty    246 

Conestogas  Compelled  by   the  Five -Nations   to   Fight   in   the   South....    248 

Conestogas    Fear    the    Five    Nations   Will    Exterminate    Them 248 

Cost  of   the    Second   Conestoga   Treaty    250 

Conestogas   Go   to   the   Wabash    To   Fish 251 

Conestogas'   Message  of   Peace  to  the   South 251 

Conestoga    Treaty — Five    Nations    Come    To 251 

Conestoga— The     Great    Treaty    of    1721 252 

Conestoga    Treaty    of    1721 — Bradford's    Pamphlet    Of 252 

Conestoga    Treaty    of    1721— Irish    Reprint 252 

Conestoga,  Description  of,  in  1721 253 

Conestoga — Kindness    of    the    Mennonites 253 

Conestoga — Great  Treaty  of  1721  Continued   by   Logan 261 

Conestoga    King     Killed    264 

Civility — A   Descendant   of   the   Ancient    Susquehannocks 264 

Cocalico — Nantikokes    Move    to    265 

Cartlidge   Kills   A  Conestoga   Indian    265 

Conestoga — Killed    by    Cartlidge    265 

Conestoga    Murder — Action    On 265 

Cartlidge    Murder,    Action    On    265 

Cartlidge,    Edward — Indian    Murder    265 

Conestoga,  Council   at,  in   1722 .  .' 266 


INDEX  396 

Civility    and    the    Conestoga    Murder. , 272 

Conestoga   Murder,   Action    of   the    Government 272 

Cartlidge    in    Jail     272 

Cartlidge,    Mrs.— Indians,    Comfort    273 

Conestoga    Murder — Five    Nations'   Attitude    273 

Conestoga   Murder,   Local    Indians   Much   Excited 273 

Conestoga,   Land   Claimed   at,   By   the  Cayugas     377 

Cayugas  Claim   Land  at  Conestoga 277 

Conestoga   Indian   Town,   Location    277 

Conestogas,    Delegation   of,    at    Philadelphia     277 

Cartlidge,    Indians   Want   Him    Pardoned    278 

Conestoga — Five   Nations   surrender   all    Claim   to   the    Penns 278 

Conestoga    Treaty    With   Virginia    278 

Conestogas,   et.    al. — Message    Sent   to 279 

Conestogas   Answer   the   Message 279 

Cartlidge    Murder — The    Assembly    On     281 

Conoys    Go    To    Pay    Tribute .' .281 

Conestoga — Warrant   Made   Out   by    Keith    At 281 

Conestogas   Have   a   Copy   of   the   Treaty   of    1682 281 

Conestogas    Remember    Penn    282 

Conestoga — The   Indian   Murder  Disci  ssed    285 

Conestoga  Chiefs   at   Philadelphia  in   1727 288 

Conestogas    Threatened    by    the    Five    Nations 290 

Conestogas— Treaty    to    be    Held    With 292 

Conestogas — No    Treaty    for    Six    Years    292 

Conestogas    Complain    Against    the    English 293 

Civility's    Letter    to    Council    294 

Conestoga — Captain's    Letter    to    Council    294 

Conestogas   Killed  by   Shawanese    294 

Conestogas   Want  to   Fight  the   Shawanese    295 

Civility— Gordon   Sends   Word    To    297 

Civility's   Message   to   Governor    299 

Civility's   Second   Message   to   the   Governor 300 

Civility— Death   of   His   Child    300 

Cartlidge,    Edward — Letter   About    Shawanese    301 

Conestoga    Treaty,    The    Great    of    1728 301 

Conestogas    Hunting ; 302 

Conestoga    Indian    Murder — Word    to    General    Gage 381 

Conestoga   Murderers — Reward   Offered   For    381 

Conestoga    Indian   Murder — Letter   to   William    Johnson 381 

Conestoga    Indian    Murder — Word   to   New    York 382 

Conestoga    Indian    Murder — New    York    Enraged    :  .  .   382 

Conestoga    Indian    Murder — Five    Nations    Enraged    382 

Conestoga    Indian    Murder — Benjamin    Kendal's    Report 382 

Conestoga    Indian    Murder — Robert   Fulton    Sr.'s    Position 382 

Conestoga    Indian    Murder — Justification     383 

Conestoga    Indian    Murder — Franklin's    View    386 

Conestoga    Indian    Murder — Echo    of,   in    1768    387 

Conestoga    Indian   Murder — Memory   cf,   in    1770    387 

Conestoga    Indiantown — Indian    Descendants    Claim     387 

Conestoga    Indian    Bones — Pennsylvania    Railroad    Cut 391 

Conestogas    Told    to    Prepare   For    a    Treaty 302 

Conestoga    Treaty    of    1728 — Presents   For    302 

Conestoga    Treaty — Gordon    Attends     302 

Coenstoga    Treaty — The    Stipulations     303 

Conestoga   Treaty — Gordon's   Reception    on    Return 307 

Conestoga    Treatv — Kindness    of   the    Inhabitants    307 

Conestoga    Treaty — Large   Company    on    Horseback 307 

Conestoga — Disturbed   Condition    308 


397  INDEX 

Conestoga   Chiefs    at    Philadelphia 309 

Conestoga — Five    Nation    Chiefs   At    309 

Conestoga   Indians  At   Philadelphia    * 310 

Conestoga    Treaty — Tawenna's    Speech    311 

Conestoga    Treaty — Civility's    Speech     312 

Civility's    Speech    at    the    Conestoga    Treaty 312 

Conestoga    Treaty — Gordon's    Speech    312 

Conestoga  Treaty,  Ganawese,  Delawares  and  Others  Present 313 

Cow   Killed  By  the   Indians,   Paid   For 313 

Conestogas    Killed   by   the    Southern    Indians 314 

Civility — Letter  on  the   Slaughter   of   the   Conestogas 314 

Conestoga — Germans  Disturb  the   Indians    318 

Court  House,   Partly  Frame 319 

Conoys   Have   Captured   a    Mulatto 319 

Cartlidge's    Indian    Treaty 319 

Cartlidge  Treats  at  Conestoga    319 

Cartlidge's    Testimony 320 

Conestogas   Wrongly   Accused     322 

Complaints   of  the   Ganawese    323 

Conestoga — The   Governor's   Secretary   Visits    324 

Charles,   Robert  Visits  Conestoga    324 

Conestogas   Receive   Much    Rum     324 

Chartier,    Peter    Brings    Rum    to    Conestoga 324 

Civility   Sent  for   by  the   Government 324 

Conestoga  Indians  Complain   against  the   Traders 325 

Conestogas   Show  Penn's  Treaty    326 

Conestoga— Treaty   of   1735    326 

Conestoga — Indian    Depredations    At    331 

Conestoga — News    of    Murder    334 

Conestoga — Shawanese    Chiefs    at    325 

Conestoga — Another    Treaty   At    i 335 

Conestogas  at  the  Five  Nation  Treaty ' 337 

Conestogas — Names  of  at  Treaty    338 

Conoys   Claim   Land    347 

Conestogas    at    the    Lancaster    Treaty    of    1744 347 

Chartier,    Peter   Joins    the   French    348 

Council   Fire  at  Lancaster    350 

Conoys   of  Ohio  Claim   Conoytown 351 

Conestogas — Conference    With    in    1750 353 

Conestogas — Shickalamy's    Sister    With     363 

Conestoga — Friendly    Indians    Invited    to    364 

Conestogas  Very   Poor     365 

Croghan's   Conference    At    Harris's    Ferry 368 

Conestoga    at    Croghan's 368 

Conestogas  Must  Have  Clothing    368 

Conestogas  Threaten   to   Leave   Lancaster  County 369 

Conestogas — Satisfaction   to   be   Made   to 370 

Conestoga — Another  Council    Held   in    1758 372 

Conestogas — Conference    at    Lancaster    in    1760 373 

Conoys   at   Chenango    374 

Conestogas   Murdered    375 

Conestogas — Addresses    from    374 

Conestoga   Indian  Murder — Penn's   Message    376 

Conestoga  Indian  Murder — Further  Steps  by   Penn 376 

Conestoga   Murder — Governor's    Message    377 

Conestoga    Indian   Murder — Penn's -Proclamation    377 

Conestoga    Murder — Lancaster    Jail    378 

Conestoga   Indian   Murder — Lists   of  Goods 379 

Conestoga    Indian    Murder — Sheriff's    Message    380 


INDEX  398 

Conestogas — Names   of  Those   Murdered 380 


Dress  of  the   Susquehannocks    8 

Dutchmen    About   Chesapeake    10 

Delawares    Made    Women    15 

Dutch   Give  the   Susquehannocks   Firearms    16 

DeVries  Meets  the   Susquehannocks 18 

Dress    of   the    Susquehannocks     33 

Devils  of  the  Susquehannocks 43 

Dungan's  Opinion  of  the  Five  Nations 110 

Dungan's    View   of   the    Defeat   of   the    Susquehannocks 110 

Dungan    Buys   the    Susquehanna    River 128 

Dungan   and   Penn   Disagree   about  the    Susquehanna 128 

Dungan   Criticizes   Penn    133 

Dungan    Proposes   a    Fort   on    The   Susquehanna 133 

Dungan    Wants    Susquehanna    Indian    Trade    133 

Delawares   of   the    Susquehanna   Visit   Philadelphia 142 

Dungan   Leases    Susquehanna   to   Penn 144 

Dungan   Sells   Susquehanna   to   Penn 145 

Deed — Copy   of   Dungan's    Deed    to    Penn 145 

Deed   to    Penn   for    Susquehanna    151 

Deed   for    Susquehanna    Recorded   at    Philadelphia 152 

Delawares   Still   on   the   Schuylkill 156 

Deed   for   Conestoga    164 

Debauchment  of  Conestoga  Squaws  by   Governir  Evans 185 

Dream  of  the  Conestoga   Queen 186 

Denkanoagah   or  Washington   Borough    187 

Delawares  Move  to   Susquehanna    198 

Delawares  Show  a  Strange  Belt 211 

Delawares  Now  Live  at  Conestoga   224 

Delawares  Turning  Against  the  English    292 

Delawares,  A  Council  Held  With    292 

Delawares  Claim  Their   Lands   Are  Taken 292 

Delawares — Their    Claim    Refuted    293 

Death    of   An    Indian    Investigated    319 

Delawares    Move    West    332 

Deer's    Hair — Shawanese   Custom    of    337 

Delawares   Threatened   by   the   Five   Nations    338 

Dance    at    Lancaster     344 

Delawares   in  Treaty  at  Philadelphia    348 

Delawares    Kill    Armstrong    348 

Deed — Indian    Dated    1753     354 

Dungan — The   Old   Purchase   Re-called 355 

Dungan    Purchase   paid   for   Again    355 

Dungan    Purchase   Again    Referred   to 356 

Delawares    Desert   the   English    358 

Delawares   Scorn    the   English    363 

Delaware  Chiefs  at  Lancaster   in   1762 374 


Earliest    Appearance    of    Pennsylvania    Indians    3 

Eitienne    Brule   On    Susquehanna    In    1615 15 

Evelyn,    Robert — A  Witness  For  Claybourne    24 

Expedition    Against    the    Susquehannocks    28 

Expedition    Abandoned    28 

Evelyn's  View  of  the   Susquehannocks 32 


399  INDEX 

Evans,  Lewis,  On  the  Defeat  of  the  Susquehannocks «  111 

Empson,  Cornelius — The  German   Tract    172 

Evans,   Governor — Treaty   at  Conestoga    184 

Evans'   Treaty   Scandal    185 

Evans'   Second   Treaty  At  Conestoga 187 

Evans'  Second  Treaty,  Cause  for    193 

English  Settlements  Not  To  Encroach  On  Indians  At  Conestoga 285 

English,   The   Delawares   Becoming   Their   Enemies 292 

English   Hated   by  the   Delawares    363 

Easton,  Great  Treaty  At   368 

F 

Fire  Arms  Given  the   Susquehannocks  by   the   Dutch 16 

Fleete — His   Commission    Against   the    Susquehannocks 31 

Fort   Built   in   1646    36 

Fur   Trade  Destroyed   by  the   Susquehannock   War 50 

Five  Nations  Appear   Against  the   Susquehannocks 60 

France — King   Sees    A    Susquehannock      62 

Five  Nations  Determine  to  Exterminate  the   Susquehannocks 73 

Five   Nations   Very   Haughty   Since   Defeating   the   Susquehannocks....  74 

Five   Nations — Maryland   Makes    Peace    With 76 

Fall    of   the    Susquehannocks — The    Attack    79 

Fall    of    the    Susquehannocks — The    New    Fort 81 

Fall   of   the   Susquehannocks — The   March 84 

Fall    of    the    Susquehannocks — The    Siege 86 

Fall   of  the    Susquehannocks — Evacuation    88 

Fall    of   the    Susquehannocks — The   Retreat 88 

Fall  of  the  Susquehannocks — Anne  Cotton's  Account 88 

Fall   of  the   Susquehannocks — Slaughter  in   Virginia 89 

Fall    of   the   Susquehannocks — Extinction   As   A   Tribe 89 

Fall    of    the    Susquehannocks — Attainder    of    Truman 90 

False  Reports  Against  the  Susquehannocks    .  . 103 

Five  Nations  Break  Their  Peace  With  Maryland 110 

Five   Nations    Determine    To   Exterminate   the    Susquehannocks 110 

Five   Nations   The   Most   Warlike    Indians   in  America 11 

Fort — A   New    Susquehanna    Fort   Applied    For 120 

Five  Nations   Oppress   Their   Susquehannock   Slaves 120 

Five   Nations    Sell    to    Dungan    129 

Fretwell,   Ralph   At   Susquehanna    130 

Five   Nations    Oppose    Penn's    Settlement    of    Susquehanna 134 

Fretwell's   Visit   to   the    Susquehanna    River 136 

Fort   Demolished:    Limit  of  the  Walking   Purchase 137 

French   About  to  Fall   on  Conestoga    138 

French  and   Senecas  Conspire   Against  the  Conestogas 138 

French    Traders    First    Among    the    Conestogas 138 

French   Suspected  Among  the  Conestogas    139 

Five  Nations  Join  the  French    143 

French    Protestants    on    Schuylkill    143 

Fortv    Susquehannocks    Left    146 

Frisby,   James   Sent  to  the   Susquehannocks 148 

French  Living  Back  of    Conestoga 154 

Fort,  Old  Susquehannock  Four  Miles  North  of  the  Mouth  of  the 

Conestoga 156 

French  Creek  and  Penn's  Visit   161 

French    Weaning    Conestogas    From    the   English    172 

Five  Nations   Intend  to  Carry  Off  the   Shawanese 174 

Five  Nation  Chiefs  Make  Treaty   at   Philadelphia 17.". 

French    Trader    About    to    Leave    Suspiciously 177 


INDEX  400 

Fort  Susquehanna — Location   At  This   Time 182 

Fraud    On    The    Conestogas    182 

French    Colonel — Messenger    to   Conestoga    202 

French   Colonel — Expense    of   Conestoga   Treaty 210 

Five   Nations — Five   Hundred   at   Susquehanna     228 

Five   Hundred   Iroquois  At  Susquehanna    228 

French,  Colonel — Treaty  With  the  Conestogas  in   1719 235 

Five   Nations — Many   of   Them    at   Conestoga 240 

French,  Colonel,  Lately  at  Conestoga    241 

Five  Nations  Frighten  and  Ridicule  the  Conestogas 248 

Five  Nations  Compel  The  Conestogas  To  Fight  Southern   Friendly 

Indians 248 

Fishing — Conestogas  Go  To  Wabash    251 

Five  Nations'   Presents  At  the  Conestoga  Treaty 251 

Five  Nations  and  the  Conestoga  Murder 271 

French  and  Logan  Probe  the  Conestoga  Murder 271 

Five  Nation  Provisions  at  Conestoga   277 

Famine  Among  the   Shawanese    281 

Five  Nation  Claims   at  Conestoga 288 

Five   Nations   Threaten   Conestoga    290 

Five  Nations  Ordered  Delawares  To  Fight  the  £]nglish 292 

French   Rumored   Seduction   of  the   Five   Nations 302 

Five  Nations'   Rumored   Love   for   the   French 302 

Five  Nation  Chiefs  Come  to  Philadelphia  About  Conestoga 309 

Five    Nations — The    Whole    Tribe   Coming    309 

Funeral    of   a   Shawanese    324 

Five   Nations'   Victory   over   the    Susquehannocks   Re-called 328 

Five   Nations — Another   Treaty   With    337 

Five    Nations    Threaten    the    Delawares    338 

Five  Nations — The   Shawanese   Move   Away   From 348 

French    Seduce     Chartier    348 

Five   Nations  Advise   War   on    the    Shawanese 348 

Five  Nations  Give  Another   Susquehanna   Deed 349 

Furney,   Adam  Wounded   at  Lancaster    353 

French   &   Indian   War — Lancaster   Teams   at 358 

Five   Nations — The    Delawares    Defy    Them    3G3 

Fulton,   Robert  Sr.   On  the  Killing  of  the   Conestogas 382 

G 

Gordon    On    the    Earliest   Appearance    of    Pennsylvania    Indians 3 

Guns — Early    Susquehannocks,    Fear  Of    36 

Grief    Among    the    Iroquois    61 

Gospel    Among   The    Indians    67 

Guss,   A.    L. — View   of   the    Susquehannocks,   Twepty   Years   of  War 98 

Ganawese    Settle    on   the    Susquehanna    River    147 

Garland   And   Askin   Sell   Rum   To   the   Conestogas 154 

Ganawese    Move    to    Pennsylvania    154 

Ganawese    Sick     , 154 

Garland,   Sylvester,   Arrested   for   Selling   Rum   To   The    Indians 157. 

Gap — Monument    to    Penn's    Visit    161 

Gap    Spring— Penn's   Visit    To    161 

Ganawese    at    the    Great    Treaty    of    1701 162 

German    Tract,   The   New    171 

Godin,    Nicole,    Reports    Depredations    at    Conestoga 175 

Gareau,   Niabolos,   Suspicious   Actions    at   Conestoga 175 

Gateau    Accuses    Godyn     176 

Ganawese  Come   to   Conestoga    178 


401  INDEX 

Germans    Buy    In    Land    At    Conestoga 187 

Godyn   Captured  at  Conestoga    193 

Gookin  Invites  the  Conestogas   To   Help   The   English    In    War 194 

Gookin  Attempted  to  Go  To  Conestoga,  Sick 196 

Gookin    Visits    the    Conestogas 201 

God  of  the  Conestogas    205 

Gookin — Another    Treaty    at    Conestoga    208 

Griest,   John,   Wrongly   Takes   Conestoga    Land 264 

Ganawese    at   the   Cartlidge    Inquest    I 267 

Ganawese — Conference    With    Keith    281 

Gl-eat   Treaty    of   Conestoga    and    Copy 281 

Germans — Indians  Complain   of  Encroachments    293 

Gordon   Places    Guardians   Over    Shawanese 296 

Gordon   Prepares   For  Conestoga   Treaty    301 

Godon  Attends  Conestoga  Treaty    302 

Gordon   Explains   His   Absence   Prom   Conestoga    310 

Gordon  on  the  Attack  of  the  Conestogas 314 

Governor's    Report   on    Indian    Depredations 317 

Germans    Settle   Among   the    Indians 318 

Gordon    Reminded   of    Penn's    Promise    318 

Governor's    Secretary   Visits   Conestoga    324 

Ganawese    Live    Above    Conestoga    323 

Government   Sends   for   Civility    324 

Great    Lancaster    Treaty    of    1744    340 

German  Children's  Sports  with  the  Indian  Children    389 

H 

Hudson    River    Visited    by    the    Susquehannocks 6 

Hurons    and    Iroquois    Go    and    Fight    37 

Hurons — Susquehannocks    Offer    Them    Help     37 

Hurons    Send   to    the    Susquehannocks   for    Help    38 

Hurons   Again   Appeal    to   the    Susquehannocks    40 

Hurons,    Too    Weak    to   Help    Susquehannocks    44 

Hogs,    Susquehannocks    Kill     '... 50 

Heckwelder   Comments    on    the    Conestoga    Massacre    125 

Hans,   John   and    the    Susquehannock    Indians    150 

Harlan,   Ezekiel,   Interpreter    282 

Harris's    Ferry — Friendly   Meeting   at    358 


Iroquois    On    the    Susquehanna    13 

Indian    Paths   About    Susquehanna     21 

Iroquois    and    Hurons    Fight     37 

Iroquois    Retaliate    on    the    Susquehannocks    40 

Iroquois    Susquehannock    War    40 

Iroquois    Held   at   Bay   by   the    Susquehannocks    49 

Iroquois    Expedition    Down    the    Susquehanna    River    53 

Iroquois    Attack    the    Susquehannock    Fort    53 

Iroquois    Fight    the    Susquehannocks    in    Manor    53 

Iroquois    Lose    Jesuit's    Favor     55 

Iroquois    Again    Attack    Susquehannocks     55 

Iroquois    Repulsed    at    Susquehannock    Fort    56 

Iroquois    Mourn    Their    Dead    Warriors    61 

Iroquois    Pray    to    Their    Gods    67 

Iroquois    Ask    Vengeance    of    the    Gods    on    the    Susquehannocks 67 

Iroquois    in    Terror    of    the    Susquehannocks 68 

Iroquois    Fortue    Telling    Against    the    Susquehannocks 69 


INDEX  402 

Iroquois    Beg   More    Help    to    Whip    the    Susquehannocks 71 

Iroquois    Fear    the    Susquehannocks'    Invasion    71 

Iroquois    Jugglers    Warn    Against    the    Susquehannocks 71 

Iroquois    Fear    the    Susquehannock    Invasion     71 

Iroquois    Distress    the    Susquehannock    Nation    72 

Iroquois    Very    Bold    121 

Iroquois    Threaten    to    Kill    All    Remaining    Susquehannocks 121 

Indian    Trail    from    Susquehanna    136 

Inquirer,    Lancaster    On    Penn's    Visit    161 

Indian    Harry    at     Philadelphia     170 

Iroquois — French    Make    Peace    With     171 

Indians,    Whites    Among    174 

Indian    Harry's    Brother     '  '.  174 

Iron    Ore    at    Conestoga    192 

Indians    Dig   Ore    at   Conestoga 192 

Iroquois   Demand   Annual    Tribute   by   the   Conestogas 198 

Indian    Traders,    Attack    On    240 

Inquest   on   the    Death   of  a   Conestoga   Indian    266 

Indian    Damages    in    Lancaster    County .  313 

Inquest — Death    of    a    Lancaster    County    Indian    316 

Indians   Disturbed    by    the    German    Settlement    '. 318 

Indian    Trade — Cartlidge     319 

Indian — Death    of,    Investigated 319 

Indiantown   —   Location    "  322 

Indian   Deed  for   Susquehanna   Lands .  328 

Indian    Release    for    Susquehanna    Lands 330 

Indian    Religion     '  334 

Indian    Depredations    at   Conestoga 331 

Indiantown — Descendants    Claim '  337 


Jessuit    Relations     17 

Jessuits    Opinion    of    the    Susquehannocks    ...... ......'.  ......'. '. 37 

Jessuits    Glad    the    Susquehannocks    Checked    the    Iroquois         '49 

Jessuits    Suspicious    of   the    Iroquois    55 

Indian,   Randal   Goes  to  the   Susquehannocks   in    1707.......... 173 

Joshua    Lowe    on    Inquest    '  3-^7 

Jews    in    Lancaster    344 

Jail    at    Lancaster — Indians    Killed 373 

K 

Kent    Isle    and    Susquehanna    Conspiracy     IS 

Kings    of    the    Susquehannocks    .  .      32 

Kidnapping   the    Susquehannocks    Threatened    by  '  the'  Senecas." ! 105 

Kekelappan    Sells   to   Penn    ' ^26 

Kyanharro    and    Orites,    Two    Susquehannocks    Visit    Council 14? 

Keith   and   the  Conestoga   Treaty    *  2;>4 

Keith  on  the  Importance      of   the   Treaty    of    1720 '  247 

Keith's    Great    Treaty    of    1721     '  952 

Keith's   Indian  Council   at  Conestoga   in    1722 274 

Keith   Leaves   Conestoga   for   New   Castle 976 

Keith    Objects    to    Spotswood's    Treaty 979 

Keith's    Speech    to    the    Shawanese " 934 


Lenepe,    First    Appearance 


403  INDEX 

Little    Indian   Picture   Rock    4 

Lancaster   County — First  White   Man   in    1615 15 

Lancaster   County    Indian    Paths    21 

Liquors   First  Given   by   the   Dutch    26 

Letter    Carriers    Between    Maryland    and    the    Susquehannocks 51 

Lord  Baltimore — Peace  With  the  Susquehannocks    102 

Lancaster    County — Penn's    First    Effort    130 

Letort — First    Appearance    in    Conestoga    138 

Letort    Suspected     141 

Letort,  Anne — Order  Against    142 

Letort  Appeared   in   1686    143 

Lease — Copy    of    Dungan's    to    Penn     144 

Location  of  the  Remnant  of  Susquehannocks    147 

Letort  Leaves    Conestoga    158 

Logan,    James — Statement    159 

Logan's  Statement  of  Penn's  Visit   159 

Logan   Tells   of   Penn's   Visit    160 

Land    Granted — Earliest    in    Conestoga    169 

Logan,   James — Earliest  Visit  to  Conestoga    170 

Letort   and    Bizalion    Held    in    Bonds    172 

Logan's    Intended   Trip   to   Conestoga   in   1703 173 

Letort  in   Jail   at   Philadelphia    177 

Logan's  Treaty  of  1705  at  Conestoga   179 

Logan's    Conestoga    Trip — Letter    on .   182 

Laws  Explained  to  the  Conestogas    183 

Logan's    Treaty — Costs    of    184 

Lutheran  Missionaries   at  Conestoga    194 

Lancaster   County's   First    Real    Settlements    199 

Letort — New   License   to   Trade    215 

Lost  Treaty    (Conestoga) ,   Minutes   of    223 

Location    of    Sawanna    Town 234 

Logan,    James — Again    at   Conestoga    241 

Logan  and   French   Probe   the  Murder    271 

Logan   Continues   the   Great   Treaty , 261 

Land    Purchases   from    the   Conestogas    287 

League    of   Friendship   with    Penn    288 

Logan — Convinces    the    Delawares     293 

Letort's   Letter — Shawanese    Hatred    286 

Lancaster   County — Shawanese   Leave    300 

.Lancaster   County   Organized     309 

Lancaster   County — Near   Chester    Indian    Damage 313 

Lancaster   County    Whites    Assaulted   by   the    Mingoes 315 

Lancaster   County   Indian   Depredations    317 

Lancaster  Court  House — Blunston   Helps   to   Raise 319 

Lancaster   County    Indians    Migrating    320 

Letort's    Cabin    Burned    322 

Lancaster  County  Lands  to  Be  Bought    328 

Lancaster   Indian  Excitement    340 

Lancaster — Great    Treaty    at,    in    1744 340 

Lancaster  in   1744 — Marshe's   Opinion    343 

Lancaster — Jews   at,   in   1744    344 

Lancaster — Dance  in  the  Court  House    344 

Lancaster — Indian  Feast  in  the  Court  House 344 

Lancaster — Whites  and   Indians   Arm       for   Defence    349 

Lancaster  County   Must  Be   Protected    349 

Lancaster — Shamokin    Indians  Visit    349 

Lancaster  —  Council   Fire  at    350 

Logtown — Its    Location    350 

Lancaster — Another  Great .  Treaty  at   350 


INDEX  404 

Lancaster  Treaty — Expense  of   351 

Land   on  the   Susquehanna— Another   Purchase   in   1754 354 

Lancaster  Indian  Deed  for  Land     in!753    354 

Lancaster  County  Petitions  for  Protection   356 

Lancaster — Danger   and   Confusion   in    357 

Lancaster   County — Teamsters   for   the   War    358 

Lancaster — Renewed  Excitement  in    359 

Lancaster  —  Reported    Burned  260 

Lancaster  County  Troops  Raised   360 

Lancaster — Indian  Council  at  in   1756    361 

Lancaster — Conestogas  Enraged   at    361 

Lancaster  Treaty  of  1757 357 

Lancaster — More   Strange  News    367 

Lancaster  Treaty  of  1757   Opened    367 

Lancaster — Murdered  Indians  Exhibited   at    368 

Lancaster   County — Conestogas   Threaten   to   Leave    369 

Lancaster — Delaware   Chiefs   at    374 

Lancaster  County — Last   Indians   in    386 

Lancaster   County    Indians — Papooses   and   White  Children 389 

M 

Miqua  Name  on   Slaten   Island   Deed    5 

Massawomekes       9 

Mohawks    or   Massawomekes    9 

Mohawks,   Enemies   of   the    Susquehannocks    10 

Mohawk    Susquehannock    War    13 

Maryland   vs.   Susquehannocks   in    1639    23 

Mountain — Susquehannocks    Live    on    26 

Maryland   Afraid   to   Fight   the   Susquehannocks    29 

Maryland  Tries  to  Make   Peace   with  the   Susquehannocks 31 

Marriages  of  the  Susquehannocks   33 

Maryland   Government   Disowns    Interference   with   Susquehannocks....  35 

Maryland   Governor  and   Council    Disagree  About   the    Susquehanocks.  .  35 

Maryland,  Cost  to  Watch   the   Susquehannocks    39 

Mowhawks   and  Others  vs.   Susquehannocks    41 

Maryland — Susquehannocks    Beg    Help    from    the    Iroquois... 43 

Maryland — Treaty    with   the   Susquehannocks    43 

Maryland   Deprives   the   Susquehannocks  of   Guns    45 

Maryland    Declares    the    Second    War    Against   the    Susquehannocks....  46 

Maryland's    Second    Peace    with    the    Susquehannocks 47 

Maryland — New    Treaty    with    the    Susquehannocks    50 

Manor   Township — Fight  Against   the   Fort 53 

Maryland    Again    Helps    the    Susquehannocks    54 

Minquays,    Swedish — Eight    Hundred    to    Help    the    Susquehannocks.  ...  54 

Maryland  Again  Helps  the  Susquehannocks 56 

Mohawks   Defeated   by   the   Susquehannocks    59 

Maryland  Co-operates   with   the   Susquehannocks 59 

Maryland    Helps    the    Susquehannocks    Against    Five    Nations 60 

Maryland  Declares  War  Against  the  Five  Nations 60 

Maryland — Peace   with   the   Susquehannocks    65 

Maryland  Raises  Men  to  Help  the  Susquehannocks   66 

Maryland — Heavy   Tax   Needed   to   Protect   the    Susquehannocks 70 

More   Susquehannocks   Tortured 71 

Maryland   Admits    Susquehannocks'    Defeat    by    the    Iroquois 73 

Maryland  Compels   Five   Nations   to  Cease   to   War   on   Susquehannocks  74 

Maryland   Protects    Susquehannocks   on   the   Potomac 75 

Maryland   Declares   War   Against   the   Susquehannocks 99 

Maryland   Asks  Virginia  to   Join  Against  the   Susquehannocks 78 


405  INDEX 

Maryland   Presents   to  Allies  to  Help   Defeat  Susquehannocks 99 

Maryland — Susquehannocks   Beg   Peace   with    99 

Maryland    Will    Make    Peace    with    the    Susquehannocks 101 

Maryland    Citizens    Say    Susquehannocks    Are    Abused 103 

Maryland   at  a  Great  Expense   by   Fighting  Against   Susquehannocks..  105 

Maryland  Takes  Hands  Off   105 

Maryland — New    Treaty   with   the    Susquehannocks    106 

Macques   Agree   to   Peace   with   Maryland    109 

Macques   Accuse  the   Susquehannocks    110 

Maryland    Helps   the   Piscataways   Against   the    Senecas 112 

Maryland   Helps   the   Piscataways  Against  the   Susquehannocks 112 

Maryland  Helps  the   Piscataways  Against  the    Susquehannocks 116 

Mattawomans   Fear   the    Slave    Susquehannocks    117 

Maryland  to  Drive  Out  the   Susquehannocks    118 

Maryland   to   Slaughter   the   Susquehannocks    120 

Maryland  to  Be   Invaded  by  the   Senecas    121 

Maryland   Impeaches   Young    123 

Maryland — Peace   with   the  Five   Nations   and   the    Susquehannocks....  124 

Manor    Township — Susquehannocks   Move    to    126 

Machaloha   Sells   to    Penn    127 

Maryland — Peace  with  the   Susquehannocks 140 

Markham's   Letter       143 

Maryland's  Last  Treaty  with   the   Susquehannocks    148 

Maryland — Protection   Against   Susquehannock    Invasion    148 

Maryland's    Treaty    with    All    the    Conestoga    Indians    149 

Maryland  to  Treat  the  Susquehannock   Free    150 

Marshe's    Project    (Susquehanna) 158 

"Mount   Misery"   and   Penn    161 

"Mount  Joy"   and   Penn     161 

Mitchell,  Louis — French  to  Fall    on   Conestoga    178 

Maryland — Intend  to  Fall   on  Conestoga    178 

Minquays   at   Conestoga     187 

Missionaries  at  Conestoga 194 

Mennonites   Settling  .Among  Conestogas     207 

Mennonites  Settling  Among  Conestogas    210 

Mennonites — Indian   Jealously  Against 235 

Mingoes   Commit   Depredations     315 

Mitchell,   James  Wants   Pay   for  Services  to  the   Indians 315 

Miranda,    Isaac   Complained   Against    315 

Mulatto  Captured   by  the  Conoys 319 

Migration    of    Indians 320 

Murder    at   Conestoga    334 

Marshe,  Witman's  Opinion   of  Lancaster    343 

Murder   of  the   Conestogas 375 

Murder  of  Conestogas— Killed  in  Jail    378 

Murdered  Conestogas — List  of  Their  Goods    379 

N 

New  Sweden,  Map  of     22 

New   Albion  in   1646    32 

Nimbleness  of  the   Susquehannocks     33 

New   York,   Susquehannocks   Annex   Their  Lands  to    33 

New   York   Governor,   a   Friend    of   the    Susquehannocks 101 

New  England  Nearly  Ruined  Five  Nations    Ill 

Norris,  Isaac's  Letter  on  Penn's  Second  Visit    159 

New  County — Janney   Interested    173 

Nantikokes  at  Governor  Evans'  Treaty   188 

Nantikokes    Move    to    Cocalico    265 


INDEX  406 

Nottingham — Governor    Left    for    Philadelphia    276 

.Nantikokes  Have  Moved   350 

Nantikoke  in  Lancaster  Jail    354 

Nantikokes  at  Cocalico   369 

o 

Origin  of  Pennsylvania   Indians    3 

Onondagoes  Fear  the   Susquehannocks 40 

Ontario   Lake — Susquehannocks   Hunt  Near    41 

Ontario — Susquehannocks    Still    Hunting    at    45 

Obder,  Captain — To  Help  the  Susquehannocks    48 

Ontario — Fort   of  the   Susquehannocks    58 

Oniedas  Co-Operate  with  the  Senecas  Against  the   Susquehannocks....  67 

Onondagoes  Kill  the  Whites,  Not  the   Susquehannocks 109 

Onondagoes    Blame    Their   Murders    On    the    Susquehannocks 109 

"Old    Surveys    &   Land   Warrants" 137 

Old   Fort — Susquehannocks   at    148 

Octoraro,   Upper — Shawanese   Town    155 

Octoraro — Mouth   of   Settled   by    Pennsylvania    155 

Owen  and   Shippen   with   Penn  at   Susquehanna 159 

Onondagoes    at   the    Great    Treaty    of    1701 162 

Octoraro   Settlement   and   Trade    173 

Opessah  Met  Governor  Evans   at   Pequehan    188 

Ore — Shawanese   Digging  Ore   Near  Conestoga    199 

Opessah,    Late    Shawanese    King    219 

Opessah   Visits   Philadelphia    219 

Opessah,  Council  with    219 

"Old   Shawanna  Town" — Location  of    234 

Octoraro — Shawanese   Wigwam    on    240 

Ohio — Shawanese    Have   Moved    to    286 

P 

Pennsylvania   Indians,  Earliest  Appearance    3 

Pictographs  On  Susquehanna    4 

Perfidy    of  the    Susquehannocks 33 

Piscataways  Complain  of  War   46 

Paint   (War  Paint)   of  the  Susquehannocks   63 

Piscataway  Emperor  Visits  at  Susquehanna    68 

Pennsylvania,  Map  of,  in  1671 70 

Potomac — Susquehannocks   Driven  to,   by  the   Senecas    75 

Peace — New  Treaty  with  the  Susquehannocks    106 

Peace  with  the  Senecas    107 

Peace  —  First    Steps 107 

Palmer's  Island    108 

Perfidy   of  the   Susquehannocks     109 

Peace  Song  by  the  Macques   110 

Pequea   Creek — Shawanese    Arrive Ill 

Pittsburg — Red   Pole  Buried   at    112 

Piscataways — Susquehannocks    Fall    On 112 

Piscataways   Frightened  by  the   Senecas 114 

Piscataways   Come   to  Council 115 

Piscataways   Blame  the  English  for  the   Susquehannocks'  Enmity 116 

Piscataways   Frightened   by   the   Susquehannocks    118 

Penn   Meets   the    Susquehannocks    125 

Penn  Meets  the    Susquehannocks 125 

Penn  Meets  the  Conestogas 125 

Penn's    Treaty — Minutes    of   the   Conference    125 


407  INDEX 

Paxtang    Murder— Heckwelder's   Comment     12o 

Perm's  First  Purchase  from  the  Susquehannocks    1-6 

Penn's  Second  Purchase  from  the  Susquehannocks    12 7 

Penn   and   Dungan   Disgrace   About   Susquehanna 128 

Penn's  First  Visit  to  Conestoga    129 

Penn's   Projected  City   on   Susquehanna    1«*0 

Penn's  Journey  Back    Jjj2 

Penn  Criticized  by  Dungan    1^ 

Penn's  Title  to  Susquehanna    Disputed    134 

Penn's  Walking  Purchase  to  Susquehanna    134 

Philadelphia's  Earliest   Trade  with   the   Conestogas 139 

Penn   Leases   Susquehanna   from   Dungan 144 

Penn  Buys  Susquehanna  from  Dungan    14o 

Pequea — Shawanese  Arrive   when    If6 

Penn — Susquehannocks    Deed  to    151 

Part    II       .- xl\ 

Pequea  Indians  Complain  of  Rum    «>| 

Potomac   Indians   Settle  Near  Conestoga 1&8 

Penn  Wants  to  Navigate  the   Susquehanna    158 

Penn's   Second  Voyage  to   Susquehanna    159 

Penn  at  the  Conestoga  King's  Palace   159 

Penn's   Route   to   Susquehanna    159 

Penn's    Route    Home   from    Susquehanna    159 

Penn   Called,   "Onash"    160 

Parchment  Given  Conestogas  by   Penn    160 

Penn's  Treaty  with  the  Mongoes    160 

Penn's   "Second"  Visit  to   Susquehanna — Watson 160 

Penn's   Visit — Monument  at   Gap    161 

Penn— Lancaster  County   Indians  Give  Him  Good-bye    165 

Penn's  Speech  to  the  Conestogas  On   Returning  to  Egland 165 

Pequea   Creek — The    Shawanese    Home    168 

Preaching — Earliest    at   Conestoga    169 

Palatines  Buying  Land  at  Conestoga   187 

Palatines   Settling   Among   Conestogas    207 

Palatines — Indian    Jealousy    Against    235 

Passalty's   Testimony   on  Conestoga  Murder    269 

Parchment   Signed    by    Penn   with   the   Conestogas    274 

Pardon    for    Cartlidge    278 

Penn — Conestogas    Will    Always    Remember    Him    282 

Penn — Conestogas    Say    They    Saw    Him    282 

Penn's    Speech — Conestogas    Repeat    It 282 

Petticoats — Five   Nations    Threaten   Shawanese   with    285 

Penn — William's    Son    Born    in    Pennsylvania    288 

Paxtang   and   the   Rum   Trade    290 

Palatines — Indians    Complain   Against    Them    293 

Philadelphia — Conestoga    Indians    Present    at    a    Treaty 310 

Penn  Promised  the   Indians  Peace  on  the   Susquehanna 318 

Philadelphia,  Shawanese  Treaty  Held  at   322 

Pennsylvania,   Indian  Town  in    322 

Penn's    Treaty    Shown    by    the    Conestogas     326 

Protection  from  the   Indians    356 

Presbyterians   on   the   Protection   Against   the    Indians 382 

Paxtang   Boys — Justification    of   Murder 383 

Papooses    Playing   with    the    White    Children    389 

R 

Rock    Pictures    on    Susquehanna    4 

Red  Hot  Irons  On  Scalped  Enemy 36 


INDEX  408 

Religion  of  the  Susquehannocks    64 

Red   Pole — The  Last  Shawanese    Ill 

Robberies    Committed    by   the    Susquehannocks    118 

Rum   Among   the   Conestogas    133 

Riding   Purchase    135 

Rum   Sold   to  Conestogas    154 

Religious   Teaching  to   Indians     155 

Rocky  Run       156 

Rum   Selling   Petitioned   Against   in   Assembly    157 

Rum   Difficulties  at  Conestoga    165 

Road   to  Susquehanna   First  Mentioned     169 

Road — Conestoga  to  New   Castle    177 

Rum  Trade  at  Conestoga   177 

Religion — Chalkley    Teaches    Conestogas    186 

Religious   Services  by  Chalkley 216 

Religion    of   the   Conestogas    218 

Rum    at   Conestoga    280 

Religion  of  the  Conestogas    218 

Rum    at   Conestoga    280 

Rum   Causes   Accident   on    the   Delaware 319 

Rum    at   Conestoga    324 

Rum,    Conestogas    Complain    Against    325 

Religion   of  the   Indians    331 

Rum — Indians   Protest   Against     334 

Rum — New    Proclamation   Against     349 

s 

Susquehanna,   First  Appearance   of   Indian  On 3 

Susquehanna   Rock    Pictures    4 

Susquehannocks    Before    1600    4 

Susquehannock's    Earliest    Trade     5 

St.    Lawrence — Susquehannocks    Trading   On    5 

Susquehannocks   Trade   On   the   St.   Lawrence    5 

Susquehanna,    The    &    Smith    6 

Smith    and   the    Susquehannocks    6 

Smith's  Captain  John,    "True    Relation  "    6 

Smith's    General    History    On    Virginia    7 

Susquehanna,   Smith's   Praise  of    7 

Susquehanna,  Smith  Stranded  On  the  Rocks    7 

Susquehannocks,    Description    of    8 

Susquehannocks — Dress    and    Weapons   of    8 

Susquehannocks — Sixty    Visit    Smith    — 8 

Susquehanna — Smith's    Second    Voyage 9 

Smith's    "Mappe    "     11 

Susquehanna   Early   Towns    11 

Susquehannocks — Early    War    Customs    13 

Susquehannocks — Early    Wanderers        13 

Susquehannocks   and   Mohawk   Fights    Before    1600    13 

Susquehannocks    Mohawk    War    13 

Susquehannocks,    General    War                                         14 

Susquehanna   Delaware   Channel    Proposed   in   1613    15 

Susquehanna — Earliest    White    Man    On    15 

Susquehanna  Trade   Posts   in   1615    15 

Susquehanna    Trade    Thriving     16 

Susquehannocks    Attack    Kent    Island    16 

Susquehanna  Mowhawk   War  of   1629    17 

Susquehannock    Petit   Wars     17 

Susquehannock   Victorious    Over   All 17 


409  INDEX 

Susquehannocks  Taught  by  the  Swedes    18 

Swedes   Teach   the   Susquehanocks    18 

Swedes    Teach   the    Susquehannocks     18 

Swedes  Hire   Soldiers  to  the  Susquehannocks    18 

Susquehannock    Barbarities        18 

Small  Pox  Spread  by  the  Susquehannocks    19 

Susquehannocks'    Mythology    ] 

Susquehannocks  Sell  the  River  in   1737    19 

Susquehanna  Valley   Sold  to  Claybourne    19 

Swedes    Buy   Susquehanna   Lands    • 20 

Susquehannocks    Sell    to    Swedes     20 

Susquehanna   Valley   Taken   from   Claybourne    21 

Susquehanna,    A   Converted    21 

Susquehanna  Indian   Path  to  Delaware     21 

Susquehannock    Customs         22 

Susquehannocks   Angered   at   Maryland    23 

Susquehannocks'    Location        25 

Susquehannocks — Extent   of    Possessions    25 

Susquehannocks   On   a    High    Mountain    26 

Skins,    etc. — Trade   with   the   Swedes    26 

Swedish   Trade   with  the   Susquehannocks    26 

Susquehannocks — Number    of        27 

Spears   of   the    Susquehannocks    27 

Speared   Through   the    Body    27 

Susquehannocks    Declared    Public    Enemies    27 

Swedish    Land    Purchase — Extent    of    27 

Schuylkill — Susquehannock     Trappers    On     28 

Susquehanocks   Defy   Maryland   to   Fight    29 

Susquehannock   Expedition   a   Failure    29 

Susquehannocks — Third    Expedition    Against     30 

Susquehannocks — Maryland  Advises    Peace    31 

Susquehannocks — Robert    Evelyn's    Estimate    of    32 

Susquehannocks  Go  in  the  New  York   Government    33 

Swedes    and    Dutch — Rivalry    for    the    Susquehannock    Trade 34 

Susquehannock  Location  and  Trade  in   1646    36 

Susquehannock  Fort  in  1646   36 

Susquehannocks  to   Be   Peace  Makers   Between   Hurons   and   Iroquois..  37 

Susquehannocks   Offer   to   Help   Hurons    37 

Susquehannocks   Interfere   in   Iroquois   Huron   War 38 

Susquehannocks    Send    Trade    to    Iroquois    38 

Susquehannocks   Have   1300   Warriors    39 

Susquehannocks,   Cost   of  Watching    39 

Susquehannocks    Terrorize    Onondagoes    40 

Susquehannock    Iroquois    War 40 

Susquehannock    Iroquois    War    41 

Susquehannocks   Fought  by  Mohawk  Combine  41 

Susquehannock    Iroquois    War    Progresses    42 

Susquehannocks — Crushing   Blow   from   the    Iroquois    42 

Susquehannocks   Beg  Alliance   with   Maryland    43 

Susquehannocks — Treaty   with    Maryland    43 

Susquehannocks   to   Be    Deprived   of   Guns    45 

Susquehannocks   Hunting  at  Ontario    45 

Susquehannocks — Maryland    Declares    the    Second    War    Against 46 

Susquehannocks — Hard   Luck  in   War    46 

Susquehannocks — Maryland    Co-operates    with    48 

Susquehannocks  Hold  Iroquois  at  Bay    49 

Susquehannocks    and    a    Broken    Up    Fur    Trade 50 

Susquehannocks    Ungrateful    to   Maryland    50 

Susquehannocks   Steal   from   the   Marylanders    50 


INDEX  410 

Susquehannocks,   New   Treaty   with   Maryland    50 

Susquehannocks   Do  Not  Appreciate  Help    52 

Susquehannocks  Will  Not  Assist  in   Their  Own   Protection 52 

Susquehannocks    Blockaded    in    Their    Fort    52 

Senecas    Blockade    the    Susquehannocks'    Fort    52 

Susquehannocks    Burn    Twenty-five    Iroquois     53 

Susquehannocks — Help    from    Maryland         54 

Susquehannocks   Get   the    Better   of    the    Iroquois    55 

Susquehannock   Fort,    Second   Attack   Against    55 

Susquehannocks   in   Favor   with   Maryland     56 

Susquehannocks    Defeat    the    Iroquois 56 

Susquehannocks    Take   Charge   of   the   Iroquois    War    56 

Seneca    Susquehannock    War    Begins    57 

Seneca    Susquehannock    War    Progresses     58 

Susquehannocks    —    Octoraro      Fort    58 

Senecas    Rob    Pennsylvanians         59 

Susquehannocks    Have    Maryland    Hel  p        59 

Susquehannock    Presented   to   the    King   of    France    62 

Susquehannocks    by    Alsop         62 

Susquehannocks    Beg    Peace    with    the    Iroquois    65 

Susquehannocks    Beg    Help    of    Maryland    66 

Susquehannock    War    Sends    Gospel    to    the    Iroquois 67 

Susquehannocks    Go    to    the    Jessuits    for    Religious    Instructions 67 

Susquehannocks,    Two    Tortured    by    Onondagoes     68 

Susquehannocks — Christians    Burned    to    Death     68 

Susquehannocks    Terrorize    the    Iroquois     68 

Sorcery    of    the    Iroquois      69 

Surquehannocks   Cause    Iroquois   to    Seek    Forgotten    Trader 69 

Susquehannocks    Go    to    the    Jessuits    69 

Susquehannock    Fort    in    1670    69 

Susquehannocks — New    Treaty    with    the    Whites    69 

Susquehannock    Boys    Whip    Cayuga     Men    70 

Susquehannocks   Captured    and    Burned    to    Death    71 

Susquehannocks    Great    Chief — Plan    of    Capture    72 

Susquehannocks    Losing    Against    the    Iroquois    72 

Susquehannocks    in    Final    Overthrow    73 

Susquehannocks    Overthrown    by    the    Five    Nations    73 

Susquehannocks  to  Be  Exterminated  by   the   Five  Nations 73 

Susquehannocks   Driven   from   Their   River    74 

Susquehannocks    Move    to    the    Potomac    75 

Susquehannocks — Twenty   Years'   War  Ended   in   Their   Defeat 74 

Susquehannocks — Maryland    Starts    to    Fight    Them    77 

Susquehannocks — Maryland    and    Indian    Tribes    Move    on    Susqueh'ks     78 

Susquehannocks,    Slaughter   of — Truman   and   Washington    Expedition..  78 

Streeter,    F.     S. — Fall    of    the    Susquehannocks 79 

Susquehannocks,    Fall    of         79 

Susquehannocks,    Fall    of— See    Fall    of    the    Susquehannocks 79 

Susquehannocks — Slaughter     of,     by    Truman        91 

Susquehannocks — Slaughter   of— Trial    of   Colonel    Truman    for..      91    to    98 

Susquehannocks    in    Great   War;    Opinion    by    Guss 98 

Susquehannocks — Present   by   Maryland   to    Indians    Who    Helped    to 

Defeat    Them    99 

Susquehannocks    Beg    Peace    with    Maryland    99 

Susquehannocks — Partial    Peace    with    the    Senecas     100 

Senecas — Partial     Peace    with    the    Susquehannocks     100 

Susquehannocks    Fort — Its     Location         100 

Susquehannocks    Invited    to    Return        100 

Susquehannocks   Leave   Potomac    101 

Susquehannocks    Go   Back   to   the    Susquehanna    ... 101 


411  INDEX 

Susquehannocks   and   Other   Tribes   at   Peace    102 

Susquehannocks    Have    the    Sympathy    of    Maryland    -. 103 

Susquehannocks    to    Be    Protected — Collyer     104 

Susquehannocks    and    Senecas — Small    Fight    104 

Senecas   and    Susquehannocks — Small    Fight    104 

Senecas    Threaten    to    Kidnap    the    Susquehannocks    105 

Swedes    at    Upland    Protect    Susquehannocks    105 

Susquehannocks — New   Treaty   with   Maryland     106 

Susquehannocks  Among  Senecas  in  New  York    107 

Susquehannocks  Considered   Perfidiou  s 109 

Senecas    Falsely    Accuse    Susquehannocks     109 

Senecas    Deceive    the     English    109 

Susquehannocks    Accused    cf    Crimes    of    Others    109 

Shawanese    Come    to    Lancaster    County    Ill 

Susquehannocks — Incite    Senecas    to     Invade   Maryland    112 

Senecas  Fall  on  the  Piscataways    112 

Susquehannocks    and    Senecas    Surprise    Piscataways     112 

Senecas    at   the    Old    Susquehanna    Fort    112 

Senecas   Make   Tools   for  the   Susquehannocks    112 

Senecas   Fall   on   the   Piscataways    112 

Susquehannocks    Divided    Among    Senecas    113 

Susquehannocks — One    Branch    Carried    Away    the    Senecas 113 

Senecas   Carry   Away    Susquehannocks   to   New    York    113 

Susquehannocks   Back   from   the   Slaughter   Trip  to   Virginia 113 

Susquehannocks    Build    a    New    Fort    115 

Senecas   Help   Susquehannocks   to   Build    a   Fort    115 

Susquehannocks    Fire    On    the    Piscataways     116 

Senecas    Fire    On    Piscataways    116 

Susquehannocks    Stealing   On    Piscataways    117 

Susquehannocks    Desert    the    Senecas     117 

Susquehannocks    Slaves    of    the    Senecas    117 

Senecas    Enslave    the    Susquehannocks    117 

Susquehannock    Fort — Its    Location 118 

Susquehannocks  Are   Thieves   and   Robbers    118 

Susquehannocks  to  Be   Driven  Out  of  Maryland    118 

Susquehannocks    Fear    the    Senecas    119 

Senecas    Fall    On    Sachariah    Fort    119 

Susquehannocks    Slaves    Among    the    Senecas — Their    Condition 119 

Susquehannocks — An    Escaped    Slave    Tell    Tale    119 

Susquehannocks — No    Quarter    to    Be    Given    by    Maryland 120 

Susquehannocks    Suffer    Among    Five    Nations     120 

Slaves — Susquehannocks    in    Slavery         120 

Senecas    Prepare    to    Invade    Maryland    121 

Susquehannocks   Get    Senecas   to    Invade    Maryland    121 

Susquehannocks     Among    Senecas        124 

Susquehannocks — Peace    with     Maryland         124 

Susquehannocks    Meet    William    Penn     125 

Susquehannocks    Move    to    Turkey    Hill    126 

Susquehanna   Land   Sold   to   Penn    127 

Susquehannocks    Second    Sale    to    Penn    127 

Susquehannocks    Report   the    Penn    Sale   to   the    Five   Nations 128 

Susquehannocks    Sell    to    Dungan        128 

Susquehanna     River — Penn    Visits        129 

Susquehanna    Land — Fertility    of        130 

Susquehannocks    Debauched    by    Maryland    Rum    133 

Susquehanna    Settlement — Five    Nations    Oppose    134 

Susquehanna — Walking    Purchase    Reaches         134 

Susquehannocks    Not    to    Be    Offended    '135 

Susquehannock    Fort — When    Destroyed         137 


INDEX  412 

Susquehannocks — First    French    Traders     Among    138 

Susquehannocks — Commissioners    Sent    Among         139 

Susquehanna — Senecas    Coming    to    Live    On    139 

Senecas    Move    to    Susquehanna     139 

Susquehannocks    Want    Peace    with    Maryland     140 

Susquehanna — Indian    Expedition     Up        140 

Susquehannock    Chiefs    Visit     Council     142 

Susquehannocks — Five    Nations    Try    to    Force    Them    to    the    French .  . 
Susquehannocks,   Senecas  and   Shawanese — All  at  Peace  with 

Maryland    143 

Susquehanna    Leased    Back    to    Penn    by    Dungan 144 

Susquehanna    Sold    to    Penn    by    Dungan    145 

Shawanese    Reach    Pequea,     When     146 

Steelman — A    Spy    on    Susquehanna    River     146 

Susquehannocks — Only    a    Remnant    Left     146 

Susquehannocks    Remnant,    Location         147 

Susquehannocks    at    Their    Old    Habitation    148 

Susquehannocks — P'ear    They    will    Invade    Maryland    148 

Susquehannock    Friendship    and    Maryland     149 

Susquehannocks    to    be    Treated    with    Respect 150 

Susquehannocks   Make   General    Treaty  of  Peace 151 

Susquehannocks    Renew    All    Former    Treaties     151 

Susquehannocks'  Deed  to  Penn    151 

Susquehanna    Valley — Whole    Sold    to    Penn    by    the    Indians 151 

Setting    Sun — Penn's    Deed    Extends    to     151 

Susquehannocks    —    Fragment     of        156 

Steelman    Gives    Rum    to    the    Conestogas    157 

Susquehanna — Penn's    Second    Voyage    to     159 

Shawanese    at    Conestoga — Treaty    of    1701     162 

Susquehannocks    Give    Penn    Good-bye    in    1701     165 

Shawanese    Lament    Use    of    Rum     165 

Piscataways,    Rumor    of   Coming   to    Conestoga 165 

Skeletons    Near    Columbia         167 

Susquehannocks — Remains   of,   at   Col  umbia     167 

Shawanese    Location        168 

Susquehanna    Road    First    Mentioned     169 

Susquehanna — Visit    by     Chalkley         172 

Shawanese    to    Be    Carried    Off    174 

Sufferings    at    Conestoga    in    1704     176 

Swedish    Indian    Road   from    Conestoga    to    Delaware 177 

Susquehannock    Fort    —    Location        182 

Skins,    Deer,    Fox    and    Raccoon    at    Conestoga 184 

Squaws — Dbauchment  of,  by   Evans 185 

Swedish    Missionaries    at    Conestoga 194 

Susquehanna — Delawares    Move    to         198 

Slaves — Conestogas    Under    the    Iroquois     198 

Shawanese    Digging    Ore    Near    Conestoga    199 

Shawanese    —    Gookin     Visits         201 

Sermon — Conestoga    Replies    to    a    Swedish    Minister    204 

Swedish    Sermon    Answered    by    a    Conestoga 204 

Shawanese    at    Pequea    Capture    an    Indian    215 

Shawanese    —    Treaty     with     219 

Smith-Christopher — Account    of    Conestoga     Treaty     225 

Spotswood,    Governor    of    Virginia,    Complains    Against    Conestogas....   228 

Surveys    at    Conestoga         229 

Shawanese    March    to    Philadelphia    230 

"Sawanna    Town,    Old"    Location    of    234 

Southern    Indians    Attack    Conestoga     240 

Shawanese    Wigwams    On    Octoraro 240 


413  INDEX 

Susquehanna — Tuscaroras    Live    On         • 241 

Shawanese     in    Treaty         246 

Southern    Indians    Retaliate        250 

Shawanese    Present    at    Logan's    Treaty    250 

Springetsbury     Manor         274 

Susquehanna — No    One    to    Settle    Opposite    275 

Spotswood's    Treaty    with    the    Conestogas    278 

Spotswood— Keith    Objects    to    Him    Holding    a    Treaty 279 

Shawanna    King    to    Govenor    Keith    280 

Shawanese — Great    Hardship    Among        281 

Shawanese    Go    to    Pay    Tribute    281 

Springetsbury    Manor — Warrant    For 281 

Susquehanna    Indians'    Message    to    Philaedlphia    282 

Shawanese    Message    to     Philadelphia    283 

Shawanese —  Why    Moved        286 

Southern    Indians — Susquehannocks    Will    Net    Hurt    286 

Susquehanna    River — Indian    Tribes    Living    On    285 

Shawanese    Kill    Two    Conestogas     294 

Shawanese    Started    to    Move     294 

Shawanese — Conestogas    Will    Fight    Them    295 

Shawanese    Annoy    Other     Tribes    295 

Shawanese,    When    They    Arrived    in    Pennsylvania    296 

Shawanese    —    Guadians     for    296 

Skins — Great    Number    at    Conestoga     300 

Shawanese    Leave    Lancaster    County    300 

Shawanese    Leave    Conestoga    from    Fright    301 

Susquehanna    Indians    Frightened         308 

Southern    Indians    Kill    the     Conestogas    314 

Susquehanna    Indians    Not   to    Be    Disturbed    318 

Shawanese    Leaving 320 

Shawanese — The    Governor    Invites    Them    to    Come    Back 321 

Shawanese    Hold    a    Treaty    at    Philadelphia    322 

Shawanese — Funeral    Expenses    of        324 

Susquehanna    River,    Lands    to    Be    Bought     328 

Susquehannocks — Their    Defeat    by    the    Five    Nations    Mentioned 328 

Susquehanna    Lands,    Deed    for     328 

Susquehanna    Lands — Indian    Release    of    330 

Southerland    Stabbed    by    an    Indian    332 

Senecas    Sell    Land    in    Lancaster    County    332 

Shawanese   Excited   Over   the    Senecas'    Sale    332 

Shawanese    Chief    at    Conestoga     335 

Shawanese    Customs        337 

Shawanese    Break   An    Agreement    339 

Shawanese — Five   Nations   Advise   War   On    348 

Shawanese — Five    Nations   Advise    War    On    349 

Shickalamy    Sick        349 

Shamokin    Indians  Visit  Lancaster    349 

Susquehannock    Lands,    Another    Deed    for    349 

Susquehanna    Indians    Urged    to    War    350 

Six    Nations   Command    the    Susquehannocks    to    Go    to    War 350 

Shawanese    Pardoned        351 

Susquehanna    Land     Granted        " 352 

Susquehanna — Land    Purchased    On         354 

Shawanese   Desert   the   English    : 358 

Shickalamy — His    Sister   at    Conestoga    363 

Susquehanna    Lands    in    Controversy     366 


INDEX  414 

T 

Turkey    Tribe,    First     Appearance 3 

Turtle    Tribe,    First    Appearance     3 

Turtle    and    Turkey    Tribes,    the    First    Susquehanna    Indians 3 

Trading — Earliest    Among    Susquehanna    Indians     5 

"True    Relation"    by    Captain    John    Smith 6 

The    "Demolished    Fort"    on    Susquehanna    22 

Trade    with    Susquehannocks — Commodities         26 

Trade    of    Susquehannocks — Whites    Jealous    34 

Torture    of    Scalped     Enemy     36 

Truman — Charge    Against    for    Slaughtering    Susquehannocks     91 

Truman    —    Proceedings     Against    92 

Truman    —    Witnesses     Against 93 

Truman — Articles     of    Impeachment 94 

Truman — Answer    to    the    Charge     95 

Truman    —    Proceedings         96 

Truman    —    Attainder    Verdict     97 

Tribes,    Various — At    Peace    with    the    Susquehannocks 102 

Taxes   Made    High    by    the    Seneca    War 105 

Tachanoontia    On    the    Overthrow    of    the    Susquehannocks Ill 

The    Senecas     Tricky 120 

Turkey    Hill — Susquehannocks    Move    to    ? 126 

Talbot    Threatens    to    Capture    Penn    at    Susquehanna 130 

Treaties — All    Former    Renewed    by    the    Susquehannocks 151 

Thomas    Holme's    Map         156 

The    New    German    Tract 17] 

Traders,    French,    Live    with    the    Indians    172 

Tobacco   to   Be    Shipped    Down    the   Chesapeake    173 

Treaty     Proceedings        233 

Tuscaroras     On    Susquehannocks         241 

Treaty,    The    Great — Conestoga    Have    a    Copy 281 

Tawenna's    Speech    at    Conestoga    Treaty    31.1 

Treaty    of    Shawanese    at    Philadelphia     322 

Traders    —    Complaint      Against     325 

Traders    in    Danger   from    the    Indians 340 

Thomas,    Governor    Sick         349 

Treaty    at    Lancaster    in    1748    350 

The    Last    Two    Indians    in    Lancaster   County 386 

W 

Weapons    of    the     Susquehannocks     8 

War    Customs    of    the    Susquehannocks    13 

War    Declared    Against    the    Susquehannocks     27 

War    Dress    of    the    Susquehannocks    , 36 

War   and   Small   Pox   Among  the    Susquehannocks    54 

War    Howls    of    the    Susquehannocks 62 

Women     of    Susquehanna         63 

Washington,    John   of  Virginia   Leads   the   Army   Against    Susquehan'ks  78 

Walking    Purchase    Stretches    to    Susquehanna     134 

Walking    Purchase — Boundary    of         136 

Widaagh,    et.    al. — Deed    to    Penn    151 

Wright,    James    Appointed    to    Look    After    Indians    155 

Walking    Purchase — Boundary    of         156 

Walker,    Isaac's    Monument    at    Gap    to    Penn's    Visit 161 

Whites — Earliest    Land    at    Conestoga     169 

White    Men    at     Conestoga     168 

Whites    Among    Conestogas         174 


415  INDEX 

Washington    Borough— Governor    Evans'    Treaty    at     188 

Wampum— Mysterious    Belt    of         • 

Worley,    Henry— Messenger    to    Conestoga     £* 

Weiser,    Conrad— On    Indian    Religion     *« 

Wigwams    On    Octoraro        r 

__-       ___       O- i „4-~V.„-ir         l\/ToTlr»J'  "i 

282 

286 


Warrat    for    Springetsbury     Manor 
Whiwhinjac— King    of    the    Ganawese 
Walking     Purchase    —    Trouble     About 


Wright,    Thomas,    Killed    Near    Conestoga     -»* 

Wright's,   John,  Letter   About  Enmity    of   Shawanese    MS 

Whites  Not  Killed  by  the   Conestogas    gz 

Walking    Purchase     Mentioned        •  •  • »zq 

Walking   Purchase   Again   Mentioned   in    1  <s><     obb 

V 

Virginia   Will   Make   Peace   with   the    Susquehannocks 101 

Valley    Forge    and    Penn  i°l 

Virginia,    Governor   of    and   Conestoga    Treaty    -f 4 

Virginia    Dissatisfied    with    the    Conestogas    2M 

Virginia— Treaty    with    the    Conestogas    2  <  8 

u 

Upland    Court    Protects    Susquehannocks    from    Kidnapping     105 

Y 

Yaowacoes    and    Susquehannocks     , 1« 

Young,    Jacob— Seneca    Fight    at    House    104 

Young  Sent  to  the   Old   Susquehanna   Fort    112 

Young,  .  Jacob    —    Impeachment     123 

Young,    Jacob— Married    Susquehannock    Squaw     123 

Young's     Answer        124 

Young's    Service    For    Maryland     124 

Young,    Jacob — His    Conspiracy    Discussed     126 

z 

Zachariah    Fort        119 


END. 


ty. 


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